Richard Reeves (27:11)
Yeah, I mean it's. This is a lot of. This is problem stuff. So it's going to be quite negative. But I think it's important that we're honest about the problems that many, many men have. I've mentioned these huge education gaps. So boys and men are behind on every metric in education. In the average school district, boys are a year behind girls and key literacy tests, etc, huge gaps on college campuses. Just our education system's just not doing well by our boys and men. That flows into education later and to work. So if you look at men in their early 20s, men between the ages of 20 and 24, one in 10 of them aren't working or in college. Just we don't really know what they're doing. So that's a decimation of young men in terms of just we don't know what they're doing and huge mental health challenges for both young men and young women. But the way they play out for young men is different. It's more externalizing and in particular harm towards self. So the suicide rate among boys and young men is four times higher than it is among young women. And it's gone up. And in particular, the thing, one of the ones that really keeps me awake at night, which I didn't even know about, I wouldn't have this data when I wrote the book, but since 2010, all of the rise in suicide has been among young men. Really, it's young men. It's risen by almost. It's risen by almost a third, really among men under the age of 30, just since 2010. That's a very short period of time for a massive increase that is a public health crisis, the loss of life. So you're losing 40,000 men a year to suicide now in the US which is the same as the death toll from breast cancer among women. And because men's mental health challenges very often don't get diagnosed and men struggle to get help with them for all kinds of reasons we could talk about. You just see this huge death toll. And another one that really puts a pin in it for me is the loss of life from drug overdoses among men. So this is not suicide. This is from drug poisonings from overdoses, which is hard to classify. But we've seen this obviously the opioid crisis, which hit everybody hard, but hit men really hard over the last few decades. And so to put a data point on this, the increase in male deaths since 2000 from drugs, from opioids, largely fentanyl, et cetera, the increase means the loss of an additional 400,000 men since 2000. So that's just the increase. That's not the number, that's just the increase. So if you hadn't had any increase in the level, it would have been 400,000 more men that we would have with us today than we do. And 400,000 is exactly the number of men that we lost in World War II, that the U.S. lost in World War II. And so we've lost the equivalent of a world war in terms of male deaths since 2000 from the increase in deaths from drugs. That is, I mean, when you're at world war level loss of life, then I think it's fair to say that that is a public health crisis and that is just much, much higher among men than as among women. So my institute did that analysis. It hadn't been done before. And that's because it's not really anybody's job to just look at this data through that lens of saying, well, look, there are some differences here between men and women. Women have a, a huge number of issues which we could spend another hour talking about. But that doesn't mean that there aren't massive challenges for men. And the last one I'll give you is that male wages have gone up for men with a college degree, but they have not gone up at all for men without a college degree. So most American men don't really earn more today than most American men did in 1979. And so if you've had stagnant wages for what is now approaching half a century for the majority of men, I mean, obviously I'm talking not individual men might see pay rises, but as a group, men haven't, without a college degree, haven't seen any increase in wages for half a century. That's a very significant economic fact, of course. But I also think it's a hugely significant social fact. If you're not any better off than your father was, which is true for most of those men and many that are actually worse off than their fathers were, that is a very significant psychological blow. Back to your point about identity. I think a lot of us compare ourselves to our parents. And I think that for the men, for the many, many, many men who are actually economically and socially worse off than their fathers were, that is a hard blow.