← America First with Nicholas J. Fuentes Repost
America First with Nicholas J. Fuentes Repost
How We Win | Hide Your Power Levels (w/Nick Fuentes) - NXR EP10
00:31:45
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- [00:01]
A
All right, young men, hide your power levels. I've heard you talk about that. Flesh it out.
- [00:07]
B
So of course, everybody that watches someone like you or someone like me probably could be considered a political radical, far right radical, something like that. And I know because I was a young man once, or I was, let's say, an adolescent with far right radical politics. The, the first thing you want to do when you find out the secrets of the country or politics is you want to go and tell everybody you know. And we say when you're getting red pilled, a lot of people tend to overdose on red pills. And I think it's only natural, it's curiosity. People then want to air all this out to their friends, their family. And a lot of people in particular, they want to jump on social media. They feel strongly about these things, whether it's the sovereignty of the country, race, immigration, if they have fanatical religious beliefs. And I say that as a good thing. I think fanaticism is good. People then want to go and promote this on the Internet.
- [01:08]
A
I just read about World War II.
- [01:11]
B
Right, right.
- [01:12]
A
I need to tell everyone.
- [01:13]
B
That's right. Yeah. I just found out. And everyone now needs to know. And it's all always been a struggle for as long as I've been doing this, which is almost 10 years, to convince young men not to do that. Because of course, we live in a society where we have a power structure and the whole kind of program is we're trying to change the power structure, we're trying to change who is in power, and we're trying to change the type of society that proceeds from that power structure. So necessarily, what we are talking about is changing the country. And the country doesn't want to be changed.
- [01:54]
A
Right.
- [01:55]
B
The people that are in power don't want to be overthrown.
- [01:57]
A
Conservatives don't want to change it. They literally want to conserve crap, Right.
- [02:01]
B
And they're participating with the Democrats in upholding everything, the status quo, the way things are going, they don't want to see the country change direction. So what is required is a lot of discretion, secrecy. We have to look at ourselves in some ways as subverting the political order. If we identify ourselves explicitly as opponents of the system, working in that same system, very quickly, those people will be eliminated, they will be isolated, they will, they will be targeted, fired, harassed, reputations destroyed, things like that. And so it's basically a precondition for any one of us who shares these beliefs to get power from the system, to basically conceal their opposition to that system. And so for as long as I've been doing this, I have been encouraging my followers, young guys, if you like my show, if you agree with my views, that's great. That's why I do the show. But for the most part, people need to keep it to themselves, right?
- [03:11]
A
Because otherwise they'll all get fired. And who's going to send in the super chats? Somebody's. But in a real sense, like, you know, I told you before we started recording, the only way that someone like you can do what he does is if the vast majority of men don't do what you do, right? Like if everybody, if everybody set out to be Nick Fuentes, that would be, that would be a, like I don't know if there would be a clearer and more effective strategy for losing faster right than that, you know, so you always have to kind of have guys in the Overton pushing and that's like a, probably a hundred to one ratio for the few guys outside the Overton pooling, you know, and yeah, so the majority of guys have to hide their power levels. They don't need to go and share with everyone everything that they think so that they can work for positive change within the system. So now let's talk about the system. Specifically some of the arenas like so one, hide your power levels. Step one. Well, let's say step one, get red pilled. Step two, don't tell everyone that you're red pilled, or at least all the facets. Step three, though, what should they pursue? What vocation, what position? Like, where can young men right now, in the year of our Lord 2026, at the time of this recording being aired publicly, what industries, what arenas should they seek out?
- [04:46]
B
Well, to answer that question, you have to understand how change occurs. And to understand that you need to understand the structure of society, which is to say that the way that society changes, it doesn't change the way it did, let's say 100 years ago. A lot of people, young people, they like to talk about getting out in the streets and just doing something. People talk about violent revolution. People talk about a groundswell of popular opposition to the system that sweeps some new regime into power. They think about like, let's be honest, the revolutions of the 20s and 30s. They think about the Bolsheviks, the brown shirts, the Nazis, the black shirts, and they think that street power, raw man power, is what delivers change. But that's not how it works in the 21st century. Everything has changed in the past hundred years. The economy, the political system, technology, all these things are different now. And I would say that raw manpower, which is manual power, muscle, people in the streets taking up space with bodies is extremely overrated. And if you look at how society changes and how it's governed, what really counts? Actually, if we're being honest, people don't like to hear it, but it's the truth. It's money, power, it's political power, its clout, its influence, cultural power, and all of these forms of power, they proceed from the institutions. And by that I mean, let's say Silicon Valley, for example, the tech industry, it's an institution.
- [06:34]
A
Yeah.
- [06:35]
B
You can be a really great programmer and you could be a really good software engineer, but if you don't have access to the kind of capital, if you don't have access to the biggest companies, you're not going to have any power.
- [06:47]
A
Right.
- [06:48]
B
And the same is true for media. Take what I do, for example. I do media. I'm a live streamer. I'm one of the bigger live streamers that's around right now. But without access to the institution, which is, let's say, Fox News, BlazeTV, even the Social platforms themselves, Right. If I'm not on YouTube, which I'm not, if I'm not on the major platforms, my influence, reach and power is extremely limited.
- [07:17]
A
Yeah.
- [07:17]
B
And you cannot under.
- [07:19]
A
You were recently let back on Spotify, and didn't you, like, the same day or the day after hit number one?
- [07:25]
B
Yes, you like.
- [07:27]
A
So you. And. And granted, like, maybe, let's say, you know, they immediately kicked you off again, but if you had stayed on for months, it, you know, you might have eventually gone down a little bit. It could have been the hype of like, whoa, you know, Nick's on Spotify. But still, like, I mean, it was like, nick and then Joe Rogan is under you. You're number one, he's number two, I think, like Candace and Tucker, like number four and five. That's extraordinary. And it's like, I mean, you were authentic and you said what you believed, no matter the cost, paid a price. But I feel like if I was you, I would probably wouldn't be able to help but wonder from time to time, like, I'm competing with some of these voices while running a race with weights on my ankles.
- [08:12]
B
Right.
- [08:13]
A
Like, can you imagine, like, if, if you were doing everything you're doing, but instead of cozy tv, which I have no idea even what that is, like, I heard, my wife and I, we watched the Candace interview, and you kept saying cozy TV with a straight face. And my wife just kept cracking. She was like, what is cozy tv? She just imagined like an animated, you know, little girl with kittens, you know, like, like, what is this? You know, but like you're competing with guys on cozy TV. And now, you know, rumble, if you were on YouTube and Spotify on X, can you do full length videos?
- [08:46]
B
No.
- [08:47]
A
You can't? No, because I can.
- [08:48]
B
Yeah.
- [08:49]
A
You know, like, I mean, if you had all of that, like, I feel like I think you might be bigger than Joe Rogan. Like, you actually might.
- [08:57]
B
It would be possible.
- [08:58]
A
Yeah.
- [08:59]
B
Because the ceiling would be so much
- [09:00]
A
higher, it'd be insane.
- [09:01]
B
And that's really the point is A platform like YouTube has two and a half billion users. The platform I'm on, rumble, has maybe 40 million.
- [09:11]
A
Wow.
- [09:12]
B
That's the math.
- [09:13]
A
Wow.
- [09:13]
B
And that is what shows you the power of the institutions. Because YouTube is institutional video hosting. That's where society is. And so to get any kind of clout, influence, power, money, you need to be plugged in to these institutes, to the powerful elite institutions, whether that's government, whether those are the biggest companies, most high powered law firms, Hollywood. To operate at the highest level and then therefore have the most money and influence, you just need to be plugged in. And so with that, it matters less what you do rather than that you're doing it at the highest level.
- [09:57]
A
Right.
- [09:58]
B
Which in order to do it that high, it's not just what you do,
- [10:00]
A
it's where you do it.
- [10:01]
B
Right.
- [10:01]
A
And if you can't, like if you're the world's best swimmer, but nobody will let you near water.
- [10:08]
B
Right.
- [10:08]
A
You know, then what are you going to do? Just for fun though, I just thought of this as you were talking. What? Because we're going to put this on YouTube and I really hope to not be kicked off. I would love to not join you and being banned from YouTube. And it sounds like I've heard from you, but also others that you can host Nick, because of the pbd and you other guys have done it now at this point, but you just can't have your own channel.
- [10:32]
B
That's right.
- [10:32]
A
Okay. YouTube Lords may end up listening to this because it'll be on YouTube and hopefully not kicked off. What would you say to them if you made, would you make an appeal or would you just say, you know, screw you, you know, at this point? Or like, what would you say? Like, do you think you should be on YouTube? Obviously you would want to.
- [10:52]
B
Well, I do, I do, because I think that the social platforms should reflect the First Amendment.
- [10:57]
A
Yes.
- [10:58]
B
They're not legally obligated to, but I think that they should because that was always the argument that was made, is that the First Amendment is only protecting you from government censorship. A private company, it's their prerogative to disassociate from people and cease doing business with them. So it's true from a legal point of view, the First Amendment doesn't force them to let everyone have a YouTube channel or let everyone have a Twitter account. But we also have the spirit of free speech, which is to say that, you know, and maybe left wing people say that that sounds ridiculous, but do we want a society where there's a general culture of free expression? And what is really the point of the First Amendment? It's really to create that right. It's so that people have freedom of conscience, freedom of thought, and then people can express themselves openly. And it matters actually more than anything that people can express themselves openly about politics and religion, because those are the most important things, right?
- [11:54]
A
And so GK Chesterton, you know, he's like, people always say don't talk about politics and religion. He said, I only talk about politics and religion because nothing else matters, right?
- [12:02]
B
Exactly.
- [12:02]
C
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A
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- [14:19]
B
And that's why we have a First Amendment specifically is for the, the political utility of that. So I, I am a big believer in free speech. So I think YouTube should have free speech. But I also know that no appeal that I can make will change their mind.
- [14:35]
A
I think they don't think they'll ever change.
- [14:37]
B
They may change, but it won't be because I asked them to give me my channel back.
- [14:41]
A
I feel like for you, on the one hand you have the First Amendment and the personal incentive of it'd be great for you to be on YouTube. On the other hand, though, you are a respecter of freedom of associations. It's quite the conundrum.
- [14:55]
B
Right, right, right.
- [14:56]
A
I really want them to let me on and free speech matters. Yet at the same time it was like some universal legislation to where, like, you know, like if, if, if the Nick Fuentes case for coming on to YouTube was just a further step away from anyone having the freedom of, of association. It kind of would be a bit of a contradiction.
- [15:20]
B
I don't know. I think that it's, it's unique.
- [15:22]
A
Okay.
- [15:23]
B
Because YouTube is so vast, it is effectively the public square.
- [15:27]
A
Yeah, that's true.
- [15:28]
B
So it's like the commons. And I would say More than that, YouTube is effectively a monopoly.
- [15:36]
A
Yeah, it is.
- [15:37]
B
All these companies they get benefits from the government. Like, you know, and people have pointed this out, they're the beneficiaries of the Communications Decency act, where it says that they are not held liable for the content that's on their platform because Congress said it's conducive to free speech to have these platforms even exist.
- [15:58]
A
So pick a lane.
- [15:59]
B
Right. So is it, is it good to have YouTube for free speech? So we're not going to sue them every time there's libel or violence or pedophilia on their platform? Because YouTube is not held liable if a user posts something illegal.
- [16:14]
A
Right.
- [16:15]
B
And yet YouTube wants to publish and they want to determine who gets to have a channel or not. So, you know, if you, if you're selective, then you're liable. If you're not selective, then you're not liable. You can't have it both ways. So I think that.
- [16:31]
A
So freedom of Association. But YouTube's an exception. Absolutely, because it is the public square. It's actually shocking when you think about it. And the alternative scares me, what I'm about to mention, but it really is kind of shocking that you're talking about a private enterprise corporation that legitimately, for all intents and purposes, owns the public square. Like, we would never do that in any city. In the downtown area, like, the courthouse belongs to the state. You know, like this, this yard where people can gather and stuff like that. It's, it's state property. It's not, it's not like Joe Blow in town owns it and he can say, you know, get off my, you know, get off my land. I, I have a feeling that eventually that concept will cease. Even in America is free as we are. I don't know if it's sustainable. And I mean, and the alternative scares me. Like state run social media platforms, it does scare me. But for it to be private enterprise also scares me for various reasons. So it's like, okay, so the government's not in charge. The Democrats aren't in charge. Oh, oh, phew. You know, good. So who's in charge? A bunch of Jewish billionaires?
- [17:44]
B
Like, oh, wait, whoa.
- [17:45]
A
You know, so like, how do you, if you had to predict, you know, looking down the corridor of time, do you think eventually, like the state and even here in America would be like, when it comes to this, this industry, this is actually falls underneath the banner of the state speech.
- [18:05]
B
I think that there is, I think they're inextricably connected either way, the state. And these are not truly private companies. All of Silicon Valley has been in Bed with the CIA from the very beginning, with the intelligence agencies. They're all connected. And they're connected in this nexus between the universities, the government, and Silicon Valley. All the tech companies came out of some of these schools, like Stanford or Harvard, and all these companies get major contracts from the government. All these companies lobby the government paid lots of money to lobby Congress. And there's huge overlap between, let's say, like the Biden administration or the Trump administration. How many White House personnel, like czars, and I'm talking like cabinet level, agency level officials. How many of them are former Silicon Valley? It's quite a few of them, like Howard Lutnick is very much involved in, let's say, like cryptocurrency. So was David Sacks. These are people very close to the presidency. And it was like that under Biden, too. Zuckerberg, Elon Musk, these people are all over the civilian government, as well as the deep state, as well as the iron triangle of lobbying and NGOs and nonprofits. So we have this sort of incomprehensibly complex system where there's not really a clear line anymore. You don't really know where the government ends and Silicon Valley begins, or for that matter, where the government ends and MIT begins, because they're all connected in this kind of, like, new system. But what I would say is, you know, when we think about a. A company like YouTube or Apple, for example, there's only like a few because of the barriers to entry and network effects. And in other economic rules, you only have a few. Like, for AI, you have like three big AI companies. For phones, how many. How many phone companies exist? There's like, in terms of the operating system, there's like two. You got Apple, iOS, you got Google, you got Apple, iPhones and Androids. And same with the social platforms, you know, Are there a number of large tech companies? No, there's like five. YouTube, which is under Alphabet, so that's YouTube. And Google Meta, which is Facebook, and Instagram, TikTok, which is now run by Oracle, which is data hosting company. And then arguably you got Snapchat and X, which are minor compared to, because Facebook is 3 billion users. X is 500 million. Snapchat, I think, is 700 million. Those are your social platforms. And to me, they're really more like Standard Oil or US Steel, or they're even more like the electricity company. It's more like a commodity because communications really effectively is like a commodity. It's like the modern phone company. It'd be like if the phone company said, we're not going to give you a telephone line because of your political views. Or it's like if the post office said, we won't deliver your mail because of your political views. Because they are communications companies. Communication is a commodity, you know, as a medium of information and peer to peer communication. So I think it would be better if it was heavily regulated by the state than the way it is now. And for two reasons.
- [21:38]
A
It's kind of what I'm inclined towards. Again, it scares me.
- [21:41]
B
Right.
- [21:41]
A
But the alternative and what we have now has not been good.
- [21:45]
B
Well, and it's, it's the censorship, but it's also, even for foreign adversaries is what I was going to say. Like we have in China, they have the great firewall. And that's for a reason. Because America is trying to undermine the Communist Party in China. And our whole idea is that we want China to liberalize, we want them to democratize. If they don't have a firewall, America's going to undermine them with propaganda. Same in Iran, same in Russia, in America, because we have an open system. Who knows who is uploading this stuff on Twitter and YouTube or funding it for that matter. So as we enter a period of strategic competition, I think it's gonna be necessary not just to have free speech for citizens, but to have censorship for foreigners and outsiders. For that reason.
- [22:33]
A
That's well said. All right, so going back to young men, hide your power levels. Not everybody gets to be Nick Fuentes. Few guys pulling the Overton from outside, most guys pushing it from inside. So they need to hide, hide their power levels, get red pilled, hide your power levels and then pursue. And that's where we got onto YouTube and media and those kinds of things. But we said, you know, pursue the institutions. And then you started talking about, you know, media as an institution in Silicon Valley. Go, go back there and flesh out a little bit more. What are some other institutions that they should pursue.
- [23:07]
B
So it depends on a person's aptitude. And I think that, let's say just the most important institutions that exist right now, where the power is, it's government, always will be government. It is law, always will be law. Because law plugs into government and law even also plugs into the private sector. And then I would say defense and tech. That is clearly because we look at politics and we say follow the money, you follow the money back to billionaires. But when you think about it from a structural point of view, where do billionaires come from? They come from the dynamic Rent seeking of new technology. And by that I mean if you're the first one to make a computer, you can charge whatever you want and you become the first centi billionaire. If you're the first one to AI or electric cars, you know, AI, they're giving out $100 million bonuses.
- [24:07]
A
Wow.
- [24:08]
B
For the top AI engineers, you're hired, here's your salary, and here's $100 million as a bonus.
- [24:15]
A
Wow.
- [24:15]
B
So, you know, the money follows innovation. And right now the innovation is happening in technology and also because there's a big military and commercial application for all new technologies. So I think that if you want to be the most useful, you want to be in technology, in government, in law, or you want to be surrounding any of those things and maybe finance. But the key point that I was getting to is that in order to unlock access to any of the institutions, you have to get into an elite university. There's almost no other ticket into a high powered law firm, into the Senate, into government, any of it. Like I said, if you want to work at Oracle, if you want to be on the cutting edge or the frontier of technology, you got to be at one of the elite research universities. You got to be at Stanford, you got to be at mit, probably. And that's why I tell these younger guys we're looking for the most high IQ precocious people that are going to be the decision makers in the world. And we want to make sure that they don't destroy their reputation before they turn 25. We want them to get into the elite universities so they can be scouted, they could gain access to the top institutions. And being at the forefront of it, then they have the power and they have our views. And that's kind of structurally how I think about it.
- [25:48]
A
Hmm. I think that's wise. I feel like so many guys probably are kicking themselves because they've already kind of, the ship has sailed. They've already said something, you know, to. And it. And maybe it wasn't like a big scandal or any. It didn't even go that public because they haven't become anyone worth, you know, scandalizing. But the Internet's forever, you know, and so it's like you can have something out there, you know, some tweet with, you know, seven likes, you know, from eight years ago, but it's out there. Is there anything, Is there any practical thing that you're aware of? Like, I've heard of guys going into the Wayback Machine and then contacting Twitter to get things deleted, you know, is There anything that a guy could do if he's, he's like, man, I, I just wasn't thinking, you know, or whatever. And I've got this great opportunity, opportunity. And I think in 10 years I could be in this position. But they'll find X, Y and Z. Is there anything they can do to fix that?
- [26:50]
B
No, there's nothing they can do. And I've seen people try everything. And I've seen people negotiate with antifa because antifa doxes people. I've seen people try that. I've seen people pursue legal methods, you know, they try to do takedown requests and things like that and the stuff stays up forever. But what I would say the biggest thing to overcome that is just to become extremely good at what you do. Because if you make a good impression with somebody that can help you, they will vouch for you. And that's all it takes is one conversation where your mentor, your boss talks to somebody else and says, no, he's a good guy, but you just have to become remarkable. That's why I say, you know, on some level it's unavoidable that some people are going to be careless. I think everyone's careless. You can't keep everything completely airtight. You're never going to have perfect OPSEC operational security. And so it's inevitable that some will get doxed and some will get exposed or reputations destroyed. But the biggest thing that I've seen where people overcome is they just become indispensable in their field or to their boss or their team or whatever. And over time those things fade. Especially if you're young. Like that's always a card you could play. As I was a young stupid kid, I'm not that way anymore. And then you got to put a little more time in to kind of just prove you're normal and you're, you know, you're not like that all the time. But the biggest thing I tell the young people is to just develop their talents fully because human capital is the ultimate commodity. And the intelligence agencies, the tech world, we're in like an arms race for elite human capital. If you are a remarkable individual, the institutions are going to want you. You just got to make it easy for them to scout you out and acquire you, I guess.
- [28:50]
A
Yeah, agreed. Here at the end. Any final words to young men?
- [28:56]
B
The final words are just focus. That's all I tell the because the young guys are always worried about what to do. And I always tell them just avoid life ruining mistakes like toxic relationships, drugs, alcohol or just in general, getting lost, a lack of focus. I always tell the young guys, read as many books as you can, Learn a language, learn an instrument, get the best grades you can, get into a good school and just don't, don't mess around. Because, and I'm sure you know this too, I'm 27 now. You turn like 18, 20, and then it just goes at light speed.
- [29:37]
A
Yeah.
- [29:37]
B
And if you are wasting time, and by that I mean you're not doing something productive every day that is tangibly advancing your career or your life, years will go by and you will wake up when you're 25 years old and say, I thought I would have accomplished more by now. Why am I still stuck in the same place? Let time be your ally by working every single day at what you think you want to be doing in 20 years.
- [30:04]
A
Well said. Thanks for the episode. Appreciate it.
- [30:06]
B
Thank you.
- [30:07]
C
For those of you who may not be aware, I have the immense privilege of also serving as president for a sister organization to NXR Studios, which is a nonprofit 501c3 Christian organization called called Right Response Ministries. Our focus with this organization is to train and equip pastors and congregants in the Protestant church, primarily the evangelical church right here in America. What are we trying to train them in? Well, let's just say we're trying to help evangelical Protestant churches in America to stop being so insufferable, to stop being Zionist shills, to be engaged, not apathetic, but activated the realm of politics and culture. The things that you've been hearing in this series that myself and Nick Fuentes are talking about. We want to see Protestant churches right here in America apply these things to get in the game to win our country back. We want to see evangelicals and Protestants in America actually be America first. Not serving a foreign country at the expense of our own interest, but serving Christ and serving Americans. If you'd like to support us in this mission, we could greatly use your help. You can give a tax deductible donation by simply going to rightresponseministries.com donate again. That's right. Response Ministries and.
- [31:42]
A
Com
- [31:44]
C
donate. God bless.