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Lindsey Graham (4:17)

From Wondery I'm Lindsey Graham and this is American Historytellers. Our history your story in 1979, after two years in office, President Jimmy Carter faced a series of crushing challenges on the home front. The deepening energy crisis, soaring inflation, rising oil and gas prices, and unemployment all led to voters growing dissatisfaction with his leadership. His approval ratings plummeted and his administration seemed unable to find the right message to reassure the public. So that summer, Carter gave his most famous address, an inspiring speech that took aim at the crisis of confidence the that his staff had come to believe was affecting the nation. And in the wake of this speech, Carter's prospects for re election seemed to improve. But when dozens of American diplomatic staff were seized and held hostage in Iran, Americans looked to the president for swift action. But he would spend the next year working to free the hostages. And if he failed, the American people would hold him to account. This is episode two of our three part series on the Carter Years Crisis of confidence in early 1979, President Jimmy Carter was riding high from the success of the Camp David Accords and he turned his attention to diplomacy in other regions of the world. He reopened diplomatic relations with China, aiming to increase trade. And he began working towards an arms treaty with the Soviet Union. The Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, or SALT ii, would cap two years of work to limit nuclear weapons and would prove a significant foreign win for Carter's administration if it succeeded. But on the home front, Carter was in trouble. Beginning in the spring of 1979, Americans faced long lines of gas stations across the country, leading to mounting frustration. The top oil producing countries had doubled the cost of crude, leading to soaring gas prices and double digit inflation, all of which coincided with a rise in unemployment. So by late April 1979, Carter's advisors warned him that America's mood was souring and he was in danger of becoming a one term president. Proof came from his trusted pollster Patrick Cadell, who reported that Carter's approval rating had sunk to a dismal 25%. Cadell was just 29 years old and had been working for Carter since the 1976 election. And some in Carter's circle called him a prodigy and a genius. But he also earned a reputation for being quick tempered and hard to work with, with one aide calling him the Darth Vader of politics. Still, he had become close with First Lady Rosalynn Carter. Cadell explained to Rosalynn his view that a crisis of confidence was affecting the country. Cadell argued that Carter was losing touch with the nation, trying to solve too many problems abroad, but not focusing enough on people's dissatisfaction with the economy. Rosalynn encouraged Caddell to write to her husband, so he drafted a 100 page memorandum urging Carter to give a speech that directly addressed America's unrest over the gas shortage. Caddell hoped an impassioned address to the nation would inspire people and hopefully turn Carter's presidency around. But first, Carter wanted to better understand the reasons for his abysmal approval ratings. So in early July, Carter called a special summit with national leaders at Camp David. He spent 10 days listening as hundreds of political, civic, religious and business leaders shared their views about the troubled country and what they saw as Carter's lack of leadership. His communications director, Gerald Rafshoon, summed up the mood in blunt terms. You were elected to kick ass and you haven't. Carter took these criticisms seriously and began working with his team to draft what would become the most significant speech of his presidency. On July 15, 1979, Carter delivered this 33 minute speech on television viewed by 65 million people. Borrowing Cadell's phrase, he told the nation it was suffering from a crisis of confidence. But he vowed to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country, which he believed could be achieved in part by asking Americans to sacrifice and consume less. The speech was a risky public relations move. While it acknowledged the nation's suffering in recent years, it also seemed to place the responsibility for change back on the American people. Carter seemed to scold the American public, saying, too many of us now worship self indulgence and consumption, and ended with a call for a rebirth of the American spirit. Though he didn't use the word, the address to the nation would soon become known as Carter's malaise speech as it pointed to what he saw as the root cause of America's angst. But despite its heavy tone, initial reactions to the speech were positive. Carter's approval ratings climbed 11 points. Though they started so low, they still only reached the high 30s. But then, just two days later, Carter shocked everyone when he arrived unannounced at a senior staff meeting and asked his entire cabinet to resign. He appeared to be acting in response to the advice of some of his aides who felt that a cabinet shakeup would be a sign of vigorous leadership. Even Rosalind had suggested that it was time for her husband to fire people who are disloyal or no good. So as a result of this demand, Carter accepted the resignations of five high level cabinet members. When Vice President Walter Mondale learned about this purge, he was furious and began to seriously question his boss's leadership. Imagine it's a sweltering hot evening in July 1979. You're President Carter's domestic affairs advisor and you're grateful to be sitting in an air conditioned Chinese restaurant near Capitol Hill waiting for Vice President Walter Mondale to arrive. Mondale has been in Nashville, Tennessee, meeting with newspaper editors to stir up support for Carter's arms treaty with the Soviets. But after hearing about the recent cabinet fiasco, Mondale cut his trip short and rushed back to Washington. He asks you to meet him here at his favorite restaurant because it's quiet and rarely crowded. After a few bites of the food, you understand why as you put down your chopsticks, the Vice President rushes in and drops into the booth beside you. He seems agitated and despondent. Oh, what the heck is going on? Why would the President decide this was the time to ask his entire cabinet to resign? Why wasn't I consulted him? I feel totally blindsided here. Mr. Mondale, honestly, we were all surprised by this. It was one of the strangest meetings I've ever been in. The president was so angry, he accused some of his cabinet of being disloyal. Well, it looks like a mass execution. Total pandemonium. Was this Pat Cadell's idea? He's been poisoning that man. He and Rosalind both. I really couldn't say. It certainly was a rash decision, though. He just undid any gains he may have gotten from that speech. Now, the ship seemed rudderless, and if he thinks he's going to have the backing of the Democratic leadership, he's dreaming. We just opened the door for Ted Kennedy to run against us next year. I'm not sure I can stick around and go down with this ship. What do you mean? You can't just quit. Oh, I can't. I've told him time and again to focus more on the economy, that he's spending too much time on foreign affairs. It's clear he's not listening to me. Talked my wife about it, and she agrees. If I stick with him, my entire political future is in jeopardy. But that would be a disaster. I mean, I get what you're feeling. I don't understand what he's thinking either. He seems erratic. But he needs you. You can't throw in the towel now. It'll bring down the whole administration. Oh, it's already fallen apart. He picked me as a running mate to be a liaison with the Democratic Party, but they don't trust him anymore. They've even become hostile to him with this latest fiasco. Well, so have the vice president shakes his head in disgust and gets up to leave. You're hoping he doesn't follow through on his threat to resign. That would undermine everything he and the President have worked for and destroy any chance for a second term. Throughout the summer of 1979, the news kept getting worse for Jimmy Carter. In the wake of the Cabinet resignations, Vice President Walter Mondale complained that the message the American people got was that we were falling apart. He seriously considered resigning. But after Ted Kennedy hinted he might run against Carter for the Democratic nomination in 1980, Mondale grudgingly changed his mind, deciding his role now was to prevent the Democratic Party from falling apart during an election year. At the same time, though, the economy continued to decline. Inflation hovered between 13 and 15%, and interest rates rose into the double digits. Fan mail to the White House slowed to a trickle, and Carter's poll numbers cratered. So in an effort to get inflation under control, in August 1979. Carter decided to shake things up even more by appointing a new chair of the Federal Reserve. He hoped that Paul Volcker, a rumpled Wall street veteran who had served in Nixon's Treasury Department, might be able to finally solve the country's prolonged economic problems. Advisors warned Carter though that Volcker might take actions that could hurt the economy in the short term, which could jeopardize his chances for re election. Where Carter was willing to take the gamble. And sure enough, shortly after being confirmed, Volcker raised the federal funds rate, an aggressive move to curve inflation. Then he raised the rate two more times. This caused interest rates to Soar further to 19%. Volcker's aggressive approach threatened to tip the economy into a full blown recession. And the American public responded by turning against Carter. Early polls showed him trailing Ted Kennedy by a 2 to 1 margin. And then things got even worse. During the summer of 1979, reports of turmoil in Iran were becoming harder to ignore in American newspapers. For months, a revolution in the country was escalating. The deposed leader of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, had long been an important U.S. ally in the region. Two years earlier, Carter had visited Tehran and made a televised toast to Shah Pahlavi, praising his leadership, saying he had created created an island of stability in one of the more troubled areas of the world. But for many Iranians, the Shah's brutal crackdowns on dissent made him a reviled figure and they resented America's backing of the Shah's rule. But By January of 1979, the Shah was battling cancer and as a result had become a distracted and ineffective leader. He fled the country and was soon replaced by fiery cleric Ayatollah Khomeini, who had been living in exile. Then In October of 1979, Carter granted the deposed Shah asylum in the US and allowed him to come to New York for cancer treatment. Reformists in Iran, led by Khomeini, were outraged. Protesters filled the streets of Tehran, many chanting anti American slogans and demanding the Shah's return. Fearing that the Shah would be executed if he was sent home, Carter refused. And then on November 2, 1979, the Ayatollah stirred things further, stating it is incumbent upon students to expand their attack on America and Israel. Two days later, on a drizzly Sunday morning, hundreds of Iranian students and protesters marched from Tehran University to the US Embassy. This crowd easily breached the embassy's front gates and stormed inside. The Protesters rounded up 66Americans, blindfolded them and took them captive. President Carter was at Camp David with his family when he received the early morning call with the news. At first, his aides reassured him that the crisis would be over in a few hours. But it soon became clear that these American hostages would not be released quickly and in fact, their lives were in grave danger. American Historytellers is sponsored by Selectquote There are so many things in life we just never get around to taking up that hobby, cleaning out the garage. Things that don't really make huge differences in our lives. Yet. There's one thing many of us have been neglecting that can have a huge impact on our family's future. Life Insurance with Selectquote Getting covered with the right policy for you is easier and more affordable than you may think. Selectquote is one of America's leading insurance brokers with nearly 40 years of experience helping over 2 million customers find over $700 billion in coverage since 1985. 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Lindsey Graham (19:13)

On November 4, 1979, just hours after the news broke that Americans had been taken hostage in Iran, President Jimmy Carter's inner circle had to turn their attention to another political concern. That evening, the national program 60 Minutes aired an interview with Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy, Carter's most formidable challenger for the Democratic Party's nomination. Carter's team knew that the president was in a vulnerable position with low poll numbers and a struggling economy, and Kennedy had been generating excitement. They worried that the senator from the popular political family dynasty could be a serious threat. But in his interview on 60 Minutes, Kennedy came across as bumbling and unfocused. When he was asked why he wanted to become president, Kennedy paused and delivered a rambling and lengthy response that failed to make the case for his candidacy. After Kennedy's poor performance, Carter breathed a sigh of relief. He now believed that he'd have no problem beating Kennedy for the Democratic nomination, and a month later he formally announced his decision to run for re election. But Carter was still faced with the hostage crisis in Iran. Iran was an important player in the Middle east, the world's second largest oil exporter and strategically located between the Soviet Union and the Persian Gulf. With an energy crisis at home, Carter knew he had to tread carefully. Nevertheless, in the weeks after the takeover of the American Embassy, Carter initially struck a defiant tone, refusing Iran's request to exchange the hostages for the Shah, Iran's deposed leader. Then he went further. America stopped buying oil from Iran. Carter deported Iranians who had been demonstrating in America, and he froze more than a billion dollars in Iranian assets held in US Banks Americans initially responded well to Carter's tough stance against Iran's demands. His approval rating more than doubled, from 30 to over 60%. But the crisis dragged on without resolution. Behind closed doors, Carter began exploring military options like placing mines in Iranian harbors or bombing an Iranian refinery. Even Rosalind grew impatient and encouraged her husband to do something. Do something. But Carter still hesitated, worried that the revolution's leader, the Ayatollah Khomeini, might respond by executing the hostages. And it didn't help Carter's image when ABC News launched a nightly broadcast devoted exclusively to the hostage crisis. Ted Koppel hosted the show, which was initially called America Held Hostage, but later renamed Nightline. Night after night, it broadcast images of angry mobs of Iranians shouting anti American slogans and burning US Flags. To many Americans, it seemed that the world was in chaos. And making matters worse, On Christmas Day 1979, the Soviet Union launched a surprise invasion of civil war torn Afghanistan, hoping to prevent Afghanistan from being taken over by Islamic fundamentalists and at the same time, from aligning with the United States. For Carter, this invasion ended any hope of ratifying the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, which Carter believed would make important strides in limiting the threat of nuclear war and was still awaiting Senate approval. He confided to Rosalind, there goes salt, too. Rosalind later recalled she'd never seen her husband as upset as he was in the final days of 1979 after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Initially unsure how to respond, Carter decided to impose an embargo on grain exports to the Soviet Union, even though aides warned it could hurt American farmers in the Midwest. But to his relief, US Farmers supported the embargo, and that gave Carter enough of a boost to beat Ted Kennedy in the Iowa caucuses held in January of the new Year. But heading into 1980, the US economic situation continued to deteriorate, with inflation still high and unemployment at 7%. On January 23, 1980, Carter gave his fourth State of the Union address. He focused on the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which he called the most serious threat to world peace since World War II. Carter issued a warning to the Soviets, telling them to pull out within a month or face the consequences, one of which was a proposed boycott of the Summer Olympic Games scheduled to be held in Moscow that June. Congress backed this boycott idea, and most voters seemed to favor it. But the International Olympic Committee did not. And neither did angry American athletes who felt caught in a game of global politics. Imagine it's March 21, 1980. You're a member of the US Olympic volleyball team. And today you're joining more than 100 other American athletes in the East Room of the White House. President Jimmy Carter has just left the room after pledging to go ahead with the boycott of the Summer Games in Moscow. That's left you devastated and angry. You've turned to an athlete beside you. She looks as upset as you feel. You can see tears welling in her eyes. You put a hand on her shoulder. Hey. You okay? I didn't think he'd seriously go through with it. I thought he was bluffing. Yeah, so did I. I kept thinking he'd change his. Change his mind. Or the Soviets would agree to pull out. Or maybe they'd move the Games to a new location. Me, too. I was sure the President or Congress or someone would find a way to save the Summer Games. Your training just gone? It's not just the training. I've been dreaming about the Olympics since I was a kid. Yeah. So what are we supposed to do? Just give it all up? I don't know. My coach has been telling me to look ahead to the 84 games in LA, but I still need to finish college. I can't afford to train for four more years. This was my shot. I'm afraid this was mine, too. You liked Jimmy Carter. You voted for him. And part of you understands Carter's argument he has to stand up to the Soviets the way the world should have stood up to Hitler before the 1936 Games in Berlin. But you're so mad at Carter now, you can't imagine ever forgiving him for letting down the country and dashing your electricity. Olympic dreams. In early 1980, Jimmy Carter stood by his decision not to send U.S. teams to the Olympics in Moscow while Soviet troops remained in Afghanistan. He was determined to deny the Soviets a public relations victory in hosting the Games, believing that to do so might help the world forget that the Soviets had sent 85,000 troops to invade another country. And at first, many Americans supported the boycott. Nearly two out of three, according to one Gallup, polluted. But Carter's hardline stance kicked off weeks of messy debate, public posturing and legal battles. Caught in the middle were the more than 450 Olympic athletes who would be unable to compete. Carter tried to salvage the Games by lobbying the International Olympic Committee to move them to an alternate site, such as Greece, or postpone or cancel them. But these efforts failed. In the end, Carter was left trying to minimize the political impact by winning over athletes with a series of high profile White House gatherings. In one such meeting, he told a group of athletes. I understand how you feel, and I thought about it a lot as we approached this moment, knowing what the Olympics mean to you, to know that you would be disappointed. He concluded that it's not a pleasant time for me. But the athletes weren't consoled. They felt betrayed. And it didn't help when Carter threatened to revoke the passports of any athletes who tried to compete for another country or under a neutral banner. In his diary, Carter wrote that the Olympics boycott would be the most severe blow to the Soviets. But he also rightly predicted it would cause me the most trouble. Carter would later call it one of my most difficult decisions. But in addition to the Olympic boycott, Carter imposed other economic sanctions on the Soviets. He also secretly approved a CIA program, Operation Cyclone, to arm the Mujahideen, a group of Islamist guerrillas fighting against the Soviets in Afghanistan, who he considered freedom fighters. But by late March, the Soviets were still refusing to pull out of Afghanistan. 80 mostly smaller countries decided to participate in the Games, but 65 other nations joined the United States in their Olympic boycott. In the meantime, Carter had been winning Democratic primaries and was poised to easily win his party's nomination. So he tried to stay focused on his re election campaign. But another unresolved problem was keeping him up at night. Americans were still being held hostage in Iran. And although Iran had agreed to release 13 hostages a few weeks after their capture, more than 50 still remained in captivity. Carter was desperate to see them released later, saying, no matter what else happened, it was always there, painful because I was failing to accomplish what seemed to be a simple task. So President Carter decided to finally listen to his wife Rosalynn and other advisors and take bold action to to bring the hostages home. In 1976, a Georgia native, Navy veteran, and peanut farmer named Jimmy Carter won his bid for the presidency. What Carter didn't know then was that the next four years would be the most difficult he could ever imagine. Hi, I'm Lindsey Graham, the host of Wondery's podcast, American Historytellers. We take you to the events, times, and people that shaped America and Americans, our values, our struggles, and our dreams. In our latest series, we explore Jimmy Carter's time in the White House. From his unexpected presidential victory as an outsider vowing to clean up Washington to his remarkable diplomatic breakthroughs and legislative accomplishments on energy, education, and the environment. But Carter also faced crushing challenges as he worked to lead the country through energy shortages, sky high inflation, and the Iran hostage crisis. Follow American Historytellers on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad free and be the first to binge the newest season only on Wondery. Join Wondery in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today. Whole Foods started in the counterculture city of Austin, Texas and it took pride in being anti corporate and outside the mainstream. But like the city itself, Whole Foods has morphed over the years for better and perhaps for worse, and is now a multi billion dollar brand. In the latest season of Business wars, we explore the meteoric region rise of the Whole Foods brand. On its surface, it's a story of how an idealistic founder made good on his dream of changing American food culture. But it's also a case study in the conflict between ambition and idealism, how lofty goals can wilt under the harsh light of financial realities, and what gets lost on the way to the top. Follow Business wars on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts you can binge Business wars the Whole Whole Foods Rebellion early and ad free right now on Wondery Plus. In the spring of 1980, as the Iran hostage crisis neared its fourth month, Americans began tying yellow ribbons around trees, a gesture to symbolize that the hostages had not been forgotten. On the campaign trail, Jimmy Carter was often asked by voters and reporters when he would bring the hostages home. It was becoming obvious to everyone that his failure to do so was becoming the dominant theme of his administration and his reelection campaign. But negotiations with authorities in Iran and other attempted backdoor deals kept falling apart, sometimes at the last minute. Brief flickers of hope were quickly followed by frustration. Carter complained at one point, our patience is beginning to look like cowardice. Senator Ted Kennedy seized the opportunity and began criticizing Carter's handling of the ongoing crisis and Carter's relationship with the deposed shah, who was at the time in a military hospital in San Antonio, Texas. Kennedy claimed the Shah had stolen billions from his own country and that Carter should never have let Iran's former leader into the United States. But Kennedy's comments backfired when George H.W. bush, the former CIA director who was running for the Republican nomination, warned that his criticisms would put the hostages lives at risk. So despite the attention that Kennedy's comments attracted, by that point Carter's election team was more focused on the threat posed by his probable Republican opponent, Ronald Reagan, the popular Hollywood actor and former governor of California. However, early polls showed Carter ahead of both Reagan and Kennedy, which convinced Carter it was safe to cut back on campaigning to stay in Washington. He was absorbed by the lingering hostage crisis and the Soviets ongoing occupation of Afghanistan, which had now stretched into its six month. That conflict had escalated as civilians fought back and Soviet soldiers killed protesters in major cities. As one aide put it, there seems to be two White Housesone that is taking care of business as usual and one which is working on Iran and Afghanistan. For Carter, it felt like one crisis after another. Rosalynn agreed, saying they never stop coming. Big ones and small ones, potential disasters and mere annoyances. But some of the disasters were self inflicted. In early March, Carter announced a new round of anti inflation budget cuts, some of which would affect social programs in New York. Rosalind was furious that he'd made this announcement just before the New York primaries. So he lost to Kennedy in New York by 18 points. And Kennedy went on to win Pennsylvania too, giving new life to Kennedy's campaign. It was a surprising blow to Carter's seemingly insurmountable leading. And in early April, polls showed for the first time that the public had begun to disapprove of Carter's handling of the hostage crisis. Pressure was mounting to take more decisive action. So on April 7, 1980, Carter announced new economic sanctions against Iran. He also expelled Iranian diplomats and called on US Allies in Europe to support his efforts to pressure Iran into releasing the hostages. But behind the scenes, he was considering an even more aggressive plan. One night, as he and Rosalind were sitting on the Truman Balcony on the second floor of the White House, he confided in her that a rescue mission had been proposed and he was leaning toward approving it. He called it the hardest decision I've made in my life. Rosalind encouraged him to take a chance on the mission. So days later, Carter met with military leaders to finalize plans for a risky rescue operation dubbed Operation Eagle Claw. Carter knew that if the mission was not successful, it could bring his presidency to its knees. Imagine it's April 16, 1980. You're the commander of the US Army's elite Delta Force unit, and you're sitting in the White House Situation Room waiting to meet with the President. As Carter enters, everyone in the room rises. You salute the President, who's dressed in jeans and a sweater and looks more like Mr. Rogers than Commander in Chief. Carter motions for everyone to sit and nods for you to begin your briefing on operation eagle claw. Mr. President, I'd like to walk you through the mission details. Please do. Well, sir, the mission starts with eight helicopters landing at a site we call Desert One, 50 miles outside Tehran. Our men will wait till dark, then travel into the city by truck. They'll scale the east wall of the embassy and Blow a hole in it so we can extract the hostages. How many casualties do you anticipate? Honestly, we don't know. We'll do our very best to keep everyone safe, but there's always the possibility that some of our Delta Force could be wounded or hostages. We just can't know for sure. And the Iranians? My men are trained to fire on anyone carrying a weapon. And we will shoot to kill, sir. You see? Several people's eyes widen with concern, but the President just nods his head. Well, I understand. Whatever it takes to get the hostages home. What do you need from us, Colonel? We only need one thing, sir. Information. We still have very little intelligence. We don't even know where all the hostages are being held. Some may have been moved from the embassy. You see the President grimace at this, so you quickly shift the focus back to the potential success of the mission. But when we do reach the folks being held hostage, I want to make it clear that we are the good guys. So I'd like your permission to use your name to tell them the President of the United States has sent us. Carter shakes his head and gives a soft laugh. I'm not sure that'll help. Many of them are sure to be upset with me, but sure, go ahead. Our plan is to evacuate them to a nearby soccer stadium. And once we get them safely there, we'll count heads and make sure we have everyone. The President still looks nervous. You know he wouldn't be authorizing this mission if he felt like he had any other choice. Okay. I'll get over there and bring our people home. But. But one more thing. If there are casualties on our side, bring back the bodies, will you? It's clear that the President is torn by authorizing this rescue mission. Honestly, you didn't think he'd have the guts to do it. But he has. And he's shown extraordinary concern for the fate of the hostages. You know this mission is a risky one for the hostages, for your men, and for the President. In mid April of 1980, Carter approved operation Eagle Claw, a complicated rescue mission involving more than 100 personnel from the US Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and the CIA. The mission would be led by Delta Force, the Army's elite special operations unit created less than three years earlier by Army Colonel Charles Beckwith. Ever since November 4, 1979, when student protesters had overrun the US embassy in Tehran, most of the hostages had been held inside the embassy, while three others were held in the Ministry of foreign affairs building. U.S. officials had warned Carter that the trickiest part of the operation would be getting into Tehran undetected and then locating all the hostages. The risky operation called for an assault force of 118 troops delivered by Air Force planes from the neighboring country of Oman to a remote site in the Iranian desert. From there, the troops would rendezvous with eight transport helicopters launched off the USS Nimitz in the Gulf of Oman. These helicopters would deliver the assault force to a hilly location just outside the city of Tehran. The next night, the troops would drive by truck into Tehran, liberate the hostages, and lead them to a nearby soccer stadium where they'd be rescued by helicopters. Most of Carter's team felt confident in the mission's prospects. The lone holdout was his secretary of State, Cyrus Vance. On April 21, 1980, three days before the planned mission, he submitted his resignation in protest. Carter accepted it, but insisted that the announcement be made after the mission was over. Colonel Beckwith had long believed that this mission could be accomplished with six helicopters, but ordered eight to be assigned to the job to be safe. And on April 24, 1980, as the mission got underway, a series of mishaps compromised Beckwith's plans right from the start. One of the helicopters encountered hydraulic problems, another was caught in a sandstorm, and a third showed signs of a cracked rotor blade. With three of his eight helicopters out of commission, Beckwith reluctantly recommended the mission be canceled. Carter agreed to abort the mission, but just then, one of the helicopters crashed into a transport plane that contained servicemen and jet fuel. The resulting fire destroyed both aircraft and killed the eight servicemen aboard. Carter received word of this disaster at 6:00 that night. He was devastated and convinced it would cost him the election. At the time, Rosalind had been campaigning in Texas, so Carter called and gave her a vague summary of what happened. He couldn't go into detail, but he said, the news is bad. At 7 the next morning, Carter addressed the nation and described the failed mission, saying, it was my decision to attempt the rescue operation. It was my decision to cancel it. The responsibility is fully my own. Three days later, he met with Colonel Beckwith at a CIA camp in Virginia. The two men embraced and wept together. Beckwith said, Mr. President, I am sorry we let you down. But Iran's leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, gloated, proclaiming the incursion had been stopped by an act of God foiling the US Mission in order to protect Iran and its new Islamist government. The hostages were still stranded, and now there seemed to be no hope of bringing them home anytime soon. Carter's entire presence presidency seemed doomed and it wouldn't be the last crisis he faced during his final year in office. From Wondery this is episode two of the Carter Years from American Historytellers. On the next episode, Jimmy Carter faces a punishing final year at the White House before embarking on an ambitious post presidency that reshapes the role of American presidents in the if you like American Historytellers, you can binge all episodes early and ad free right now by joining Wondery and the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Prime members can listen ad free on Amazon Music. And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey@wondery.com survey. If you'd like to learn more about Jimmy Carter's presidency, we recommend the Outlier the Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter by Kai Bird, his very best Jimmy A Life by Jonathan Alter and Carter's 1995 memoir Keeping Faith. American Historytellers is hosted, edited and produced by me, Lindsey Graham for Airship Audio editing by Christian Paraga Sound design by Molly Bach Supervising Sound Designer Matthew Filler Music by Lindsey Graham this episode is written by Neil Thompson Edited by Dorian Marina Produced by Aleda Ryazanski Managing Producer Desi Blalock Senior Managing Producer Alan Plews Senior Producer Andy Herman Executive producers are Jenny Lauer, Beckman, Marshall, Louie and Aaron O'Flaherty for wondering in the early hours of December 4, 2024, CEO Brian Thompson stepped out onto the streets of midtown Manhattan. This assailant pulls out a weapon and starts firing at him. We're talking about the CEO of the biggest private health insurance corporation in the world and the suspect he has been.

NerdWallet Host (41:16)

Identified as Luigi Nicholas Mangione became one.

Lindsey Graham (41:19)

Of the most divisive figures in modern criminal history. I was targeted, premeditated Admit to sow terror. I'm Jesse Weber, host of Luigi Produced by Law and Crime and Twist. This is more than a true crime crime investigation. We explore a uniquely American moment that could change the country forever. He's awoken the people to a true issue.

NerdWallet Host (41:43)

Finally, maybe this would lead rich and powerful people to acknowledge the barbaric nature.

Lindsey Graham (41:48)

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