← American History Tellers
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- [00:00]
Lindsey Graham
Picture this. You're transported back in time, witnessing history unfold right before your eyes without any modern day interruptions. That's the magic of Wondery. Immerse yourself in the stories that shaped our nation with ad free episodes, early access to new seasons and exclusive bonus content. Join Wondery plus in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts and experience American history like never before. Imagine it's 4:45am on Sunday, Nov. 4, 1979, in Washington, D.C. you're President Jimmy Carter's National Security Advisor. You're sitting in your study at home, nervously drinking a cup of coffee. It's your third. You're about to call the President of Camp David to update him on a troubling report from Iran. And? And you need to be alert. You've just learned that hundreds of Iranian students and protesters have marched from Tehran university to the US embassy. There they've seized more than 60American staffers and taken them hostage. The situation in Iran has been deteriorating for months following the fall of the Shah, the ruling monarch of the country. Anti American protests filled the streets of Tehran in recent weeks and the President ordered hundreds of embassy staffers to return home. But a small staff of about 70 remained. And now your worst fears have been realized and American lives are at risk. You pick up the phone and your call gets patched through to Camp David where the President is staying with his family for the weekend. The camp has become Carter's refuge from the pressures of the job in his upcoming re election campaign. You don't relish disturbing him, but this is an emergency. Yes? Sorry to wake you so early, sir. Our embassy in Iran has been overrun. They're holding about 60 of our people. Oh, dear God. Has anyone been hurt? No, sir. They appear to be safe. State Department has spoken to the embassy chief there and he's hopeful that we'll get this resolved quickly. Well, what do the Iranians want? Have they issued any demands? No, nothing official, except the same demand protesters have been making for weeks. Send the Shah back to Iran. Well, we've agreed we can't do that. It was a humanitarian gesture to allow him into New York for treatment. We can't send him back if he's going to be killed. Yes, sir, but if you recall, the response to our decision was that a million protesters took to the streets of Tehran. The revolutionaries there see it as undermining their struggle. They want the Shah back to face justice. Well, it's not happening. What else can we do? We're trying to reach Iran's Foreign Minister and Prime Minister? Right now, sir. But we both know that Ayatollah is calling the shots. Yeah, and it's impossible to negotiate with that man. Our initial thinking is to impose diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions. And if they don't respond well, there is military intervention. And if that fails for any reason, we've got dead hostages. I can't have that on my conscience. We have to proceed with caution. I agree, sir. But there is another thing to consider. What's that? It's a delicate moment for your reelection campaign. My re election is not important at the moment. I want to bring these hostages home safely. I also want to protect the nation's honor and dignity. If I do that, then I'm sure the American people will see it. You admire the President and his willingness to put country over self, but he is treading on uncertain ground. It may not be possible to both save the hostages and the nation's dignity. Privately, you're worried that if this crisis doesn't get resolved quickly, it could drag the US into war with Iran and define Jimmy Carter's presidency.
- [03:48]
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- [05:05]
Lindsey Graham
From wonderty. I'm Lindsey Graham and this is American Historytellers. Our history, your story on our show. We'll take you to the events, the times and the people that shaped America and Americans our values, our struggles and our dreams. We'll put you in the shoes of everyday people as history was being made. And we'll show you how the events of the times affected them, their families, and affects you now. In 1976, as America struggled to recover from the twin traumas of the Watergate scandal and the war in Vietnam, an unlikely figure emerged from the Georgia countryside. Jimmy Carter, a drawling Navy veteran, Sunday school teacher and peanut farmer, turned governor of Georgia. In his run for the presidency, he promised to bring honesty and integrity back to the White House. Carter's unexpected presidential victory marked a seismic shift in American politics. He was the first president from the Deep south since the Civil War, a born again Christian who spoke of human rights and environmental protection, and an outsider who vowed to clean up Washington. He also brought to the White House his wife, Rosalynn Carter, who proved to be a popular and politically savvy First Lady. She became a trusted partner to her husband and the most politically active first lady since Eleanor Roosevelt. Carter's presidency saw remarkable diplomatic breakthroughs in the Middle east and legislative accomplishments on energy, education and the environment. But during his time in the White House, he also faced crushing challenges, from energy shortages to the Iran hostage crisis. Through it all, Carter's commitment to human rights and public service defined a presidency that remained both controversial and and deeply consequential. This is the first episode in our three part series on the Carter Years. Jimmy who? James Earl Carter Jr. Was born October 1, 1924 in Plains, Georgia, the first child of Bessie Lillian Gordy, a nurse, and James Earl Carter Sr. A farmer and businessman. Jimmy and his three younger siblings were raised on the family farm in the village of Archery, Georgia. With a population just under 500, the Carter's three bedroom home, built from a Sears and Roebuck kit, had no electricity or running water until Jimmy was a teenager. Carter's father, known as Mr. Earl, grew peanuts, corn, sugarcane and cotton on his farm. As one of the few white families in their rural community, the Carters were surrounded by the descendants of enslaved laborers. And Earl Carter rented out parcels of his land to tenant farmers, most of them black. He was a strict disciplinarian and deeply conservative Southerner who believed in segregation. Jimmy's mother, known as Ms. Lillian, worked long hours at the hospital in nearby Plains, Georgia, despite her husband's conservative views on race. As a nurse, she often made house calls to help deliver babies in the homes of her black neighbors and encouraged her children to play with theirs. Other important figures in Jimmy's early life included the family cook, a Young black woman named Annie Mae Hollis, who helped raise Jimmy and his siblings and Jack and Rachel Clark, tenant farmers on the family's property. Jack was Earl Carter's foreman and he taught Jimmy about farming. Jack's wife Rachel taught Jimmy to fish, and at night they often played cards and checkers in their one room cabin. Carter later said that he knew Rachel Clark better than my mother. Young Jimmy worked hard on the family farm. He'd rise at dawn in order to milk cows, slaughter hogs and plow the dusty peanut fields behind Emma, the family mule. Like many of their neighbors, the Carter family struggled during the Depression. But by the late 1930s, Earl Carter had turned their fortunes around. He ran a general store, a fire insurance agency and a peanut warehouse. In time, he expanded his farm to 5,000 acres. Jimmy called his father sir and worshiped him constantly striving to meet his expectations. And like his father, Jimmy was entrepreneurial. Recognizing his teenage son's ambition, Jimmy's father gave him an acre of land where he grew and packaged his own peanuts. Jimmy and a cousin were soon making their own money selling boiled peanuts, hamburgers and homemade ice cream in downtown Plains. Jimmy's mother valued education and even encouraged her children to read at the dinner table. Jimmy became a straight A student at Plains High School, where his English teacher pushed him to read widely, write and participate in debate. She also encouraged him to dream of a life beyond rural Georgia. But Jimmy needed little encouragement there. From an early age, he knew he wanted to explore the world and he set his sights on the military, inspired in part by an uncle who served in the Navy. So in 1943, at age 18, Jimmy received a coveted appointment to the U.S. naval Academy. There he was a quiet and reserved student, mocked by fellow midshipmen for his southern drawl and skinny 130 pound frame. Two years later, in 1945, he he fell for a friend of his sisters, Rosalynn Smith, the daughter of a local auto shop repairman in Plains. The two had known each other for most of their lives, but they were married In July of 1946, two weeks after Jimmy graduated from the Naval Academy. For the next several years, Jimmy's burgeoning naval career took the couple to bases in Virginia, California and Hawaii. Along the way, Rosalind gave birth to three sons, lovingly known as Jack, Chip and Jeff. In 1948, Jimmy began training on submarines and spent the next four years serving in the silent service, eventually reaching the rank of lieutenant. In 1952, he began training in the Navy's elite nuclear submarine program. But then In April of 1953, he received a call from home. His father, who had smoked three packs of cigarettes a day for decades, had terminal cancer. When Earl Carter died in July of that year, Jimmy made the difficult decision to leave the Navy and return to Georgia to take over the family peanut business. Rosalind furiously objected, calling it a monumental step backward. But although the family business was struggling and deeply in debt, by the late 1950s, Jimmy had turned it around. And once he was back home, Jimmy became a prominent figure in the local Plains community. He joined the Lions Club, became a scoutmaster for the Boy Scouts, and chaired the local school board. But Jimmy and Rosalynn held tolerant racial views which were not always appreciated by their white Southern neighbors. In 1960, while serving as chair of his county school board, Carter supported plans to consolidate smaller schools. Just six years after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education ruling outlawed school segregation, many white locals viewed Carter's consolidation plans as a secret attempt to integrate schools. Some local pro segregationists boycotted the Carter's peanut business, and one service station owner even refused to sell Jimmy gas. So by the early 1960s, Jimmy felt compelled to play a more active part in changing the politics of the old South. Inspired by the election of a fellow Navy man, John F. Kennedy, in 1962, Jimmy made the decision to run for office, and he was soon elected to the Georgia State Senate. In 1966, after just two terms as a state senator, Jimmy. He boldly ran for governor, but lost to Lester Maddox, a populist Democrat and outspoken segregationist who refused to serve black customers at his Atlanta restaurant. Undeterred, Carter ran for governor again four years later. This time, knowing he had to find a way to appeal to conservative white voters, Carter publicly shifted to the right. He met with conservative leaders, including the notoriously racist White Citizens Council, which angered some early supporters and black voters. But Carter's political calculation paid off. Imagine it's January 12, 1971. You're a civil rights lawyer and activist in Georgia, and you're sitting in an Atlanta bar watching the new governor give his inaugural address. You've known Jimmy Carter for years, but you're not happy with the campaign he ran. He rarely met with black voters and seemed to go out of his way to appeal to white supporters of segregation. And so far, you're unimpressed by his speech, too. You turn to a state legislator seated next to you. Any of this sound good to you so far? He shakes his head in dismay. No. And I don't agree with the message he was sending on the campaign Trail either. I guess he did what he thought he had to do to get elected. Yeah, and he totally lost his black support doing it. He blatantly pandered to segregationists. You think maybe that was the plan? I mean, a few months back he said, you won't like my campaign, but you will like my administration. You think this is some sort of Trojan horse? I don't believe that for a second during the campaign he courted segregationists. He sounded just like that racist Maddox. Yeah, well, thank God Maddox was limited to just one term. You put down your beer and turn your attention back to the tv, and just then, something Jimmy Carter says in his speech shocks you to the core.
- [14:20]
Jimmy Carter
At the end of a long campaign, I believe I know our people of this state as well as anyone could. Based on this knowledge of Georgians, north and south, rural and urban, liberal and conservative, I say to you, quite frankly, that the time for racial discrimination is over.
- [14:48]
Lindsey Graham
Will you hear that? Maybe he is a Trojan horse. Oh, please. He sought out the endorsement of the White Citizens Council. They're practically the kkk. He's not a reformer in my book. Well, one thing's for certain. If Carter means what he just said and the segregationists who supported him are going to feel betrayed, they might turn on him. He'll be looking for political allies. Yeah, well, let's just hope the man who pretended to be a conservative isn't now pretending to be our ally, too. You nod your head because you do wonder if Carter really will work to fight racial discrimination. Georgia needs someone who's going to do right by the people by appointing black judges and state officials and reforming the judicial system. But you can't be sure yet whether Carter's really on your side. Jimmy Carter began his term as Georgia's governor with a surprise call for racial tolerance. He had run his campaign as a moderate conservative, but in his inaugural address, he unveiled his true intentions, saying no poor, rural, weak or black person should ever have to bear the additional burden of being deprived of the opportunity of an education, a job, or simple justice. His bold address in January of 1971 made national news. But Carter's progressive stance on segregation also cost him the support of the state's Democratic party. Former governor Lester Maddox called him a bald faced liar for posing as a conservative. But ultimately, Carter stood behind his words. As governor, he doubled the number of black employees on the state payroll and appointed dozens of minorities and women to state positions, more than all previous Georgia governors combined. He also boldly hung a portrait of Martin Luther King, Jr. In the state house, drawing protests from members of the Ku Klux Klan. And his liberal agenda didn't stop there. He also championed prison and judicial reform, equal education in poor and urban schools, and environmental protection initiatives. Some efforts were more symbolic than tangible, but they raised his profile and in May 1971 propelled him to the COVID of Time magazine, who heralded him as the face of the new south. But Carter's time as governor coincided with a dramatic period of national political turn turmoil, including Richard Nixon's divisive presidency, the Watergate scandal and the escalating war in Vietnam. So by 1974, after just one term as governor, Carter began to wonder if he was ready for the national stage. He believed he could appeal to voters looking for an honest politician, a new kind of open minded southern Democrat with humble working class roots. On May 4, 1974, Governor Jimmy Carter gave a blistering speech at the University of Georgia law school. He was not known as a dynamic public speaker, and his aides often begged him to show voters more preacher, less engineer. But Carter's law school speech, as it would later be called, ranked as one of his best. In it, he quoted a friend of mine, a poet named Bob Dylan. He then went on to denounce the criminal justice system as rigged and racist. As governor, Carter had befriended folk musicians like Dylan and Greg Allman of the Allman brothers, relationships that lent him a youthful cachet. And after his impassioned law school speech, gonzo journalist Hunter S. Thompson wrote a glowing profile for Rolling Stone magazine, saying Carter sounded like the voice of an angry agrarian populist and calling him one of the most intelligent politicians I've ever met and also one of the strangest. This early support from young musicians and counterculture journalists like Thompson gave Carter some buzz as a fresh new political voice. Young, handsome, liberal, and riding this wave of popularity. On December 12, 1974, as his term as governor wound down, Carter announced he would be running for president. But he was still a relative unknown on the national stage, leading the press to joke Jimmy who? Even his mother, Lillian was skeptical, responding to his announcement he was running for president by scoffing. President of what? So at the start of 1975, when Carter entered the race for the Democratic nomination, he faced stiff headwinds. He would be running against popular Democratic candidates like California governor Jerry Brown and the controversial governor of Alabama, George Wallace. And in the beginning of the race, he wasn't faring well. At one point, Carter trailed at a distant 13th place in the polls. But the rural farmer from Georgia wasn't going to give up the fight betting that American voters were ready for change.
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- [21:59]
Lindsey Graham
By early 1975, Jimmy Carter had launched his campaign for the presidency in earnest. Often traveling solo and lugging his own garment bag, he kept up a relentless pace, visiting 250 cities in 46 states, wooing voters with a pledge to bring honesty, trust and openness to the White House. He closed his speeches with a promise to never tell a lie, a direct reference to the scandals and drama that had engulfed the Nixon White House. By this time, Rosalynn Carter had become indispensable to her husband's ambitions. She was a natural campaigner, one aide said. She wanted to be first lady as much as he wanted to be president, and they were a good team. On the road, both he and Rosalynn made it a point to remember supporters names and wrote personal thank you notes. Rosalynn even gave voters her phone number and kept detailed notes on potential supporters on index cards. And through mid-1975, the couple focused on the Iowa caucuses, part of a strategy to win the early primaries. At times, Carter faced small crowds who didn't even know he was running. But Jimmy often made the best of it. He once spoke to a crowd of just three people in a hotel conference room, then walked through downtown Des Moines shaking hands. But in addition to his wife, Rosalynn, Carter also relied on famous musician friends. Willie Nelson, John Denver, Jimmy Buffett and the Allman Brothers all helped him fundraiser and generating crucial support from members of the Congressional Black Caucus. Martin Luther King Jr. S father, known as Daddy King, came out early in favor of Carter. So by 1976, the Jimmy Hoo jokes receded as Carter started to make a name for himself against better known candidates like George Wallace and Jerry Brown. To the surprise of many, he moved steadily to the front of the pack. And soon other young Democrats came to his side, including 33 year old Delaware Senator Joe Biden, who campaigned for Carter. This momentum came as some voters viewed Carter as the ideal antidote to Richard Nixon. He was humble and thrifty. He wore the same two cheap suits, one gray, one blue. Day after day he slept in supporters homes while on the road he ate burgers and fast food. He cultivated the image of a drawling, handsome, down to earth churchgoer and Navy veteran. Carter describes himself as a farmer, an engineer, a father and a husband, a Christian, a nuclear physicist, a naval officer and among other things, a lover of Bob Dylan's songs. The New York Times helpfully referred him as a southern Kennedy. But behind the scenes, reporters found that Carter could be prickly and self righteous. TV host Bill Moyers said, I respect him and I'm afraid of him. He never seems to relax. But most voters didn't get to see this side of Carter, who won both the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primaries. And then when Carter took Pennsylvania and North Carolina in the primaries, it was a turning point. His rivals started dropping out, including Wallace and Brown. By the summer of 1976, the underdog had become the unlikely frontrunner. And at the Democratic National Convention in July, Carter easily won his party's nomination. He chose liberal Minnesota senator Walter Mondale as his vice presidential candidate, and together they planned to run a strong race against the Republican nominee, Nixon's former vice president and current president, Gerald Ford. But as the Democratic frontrunner, Carter faced new scrutiny. And that summer, the media pressed him to talk publicly about his faith. His team had advised him to navigate a narrow path as a progressive Democrat who also held Christian beliefs. But when reporters started asking more about his faith, Carter held a press conference and described a deeply profound religious experience he'd had back in 1967 after losing his first race for governor, he was despondent and spent time with his sister, Ruth Carter Stapleton, who had become an evangelical healer. Carter had always been a dedicated Christian, but his time with his sister inspired him to make what he called a complete commitment to Christ. He told one reporter, I feel like I have one life to live. I feel God wants me to do the best I can with it. This candid discussion of being born again and his relationship to Christ appealed to evangelical voters and conservatives. Carter's colorful family also helped generate more support in conservative states like Texas, where his brother Billy Carter campaigned for him. Billy joked with the press. My mother went into the Peace Corps when she was 68. My one sister is a motorcycle freak, My other sister is a Holy Roller evangelist, and my brother is running for president. I'm the only sane one in the family. But despite Carter's promising start during the final months of the campaign, Gerald Ford, with Kansas senator Bob Dole as his running mate, managed to cut into Carter's lead. And then Carter almost upended his campaign with comments he made during a disastrous interview with Playboy magazine. In the article, which appeared in September 1976, Carter admitted he had looked on a lot of women with lust and had committed adultery in my heart. Soon thereafter, Carter's lead in the polls dropped 10 points. But then Gerald Ford made some costly mistakes of his own, including misstatements. During the second presidential debate, Ford stated that there was no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe, which was considered a naive view of Soviet brutality at the time. And then at the 11th hour, Carter received a crucial endorsement from his former Democratic rival, George Wallace. Wallace told Southern voters, it's all right to be a conservative Democrat and vote for Jimmy Carter. This support helped Carter shore up conservative and rural white votes so that when all was said and done on Election day, Carter captured 50% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes to forge 240. It was one of the closest presidential margins of victory in six decades. In a short victory speech, Carter promised to make America great once again. But in addition to wooing reluctant conservative and rural white voters, it became clear Carter also managed to win support from many black voters in Southern states and working class voters in the Rust Belt. The former peanut farmer had risen from relative obscurity to the White House in nine short months, and optimism in the Carter camp was high. Imagine it's November 22, 1976, and you're an aide to outgoing President Gerald Ford at your office in the White House. It's been more than two weeks since your boss lost to Jimmy Carter, and today Ford is meeting with Carter while you and your colleagues welcome Carter's incoming staff, a group of Southern yokels known as the Georgia Mafia. They look nothing like the Washington insiders you've worked with for years. They seem young and cocky, and they wear blue jeans, not suits. They speak in thick Southern drawls. And they're also known to drink beer, curse and listen to rock music. So you feel a little dread as you look up to see one of Carter's staff approaching your desk. He reaches out to shake your hand. Howdy. I'm Ham Jordan. Good to meet you. You got a nice place here. He laughs and slaps you on the back. You're not surprised by his lack of decorum. Car Carter has never served in Congress or in a Cabinet post or led in the federal government in any way. He's a bumpkin, and clearly so are his band of juvenile Southern boys. But you have no choice but to help the transition, so you force a smile. Yes, it is a nice place. Would you like me to show you around? Oh, sure thing. Is this your first time in the White House? That's just about my first time in Washington. Well, if I may a little advice. Washington is a very social town. You might want to get yourself a suit and tie. There's always a cocktail party or some event that you're going to be expected to attend. I'm not really a cocktail party kind of guy. Not. Not my thing. Yes. I take it you're a pretty informal group. I. I noticed. Mr. Carter. You mean President Carter. Yes. Sorry. President Elect Carter. I notice he carries his own luggage. Yeah, he likes to show he's an average guy, but don't be fooled. He's no rube. He'll bite your damn head off if you cross it. You reach the West Wing and then show Jordan into one of the offices. He looks around, impressed. Yeah. Nice. I. I think this one's going to be mine. This is the Chief of Staff's office? Yep, that's right. Your Carter's Chief of Staff. Yeah. So you might be right about buying that suit. Look, you may think we're a bunch of suckers, but the American people want an honest leader, someone they can trust. Washington's been run all business as usual for too long now, so we're about to shake things up around here. Jordan takes another sweeping look at his new office. You just shake your head. Sure, Watergate was a scandal and the country is facing some tough times, but you still can't believe your boss, Gerald Ford, lost a peanut farmer. On Inauguration Day, January 20, 1977, in 28 degree weather, Jimmy Carter's limousine approached the White House. The 39th President of the United States leaned forward and told the Secret Service driver to stop. Jimmy Rosalynn and their nine year old daughter, Amy, got out and started walking to the White House. His team had suggested Carter show the public a fit and humble new president. Carter initially thought it was a silly stunt, but later called it one of those few perfect moments in life where everything seems absolutely right. So Carter walked into office with sky high approval ratings and Democratic majorities in the House and Senate. He had ambitious plans to use this mandate. He started by pledging to eliminate nuclear weapons and pursue world peace and human rights. And in an effort toward transparency, he became the first president to release his tax returns and transferred his family's business interests to a blind trust. Then one of Carter's first official acts was to give amnesty and an unconditional pardon for all conscientious objectors. During the Vietnam War, this wiped clean the criminal records of tens of thousands of American men who had fled to Canada and other countries to avoid the draft. But the backlash from veterans and conservatives was immediate and harsh. Still, Carter didn't stop there. As he had as Georgia's governor, he next began to staff his administration with more women and minorities than any previous President Rosalynn was among those who pushed him to integrate his staff. She also influenced her husband's policies and became the first first lady to have her own policy staff. She became a passionate spokesperson for mental health legislation and Carter called her my best friend and chief advisor. But Carter also took office during a difficult time for the economy. In 1973, the Arab members of oil producing states had launched an oil embargo against the US that embargo had ended in 1974, but the so called energy crisis had lingered and three years later Americans were still facing rising energy prices. Carter tried to confront the crisis and on February 2, 1977, wearing a cardigan sweater for his first televised fireside chat, he urged Americans to turn down their thermostats and conserve fuel while ordering government buildings to cut back on heating. Carter knew he risked losing popularity by encouraging austerity, but the public initially supported his call for sacrifice. A month later he conducted an unprecedented live two hour radio call in show with Walter Cronkite during which Carter answered caller's questions directly and showed off his intellect and poise. Then on Saturday Night Live, Dan Aykroyd impersonated Carter, portraying him as the most knowledgeable and competent president in history. Encouraged by the public support, Carter signed the Emergency Natural Gas act and imposed the first ever fuel economy standards for cars. In a televised address, he scolded those who drove gas guzzlers and called the energy crisis the greatest challenge that our country will face during our lifetime. Carter's approval ratings soon skyrocketed to 75%. He was off to a successful start. What soon? Soon he would place two big bets on foreign affairs initiatives, each so risky that failure on either one might spell disaster.
- [34:26]
Chico Felitti
Everyone has that friend who seems kind of perfect for Patty. That friend was Desiree. Until one day I texted her and.
- [34:35]
Lindsey Graham
She was not getting the text. So I went to Instagram. She has no Instagram anymore. And Facebook. No Facebook anymore.
- [34:42]
Chico Felitti
Desiree was gone. And there was one person who knew the answer.
- [34:47]
Lindsey Graham
I am a spiritual person, a magical person, a witch.
- [34:51]
Chico Felitti
A gorgeous Brazilian influencer called Kat Torres, but who was hiding a secret from Wondery. Based on my smash hit podcast From Brazil comes a new series, Don't Cross Cat, about a search that led me to a mystery in a Texas suburb. I'm calling to check on the two missing Brazilian girls.
- [35:12]
Lindsey Graham
Maybe get some undercover crew there.
- [35:14]
Lo Libido
The family are freaking out.
- [35:16]
Lindsey Graham
They are lost.
- [35:17]
Chico Felitti
I'm Chico Felitti. You can listen to Don't Cross Cat on the Wondery app or wherever you.
- [35:22]
Lindsey Graham
Get your podcasts in 1976, a Georgia native, Navy veteran and peanut farmer named Jimmy Carter won his bid for the presidency. What Carter didn't know then was that the next four years would be the most difficult he could ever imagine. Hi, I'm Lindsey Graham, the host of Wondery's podcast, American Historytellers. We take you to the events, times and people that shaped America and Americans, our values, our struggles and our dreams. In our latest series, we explore Jimmy Carter's time in the White House, from his unexpected presidential victory as an outsider vowing to clean up Washington to his remarkable diplomatic breakthroughs and legislative accomplishments on energy, education, and the environment. But Carter also faced crushing challenges as he worked to lead the country through energy shortages, sky high inflation, and the Iran hostage crisis. Follow American Historytellers on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad free and be the first to binge the newest season only on Wondery. Join Wondery in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free TR in early 1977, during the first months of his administration, Jimmy Carter opened negotiations to return the US Built Panama Canal to its host country. Carter's interest in the canal had been inspired by reading historian David McCullough's book the Path between the Seas, which explored the complicated cultural and political history of the canal's construction. Carter came to feel that keeping the canal under US control was immoral, so by May of 1977 he had worked out a preliminary agreement with Panama's leader, General Omar Torrillos. In August, Carter asked members of Congress to carefully study his proposed agreement, but to reserve making any public statements. Ignoring that request, South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond objected and in a speech said, the canal is ours. We bought and we paid for it and we should keep it. But despite this resistance, on September 7, 1977, Carter Carter welcomed Torrillos and other Latin American leaders to the White House to sign the preliminary treaties. But he still needed the U.S. senate to approve the deal, and winning congressional support would take time and strategy. Ever since his presidential campaign, Carter's relationship with fellow Democratic leaders had been strained. While running his election, he had distanced himself from the Democratic Party, preferring to be seen as an outsider and not part of the establishment. But as president, he was the nation's top Democrat, a role he was reluctant to embrace. It didn't help that one of his first moves as president was threatening to veto any legislation that included public works and water projects. These projects were heavily favored by Democratic lawmakers, but Carter considered them wasteful. This veto threat hung over his first year in office and strained his relationship with Democrats in Congress. From the start, one veteran Democratic senator warned Carter that he had gone to war with his own best soldiers. But for Carter, eliminating what he saw as waste was a top priority. Coming into office, he became obsessed with austerity. He insisted on turning off lights in the White House to conserve energy and, over Rosalind's objections, set the thermostats to a chilly 65 degrees during the day and 55 at night. He also drove his staff crazy with obsessive frugality. But in 1978, it was Carter's strained relationship with Congress and Democratic leaders that brought a chill to Washington. For months, Republicans and even some Democrats had resisted Carter's idea of returning the Panama Canal to Panama. And as Congress neared a vote, the outcome grew uncertain. And then defeat loomed. But then, in April 1978, the Senate narrowly approved the deal. One White House staffer said the resulting celebration was the first display of emotion in Carter's camp. And Carter said getting the final votes had been even harder than getting elected president. The deal, made up of two treaties, set a schedule to transfer the canal back to Panama by 1999. But these Panama Canal treaties were some of his last legislative victories. Carter failed to get congressional support for tax and welfare reform. And as 1978 progressed, Carter faced declining approval ratings and more fights with Congress over economic and energy initiatives. So, confronting the limits of what he could achieve at home in the summer of 1978, Carter turned abroad. He wanted to help bring peace to the Middle East. Carter had almost no foreign policy experience before coming to Washington, but his Christian faith had instilled in him an interest in the Holy Land and the Middle East. The region had seen war break out four times between Israel and Arab states since the end of World War II, most recently the Yom Kippur War of 1973. Carter studied the ongoing conflict through the summer of 1978 and began thinking about a bold plan to bring Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begum to the negotiating table. When Vice President Walter Mondale first heard of about Carter's idea, he warned, if this blows up in your face, it could destroy your presidency. But Carter was determined to prove that the United States could be a force for peace in the world. And he believed he could succeed where others had failed. Imagine it's a warm Saturday afternoon in mid July 1978. You're the first lady and you're at the presidential retreat at Camp David with. With your husband, walking along one of your favorite trails. Jimmy had threatened to sell this property at the start of his administration. One of his attempts at frugality. But you're glad he changed his mind. These 140 wooded acres an hour north of the capital have become one of your favorite places. A refuge from the chaos of Washington. Jimmy stops and turns to you. You remember the trip we took to Israel when I was governor? Of course I do. May of 73. Golda, my year, invited you. We had that tour guide who drove us around in an old Mercedes wagon. I thought it was wonderful. Why do you ask? Well, I keep thinking about the streets of old Jerusalem, the holy places we visited, all the ancient history in that tiny country. Seems it made an impression on you. It did. But I've been thinking about how complicated that history is. What it means for today, all those Palestinian refugees. I want to help bring Israel and Egypt to the negotiating table. But everyone keeps telling me it's risky, that it's a losing proposition. Well, it very well could be. Peace in the Middle east won't be achieved without great sacrifice on one side or the other. Maybe. But I can't stop thinking about it. I know if I could just get the two sides talking, we could find some common ground. Just then. You have an idea, you take your husband's hand in yours. Why don't you propose a meeting here? Wouldn't this place, this peaceful camp, be an ideal place for talks? Well, it is so beautiful here. Bucolic setting like this could keep things informal, keep the dialogue flowing. Maybe we could work out some of the lingering problems. I mean, it's hard to hold a grudge in a place like this. Well, I would think so, but Camp David isn't magic. What if the talks fail? Are you willing to be the scapegoat? Your husband shrugged. They could fail. But we won't know if we don't try. You look at your husband with admiration and concern. Peace talks between Egypt and Israel could either be his greatest foreign policy triumph or a devastating failure. But your husband is a stubborn man, one who hates to lose. On August 8, 1978, the White House announced plans for peace talks between Egyptian President Amwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin to take place at Camp David. In September, Carter was inundated with warnings from Congress, friends and advisors that the meetings were too risky, that the likelihood of success was remote and it was a distraction for more important issues on the home front. But a month later, on September 5th, Jimmy and Rosalynn welcomed the foreign leaders to Camp David. The Carters, Sadats and Begins stayed in rustic cabins just a hundred yards from each other. Negotiations began the next day and the three leaders issued a joint statement asking people of all faiths to pray for us that peace and justice may result from these deliberations. But the talks got off to a bumpy start. Sadat and Begin often broke into shouting matches and negotiations teetered on the brink of collapse, with one of the two sides angrily threatening to walk out. But when that happened, Carter would jump in to mediate. Then, after a few days of stalled negotiations, Carter suggests they take a break and visit the nearby Civil War battlefield at Gettysburg. He hoped a visit to the site of the bloody three day battle between Union and Confederate troops might inspire the two sides to work toward resolving their own historic conflict. Sadat was excited to make the trip, but Begin seemed reserved until when he reached the hallowed grounds where thousands of Americans died. Suddenly, Begin began to recite Abraham Lincoln's entire Gettysburg Address from memory. Before reaching the battlefield, Begin had packed his bags and was planning to leave Camp David immediately after returning from Gettysburg. But this emotional moment convinced Begin to stay, and that decision convinced Carter that there was still hope for peace. Still, relations remained strained. Talks between the two delegations that had been planned for three days dragged on for nearly two weeks. Finally, on September 17, 1978, Begin and Sadat announced that they were unwilling to come to a definitive agreement. But each side yielded on key issues. The result was two separate agreements or frameworks. Together they became known as the Camp David Accords. These accords affirmed Israel's promise to withdraw troops and civilians from the Sinai Peninsula, to end military rule over the occupied territory territories of west bank and Gaza, and to acknowledge the rights of the Palestinian people. Egypt agreed to demilitarize the Sinai Peninsula and let Israeli ships pass through the Suez Canal. Egypt also became the first Arab state to formally recognize Israel's right to exist. Jimmy Carter's dream of brokering a wider regional peace agreement in the Middle east and protecting a self governed homeland for Palestinians fell short. Still, he counted the Camp David Accords as his most important accomplishment thus far. But Carter had little time to bask in this triumph because Americans at home were suffering inflation caused by the lingering effects of Vietnam War spending and the oil embargo had reached nearly 10%. Carter admitted it was our most serious domestic problem. Unemployment and gas prices were rising too. And at the same time, worldwide oil production had reached capacity. And by late April 1979, many anxious Americans found themselves stuck in long lines at gas stations, waiting hours to fill up their tanks. It became clear that if President Carter did not find a solution to the country's economic turmoil soon, any hopes for a second term would be doomed. From Wondery this is Episode one of the Carter Years from American Historyteller. On the next episode as Jimmy Carter faces a deepening energy crisis and soaring inflation on the home front. An international crisis erupts when Iranian protesters storm the US embassy and take more than 60Americans hostage. If you like American Historytellers, you can binge all episodes early and ad free right now by joining Wondery in the Wondery app or on Apple Podcasts. Prime members can listen ad free on Amazon Music. And before you go, tell us about yourself by filling out a short survey@wondery.com survey if you'd like to learn more about Jimmy Carter's presidency, we recommend the the Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter by Kai Bird, His Very best Jimmy A Life by Jonathan Alter and Carter's 1995 memoir Keeping Faith. American Historytellers is hosted, edited and produced by Me, Lindsey Graham for Airship Audio editing by Christian Paraga Sound design by Molly Bach Supervising Sound Designer Matthew Filler Music by Thrum this episode is written by Neil Thompson Edited by Dorian Marina Produced by Aleda Ryazanski Managing Producer Desi Blaylock Senior Managing Producer Callum Plews Senior Producer Andy Herman Executive producers are Jenny Lauerbee, Beckman, Marshall Louie and Aaron O'Flaherty for Wondery.
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