Deacon Harrison Garlick (81:06)
Golly, that's so tempting. The gorgias is. Is one of my favorite dialogues, as I mentioned earlier. Send. We record usually well ahead of time. And so I actually just recorded three episodes on the Gorgias. And it's a dialogue that when I first read, I kind of liked, but then as I kind of talked with others, again, that iron, sharpening iron, it's just become almost one of my favorite dialogues. In a lot of ways, it's a republic without all the weird politics. It kind of covers the same subjects, but, like, one of the things of that is there's a myth at the end of the Gorgias, and it's. The image of it has not left my mind since I read it, in which basically the unjust man beats his soul like a tyrant beats a slave. And so at the end of our life, we present our soul to the judge in the. In the Gorgias. It's. It's, you know, these kind of three pagan judges, but we present our soul, naked, as it were, without a body, to the judges. And what they see then is our soul bruised and battered. Because I was unjust. Every time I commit an unjust act, right, I. I beat my own soul. And this is what he's arguing here, like you mentioned, is against Calicles's inclination to be a tyrant, that I should just go out and seek pleasure with everything. And he's trying to show Calicles, like, why. Why is this a bad life, right? Or at least he's. Callicles is his interlocutor, because it's a weird dialogue because there's actually a crowd of people listening to them, right? So Callicles might be very recalcitrant to this, but he might be trying to save the souls of the young men, you know, who are listening. But it is really. It's an important dialogue here, and it dovetails in. Well, because on its surface, it's about rhetoric. It terminates then in what is the good life. But it begins about questioning rhetoric. And what we see here is something similar to what I think Dante teaches us about speech. And this theme of contraceptive speech is that if rhetoric, right, if our speech is divorced from the truth, in the Gorgias, we would say divorce from philosophy be. Then it becomes tyrannical, and all it wants to do is satiate the lower passions, right? That's. That's all it is. It's. The speech is just simply there as a means by which I can manipulate and lie and do whatever I need to do to get more to satiate those. Lower those passions and appetites, right? The tyrant would be the best of all lives because he gets everything that he wants. He has the power. He can do all these things. And so I use my rhetoric to secure some type of tyrannical place in life. But then there's also philosophy, this philosophy that tries to understand the nature of things and its causes by its own etymology, right? It loves wisdom. But what's interesting in the, in the Gorgias, and maybe what we're trying to experience tonight is that philosophy, right? You could say, oh, so rhetoric needs philosophy, right, Philosophy. Rhetoric needs philosophy to guide it, to orient our speech not towards what's tyrannical, but towards what's true, good and beautiful. Okay, good. I think we can agree to that. However, I think what a lot of people miss is, is that philosophy also needs rhetoric because philosophy without rhetoric is impotent. No one's going to listen. And so, like to give an example of this, like, you know, I would hope, right? Like, you know, we have several projects on here, right? We have Ascend, which is my project. We have Sean, who has his project. We have Catholic, you know, Shannon, with Catholic frequency, that has his project. Hopefully, what you're seeing there is that what we're trying to do is take, I guess, philosophy, broadly speaking, and we're trying to use a rhetoric to express what's true, good and beautiful to people in a way that is intriguing to them, that says, hey, there's a life worth living, hopefully. Like, when you listen to us, you say, hey, you know what? That guy, he actually has an eros, a love, an erotic longing to understand what is true. And when we have that longing, that proper erotic love towards wisdom, it's diffusive. We want to share it with other people. We want to invite people into that, if that makes sense, right? However, if philosophy, though, can be impotent, if it's divorced from rhetoric, and this is where you get like, you know, you go to like, a university class and they teach you Plato and, or Scripture, and it's the driest, most terrible class you've ever listened to. Like, no one's soul is going to be inspired by, by this. And so I think the Gorgias, golly, I'd like to talk about that more, but I think the Gorgias is. Dovetails really well in here because what is the relationship between philosophy and rhetoric? It's not simply that rhetoric, right, our speech has to be obedient to philosophy, that our speech has to find its teleology in what's true, good and beautiful, or it falls into a Certain tyranny. But also that philosophy needs rhetoric. It has to be able to communicate to particularly young hearts and minds that this is a life worth living, that don't seek the path of the tyrant, seek the path of the philosopher. And again, as Sean has mentioned, and I would also lean into. You can see very quickly then, why so many of Plato's conversations tilled the soil for the coming of Christ, right? Why there were so many similarities between the two. Again, not a perfect match. Obviously, there are things that, that we would disagree with in Plato, but for a pagan who's just simply trying to extract truth from observing reality without the benefit of grace and divine revelation, there are some really tremendous insights that he has. You know, I want to. I want to push a little deeper into this, into. We kind of. We've looked at a contraceptive anthropology, we've looked at a contraceptive intellect, and now we've looked at contraceptive speech, right. In this. These kind of how this disorder gets kneaded into humanity. But I also think, though, we have to look at how. How has this become normative in our culture? And I want to kind of push into this and see what we can make of this. Right. I guess to be somewhat provocative, right. Who, who can we blame for the unrealities of our age? How is lying particularly, like, through the restructuring of grammar to not actually convey things that are true? Like, how has that. How has this actually become ubiquitous in our culture? And so one of the things here, again, I want to do a little bit of grammatical work, is I want to talk about liberalism, but I need to make sure we understand what we're talking about. Because a lot of times as Americans, when we talk about liberalism or liberals, we think of, like, left liberals. We think of progressives or woke. Right? We think of, like, Rush Limbaugh, like, quote, unquote, the liberals, right, The Democrats. And while that's true, it's not complete. Liberalism would also include our Republicans. It would also include most of everyone who considers themselves conservative. Inside of America, basically, the entire American political system is a liberal system, right? Liberalism is ubiquitous. Ubiquitous for us, it is simply what we find normative in politics. And so why I want to parse this out a little bit is because when we talk about liberalism, sometimes we talk about left liberals. And that could be like, you're more progressive, you're Democrats, et cetera. But then we also talk about right liberals. And sometimes it's a phrase we're not used to hearing, sometimes. But that's like our Republicans, most conservatives, et Cetera. And the reason that they're both liberals is because they both pull from the same presuppositions about who man is, the purpose of the government, the purpose of the state, and how we're supposed to live together. And, yeah, there might be distinctions between the two. You know, one side thinks this about taxes, the other side thinks this about guns. You know, we kind of break it into some topics. But the end of the day, there are fundamental presuppositions that are shared by both parties. And the reason this is lost in America is because we really don't have parties that are not liberal, as opposed into Europe and other places where there's kind of a more diverse political thought and different political parties are allowed to take root. So sometimes we don't have a clarification by contrast. So we talk about liberalism, you know, broadly speaking. You know, you could parse it out by a lot of its traits. It focuses on freedom over the good, right? So we don't talk about, like, the good. We don't talk about a common good in our culture. If you think about political debates, we don't talk about that. Everyone seeks their own good. It's a particular good. We talk about freedom, right? Freedom is our highest good. It's a opportunity for the individual to choose. And so when we talk about liberalism, one way to look at it is if you go back to say, like John Locke, what you look at it is, is that man is, we would say, you know, naturally a political animal, that he operates under natural law, that there is a common good, right? You kind of think of like this, like, thick Catholic political teaching coming up through, you know, Plato and Augustine, but Also Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas. What liberalism does is it reduces that. It has a reductionist anthropology in which man, even in the most conservative sense, right? So this is John Locke. This is like under our founding fathers. This is supposed to be the classical liberalism, the conservatives. Even for Locke, he reduces man to a very atomized state, right? It's not really clear that he's even political by nature. He lives in isolation, and he only comes into community because he has to protect his own property, and he only comes into community. And so him coming into community creates a social contract, if you will. And so politics. The reason this is so pervasive, but also pernicious is that what ends up happening to politics is that our politics are not a reflection of nature. They're not a reflection of the reality, but rather, we believe that politics is a social contract. It's a. It's not a taking nature. And how can we live together according to say natural law or natural principles, but rather we have these collection of wills, right? These individual kind of atomized peoples. What kind of like compromises can we have and come together to form a certain society? And so it reduces man's political capacity and his nature greatly and kind of reduces him to simply an agent of freedom that has to give up certain freedoms to live together. And so this is really at the heart of liberalism. And then what ends up happening over time is that more and more things about who we are as people simply fall away, if that makes sense. So Locke will say, well, I'm not sure if we're political by nature, but then Rousseau will say, well, I'm not sure we're rational by nature. And then by the time you get the Kant, it doesn't matter what we are by nature because everything is going to be determined according to the social contract. And so you think about this today like what would be like a practical, mundane example. A practical, mundane example would be that we, that we've created a social contract that doesn't have any bearing in reality, would be say when the Supreme Court rules on something, right, it says like, oh, this is marriage, or this is abortion, or et cetera. You'll see people then say like, okay, well that's it, like the ethics are resolved, like this is a moral act. And you're like, wait, wait, wait, what, what do you mean it's, it's now moral, right? What about nature? What about this? No, our, our social contract, our structure, our political system, right? We've passed a law on this or we've had a law interpreted and it now says that X is moral, therefore we can do X. Now there's nothing outside the social contract that can inform how we live, if that makes sense, right? So if I am trying to dialogue with someone else in culture, you see this very clearly. Like when we had, our culture had like the big marriage debates about, you know, whether, you know, gay marriage, same sex marriage was actually marriage or not. You saw this because like people would appeal to scripture, they would appeal to nature, they would appeal these things. And very easily those things all got wiped away because it's like, well, what does that matter? All that matters is whether or not this right is in the Constitution. And so what you see then under liberalism is that it tends to flatten the entire political spectrum into a social contract. And then the realities of morality, politics, how we live together, are malleable terms of the contract. Just like Two attorneys would get together and hammer out the terms of a contract. So can we as a people come together and kind of hammer these things out? And whatever we decide is moral or good or just is, are those things. That's what happens. That's where these realities come from. And so I mentioned that, because when you say liberalism, it can be confusing. But I think that to kind of press into this, the thesis here is that this contraceptive speech, like, how did this become normative in our culture? All right, There has to be some kind of vehicle for it. And I really think the vehicle here is liberalism. And my point here, actually, I'm going to be harder on the conservatives than the. Than the progressives, because I think in a lot of ways we immediately accuse the, quote, quote left liberals, the progressive right, the woke, we accuse them of smuggling in this contraceptive speech. And that's true to a certain degree. Right left liberals are probably the most apparent practitioners of this language. You know, being driven deeper into unrealities. You know, we must not only tolerate certain contraceptive speech, but we're asked now to agree to it and praise it. Right? We're actually asked to praise counterfeit anthropologies that it signifies. In other words, what ends up happening to us is we're actually asked to lie. We're asked to look at Master Adamo and say, you know what? All is well, you look good, buddy, like, things are great. The question, however, is whether contraceptive speech is limited to left liberalism. And though the speech of progressives is often criticized by right liberals or classical liberals, it's arguably the conservative side of liberalism that habituated us to lying, that habituated us to this error. And what do I mean by that? I was like, well, before left liberals had contracepted the term woman, which has already been used as an example, right Liberals had done the same to terms like man, marriage, freedom, nature, rights, law, and common good. And we have. I mean, this is something that we need to push into ourselves on and say, when I say freedom, when I say common good, even when I say marriage or man, do I mean it the same way that my ancestors did? Do I mean it the same way that like St. Augustine or St. Thomas Aquinas did, or do I mean, a definition that came up sometime in the 1700s or the 1800s or five years ago? Where does the definition of my word actually come from? And what a lot of people don't realize is, is that our conservative liberalism, our right liberals, our classical liberalism, you look at like someone like Locke, they took the words of the ancients and gutted them and changed them into something completely else. So let me give a practical example of this to show you what I mean. And you can see how contraceptive speech gets smuggled in in the most pernicious ways to change our logic. Because remember, your mind moves from grammar to logic to rhetoric. What that means is, is that if they can change your grammar, they'll naturally start to change your logic. And that's what happens. The definition of words are changed first and then the logic changes later. So, like, what's a good example of this in a more classical, liberal sense? I think a perfect example is freedom. Freedom went from the ancient notion of self discipline in order to choose the good. So when you are free, what does that mean for Cicero? What does that mean for St. Thomas Aquinas? Freedom was the capacity to choose the good. I was the most free when I was educated, when my mind had conformed to reality and when I had disciplined my passions. My soul is well ordered. I'm engaging in reality. I'm loving Jesus Christ. I'm living a virtuous life, a life of arete. That means I'm most free. That is not what we mean by freedom today. That is not at all what we mean. What do we mean? The liberal notion is a lack of restraint in order to satiate desire. Right. We think of freedom like the more free I am means that I have more choices. So the more choices I have, the more free I am, whether they're good or bad. They're my choices to make and they're not yours to determine whether it's good or bad. So we look at freedom today, as moderns, as like a plurality of options. And we get very angry if someone takes some of our options away. Right. I'm being oppressed. I don't have a certain freedom anymore. But this freedom, our modern notion of freedom would be completely alien to our forefathers, both our pagan forefathers, our virtuous pagans, and our saints. But what ends up happening is that you have to. You have to really start to look and see how this contraceptive speech is not simply like a lie I tell someone. But the most transformative lies in culture are the changing of our grammar. And then think of everything we just talked about, about how our anthropology changes. Our. Our intellects are imploded, our speech becomes sterile. All of these things happen when we start to satiate on lies, but we don't know their lies. We don't know that our grammar has been gutted and this causes so many problems in our society. Right, so like classical liberalism, you know, the quote unquote conservative side, right, they didn't create their own political jargon to express ideas. Rather it created counterfeits of ancient terms that lacked the same potent engagement with reality. The distinction in contraceptive speech between left and right liberalism is one of degree and not kind. So maybe I'll open up there for Sean and Shannon for any kind of like, comment or question.