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A
I am not left enough.
B
We are in a deteriorating country.
A
It's easier to spin hate.
B
He's a communist. There's no doubt he is.
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He's never managed a candy store. Free everything.
B
Are they stupid?
A
It's all political BS.
B
Hey, Bill O'Reilly here and welcome to our long form podcast called We'll Do It Live. And if you don't know why we call it that, I'm not going to tell you. But you can look it up. Now today we have a very stimulating guest and you know who he is. I do. A weekly hit on News Nation with Chris Cuomo. Here is his older brother and I had to introduce you that way, Governor Andrew Cuomo. And we're pleased to have him here. We got a lot to talk about, number one, I gotta say. And you don't have to comment on this, I thought that your brother Chris got hosed by CNN because there are ways to do that, covering stories that involve your family. And CNN seemed to have it out for him. I don't know the situation, I haven't delved into it. But the fact that he stood up for you in a controversial situation, didn't back away, I think speaks very well for him.
A
Yeah, well, you're right. I think he was treated unfairly. And look, you're a journalist, you're also a family member. You also have a First Amendment right to speak about your opinion on the situation. And he was very clear, Bill, always to differentiate.
B
And if they didn't want to do it, they could have just said, look, you just tell the audience that because of your family ties you can't cover the story. I mean, that's all. And how many times has that been done?
A
Yeah. 100%. 100%.
B
So anyway, I want to get that on a. So I beat him up enough that I have to give him a compliment from now on.
A
Was that a compliment?
B
That was. He was a stand up guy for doing that. You know, I don't have a brother, but if I did, I'd like a brother like him. Yeah, don't tell him not though.
A
Yeah.
B
Okay, so here we are. And I'm surprised that the Democratic Party has gone so far left now. I'm not a party apparatnik. I'm a registered independent in New York. I don't follow party politics. I don't particularly care about them. I want problem solvers in office. But what I've seen, and you were three terms and as governor here, you know, at the end you got a little left, but you were elected as your Father was to be a moderate Democrat, would that be accurate?
A
Yes, sir.
B
So what the hell happened?
A
Well, I am still a moderate Democrat. What happened to the Democrats is the Democrats lost, right, to Donald Trump and then they became lost. This is a party in transition. This is a party with a simmering civil war. We're trying to figure out our identity as Democrats. And you have a far left and you always had a far left, but this far left is much further left and is much louder and is much more aggressive and they have frightened the moderates into submission. It's not that they.
B
How do you do that though? You're not frightened, are you?
A
No, no. But they threaten. They threaten. If you are a moderate Democrat, they are going to primary you. And the extremes have always been very strong in the primary process. Whether it was far right, Tea party days, far left in the primaries, they are very strong and they are very open and aggressive and hostile. And if you are a moderate Democrat, they are going to come after you and they are going to challenge you. And they have a lot of money and a lot of organizations on the socialist side, on the communist side, on the anti Israel side, and they have frightened the moderate Democrats into submission.
B
Okay, on the surface that answer makes a lot of sense. But you went up against the communist Mamdani in your hometown and he beat you. I was surprised. I thought you were gonna wax him.
A
Yeah, well, look, but that is the point. You have in the primary, the far left.
B
But it wasn't a primary. It was you, it was him and it was Sliwa.
A
Well, in the general. Let's get to the general.
B
But that's what I'm talking about.
A
All right, well, first in the primary it was disproportionately a far left vote, a younger vote.
B
Fine.
A
Anti Israel.
B
You had a chance one on one with this guy and he beat you.
A
Yes, one on one. If you take. There was a three way. If you took Curtis Sliwa out of the race.
B
7%.
A
7%. It's basically a dead tie. And if you take Curtis Sliwa out of the race, I would have beaten him because Sliwa was attacking me every day as a sideshow on the debate stage. Bill, I think it's objectively fair to say on the debate stage I beat Zoran. Clearly. But you then had Curtis, who would come to his defense. One on one, I would have beaten him.
B
But you should have beaten him four
A
on one in the primary.
B
No, in a major election. I mean, you're a three term governor. Your legacy is your Father was a moderate democrat icon. I went through my correspondence last night. I have two letters from your father and he was very astute in politics. And I was wondering what Mario would have thought about a communist beating his son in for the mayoral.
A
This is crazy. This is a different Democratic Party.
B
This is. So all these people who used to be moderates are all crazy socialists now you now have.
A
Well, look, you never had the word socialist. Right. Ten years ago nobody was a socialist. Yeah, that's right. Nobody was a socialist. Zoron shows up at the May Day rally as a communist.
B
He's a communist. There's no doubt he is.
A
So this never existed before. You have a whole generation of young people who are socialists. Communists.
B
How did they get that way?
A
Recently in reaction to Trump, Bernie Sanders, aoc, no Kings. Rallies all across the country, getting hundreds of thousands of young people engaged. And then these false promises. Free everything. Free buses. Freeze the rent. Free food. Everything free. And this sense of indignation and social justice. No kings. Do away with the billionaires.
B
Tax the rich and they buy all this. Are they stupid?
A
They are young and they buy it. They are young and they buy it.
B
You were young. I was young. I never bought it. I knew communism was from the jump.
A
Yeah, well, it sounds good. Everything. You're going to freeze my rent.
B
Great.
A
Free buses. Great. Free grocery stores. Great. Tax the rich. Yeah, screw the rich. You know they're rich. I'm not. So it sounds good. And you had a disproportionately. These young people voted in massive numbers and they're very organized. There's a lot of money behind this far left movement.
B
Who is this Soros Money? These guys.
A
This is Soros et al.
B
Do you know why a guy like Soros who lives in Westchester, fairly near where you once lived and has got all the money he could possibly have. Why does he want a communism communist nation?
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Do you know this is his philosophy. Has been for a long time.
B
But you never talked to him about it.
A
No. No.
B
Because this guy a lot of damage. Now you worked secretary of HUD for Bill Clinton.
A
Yep.
B
You say Bill Clinton. Pretty astute a politician.
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I think he was. Great president, great politician.
B
Okay. So I've talked to him a number of times and the guy knows politics inside and out. Okay. I was surprised that a guy like him, maybe Hillary, others Barack Obama, didn't come to your aid when the far left of your own party attacked you here, Letitia James Hochul, the governor. Your own people took you out. But we didn't hear from the other People who knew you and knew what your public service record was. Were you surprised?
A
Look, if you want loyalty in politics, get a dog. Right Is the old expression. First. Many of them did. Bill Clinton supported me in the mayoral election. And you're right, I was HUD secretary. I was with him from day one to the last day of his administration. And we did great work for this country. But it's back to the first point. The far left MeToo movement. There was a lot of energy around the MeToo movement. Nobody wanted to stand up to me, too. And the far left of the party wanted me out.
B
Why?
A
Because I was not far left enough. Which is ironic, by the way, because all my life I'm too liberal.
B
Right.
A
I'm first big state to pass marriage equality. New York, highest minimum wage in the United States of America. New York, best gun law in the nation. New York, I'm too liberal all my life. But they are then so extreme that I am not left enough.
B
Okay, so you just didn't tow. But Hochul, she's. Whatever it is on Thursday. I mean, right. Hochul's not an ideologue. I don't see Letitia James. Absolutely. But Hochul is like. And you made Hochul.
A
Hochul was my lieutenant governor. Yes. She. I told her that I was going to run again, and I was not going to run her again as lieutenant governor.
B
That's what did it. Huh?
A
That didn't help. But she was a conservative Democrat.
B
Yeah. Erie.
A
From Erie County, Buffalo. She was against driver's licenses for immigrants. Eliot Spitzer proposed immigrant driver's licenses, which we wound up doing years later. But she, as a Democrat, stood up against the Democratic governor and said she refused. And if any immigrant walked in, she would call the customs police, the immigration police. So she was a very conservative Democrat.
B
But now she's not.
A
Now she's hugging Monda me.
B
Right, right.
A
Why? Well, maybe she did a 180 degree philosophical change. Yeah. Or maybe the moderates are afraid of the far left and she didn't want a primary. So you placate the far left.
B
Yeah. The guy, the Lieutenant Governor was going to primary her if she didn't stay in line.
A
That's right.
B
Okay, I got the fear element. Now, with your law enforcement background, I mean, your Attorney General of New York, you know what you're talking about. As far as crime and punishment, I was surprised you didn't stand up against the no bail laws as much as you could have. You signed it. Some follow the noise. Bloomberg follows the money. Because behind every headline is a Bottom line, whether it's the funds fueling AI or crypto's trillion dollar swings, there's a money side to and when you see the money side, you understand what others miss. Get the money side of the story.
A
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B
What's that all about? Well, don't we punish violent criminals anymore here?
A
Yeah, the no bear law is not actually a no bear law. The law I proposed was subject to judicial discretion because. Let's go back to our judge.
B
Judicial discretion. You know how many loons there are sitting on a bench in the city?
A
Yeah, but you're accused of a crime, you're just accused.
B
Yeah.
A
No has found you guilty of anything.
B
Right.
A
You go before a judge, he sets bail. The only people who wind up going to Rikers and not making the poor people are the poor people. You could sit in Rikers, Bill, for two years before you ever heard, before you're ever before a judge and you've never been found guilty of anything. So now what is the.
B
Well, you done a speedy trial. You could have done a whole bunch.
A
We have speedy trial laws, but the court system is backed up, etc. So what's the, what's the inverse? The. If you're dangerous, then we're going to hold you. And that's.
B
But they don't hold them.
A
Well, that's judicial discretion. I wanted the judicial discretion.
B
But you knew the chaotic situation of the jurist population in New York. Everybody knows it. You got the poor guy pushed in front of the subway train from a four time violent offender because a judge let her out in the Bronx just last week.
A
Yeah, but that is judges not doing their job right. Many states have judicial decisions, but they
B
don't do their job.
A
But you can't then say bill. So what's the inverse? What's the solution? As soon as you're accused, you go to jail and you wait two years, maybe you have a trial or you wait two years and really what you have to do.
B
So this was a poor fairness, basic bill. Yeah.
A
Because there is basic due process still. And we wind up with a system where we just imprisoned anyone accused not Anyone?
B
Violent crimes. Hard to get into the system in New York with Alvin Bragg and these people and you know them. It's hard to get into the system. Well, that is, he does not prosecute crimes. It's up to 60, 65%.
A
Yeah, that has gotten worse.
B
Now, Covid, you and Trump are buddies. Your pals saying good things about each other. Getting a boat in here that nobody ever used. All right. Docking the boat over there. Trump moved on up. You still friends, Covid?
A
Look, the Donald Trump and I go way back to Queens days.
B
Sure.
A
And he was. We went back and forth on Covid. We had our differences. There's no doubt. I would do a morning briefing.
B
But you were respectful.
A
Yes. Yes. And he did aid New York, and New York was ground zero. You know Covid, we're listening to this now. Hantavirus on a cruise ship.
B
Yeah.
A
I tell you, I have PTSD from COVID and I hear about this hantavirus, and it reminds me of COVID because Covid was here for months, and we never knew. If you remember what happened. Covid came to California. We're all looking at California and the state of Washington, and we said, oh, we came from China. And it went to California. No, it didn't. It went from China to Europe. Europe got on a plane, came to New York.
B
But the bigger picture is this. You and President Trump worked together in a respectful way.
A
Yes.
B
Could that happen to you?
A
Plus or minus? Yes. Yes.
B
You have no beef with him?
A
No, no. Look, yes, I have beefs with him, and he has beefs with me overall. Not that you can't have a functional relationship, because you have to have a functional relationship, but we don't in this country. Well, that's because we've gone partisan. We have partisan paralysis. First of all, as a Democratic governor, Republican governor, who am I to say, well, politically, I don't like the president, so I'm not going to cooperate.
B
Did you call Minnesota lately?
A
Yeah, but that's not. I believe that violates your fundamental premise of being in office. Right. I represent Democrats. I represent Republicans. This is the President of the United States. We have to work together. Well, you have political differences, fine. But you can't let your personal differences make the relationship dysfunctional. Otherwise, you abrogate your responsibility.
B
And to this day, if you called him, he'd take your call.
A
Yes, I believe so. And again, we have many differences on many issues.
B
Okay, but so say you called him on Iran, which could blow up in everybody's face here. What would you tell him?
A
Iran. Look, first, I wish him success and this country success in Iran. If he is successful, Bill, he will have accomplished something great, not just for this country, but for this world. Iran has been a preeminent threat for decades.
B
You buy the uranium seeking nuclear weapons.
A
Yes, you do? Yes, I do.
B
Okay.
A
Or I buy the threat that they have it and that happens to be enough, by the way, everyone's talked about it for decades. Nobody's done anything. And here you have a president who said he stepped up, I'm going to do something. Now, do I believe he could have stood up in more of an orchestrated way and made a case to the American people and brought our allies along? Yes. But put that aside now. He wants peace. He needs peace. Those gas prices are going up. The times they come close, don't leave the job half done. I would say so.
B
You're a hawk on the floor.
A
You have to make. You have to win. You have to make a deal. You're not going to get regime change. Okay. But you have to say there is an independent force that is on the ground. We're going to make sure the enriched uranium is gone. We're going to make sure they can't create a nuclear weapon. And you can sleep well for 20 years knowing that.
B
But that's going to take infantry on the ground in Iran. And after Iraq, the Americans don't have the appetite for that.
A
We have put independent agencies, not US Troops. Independent agencies.
B
What does that mean? What's an independent agency that goes in.
A
Independent agency.
B
Let the NATO's not going anywhere.
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U.N. put together an independent agency to
B
the U.N. they can't even do Haiti.
A
Well, there has to be. We can't leave the table with Iran saying, I promise.
B
No, no, no, I understand, but how do you rectify the situation without putting Americans soldiers on the ground in that godforsaken country?
A
This is the art of the deal, as the President would say. But there has to be a presence to police this. What, are you going to come home with a piece of paper and say,
B
hey, they signed all the inspectors every two, three weeks have to go in there. That's 100%.
A
You have to have the inspector.
B
But in order to impose that, you're going to have to send in troops to force the Muellers to sign it? They're not going to sign it.
A
Well, he can't leave unless he has that inspection protocol in place.
B
And you don't have a magic formula yet?
A
I don't have a magic formula, but look, otherwise you didn't win. What's the option?
B
He'll come off as the big loser. And the Democrats will win in November in a landslide. But it is a very complicated, complicated situation.
A
It is complicated. And I'll tell you what gets me. You had the Strait of Hormuz there. You knew it. You knew that they used it before. It's like having the global economic jugular vein right in front of their country. And, you know, with these modern drones now, you don't need ballistic missiles. They have total control with that Strait of Hormuz. And why we didn't anticipate this to this degree. Of course they wouldn't close the Strait of Hormuz.
B
Yeah.
A
Fog of war.
B
I mean, I don't. I can't answer that question. And Hegseth has not answered it. Hegseth says, secretary of War, we control the street, and we can escort anybody in and out of there. That's what he says. Now off the big national picture. All right, Then you get back to a situation where not only has Iran at this point, and it could change in an hour, okay, Paralyzed us. But the anti Semitism that you grew up with, and so did Trump in Queens, you know, I'm Levittown. I'm right down the street. Okay? That used to be under control in this city. That's why all the Jews came here. Now it's out of control. Is that squarely on the progressive left, Bill?
A
No, it started with the progressive left, but now the submissive moderates have jumped on board. And I tell you, I would never have believed this. You mentioned my father, God rest his soul. Thank God he's not here to see this. The Jewish community was integral to New York. They started coming in 1640, 200 years before your people and my people even thought about it. Yes, we're the financial capital. They started finance for us. I have two Jewish brothers in law. We grew up together. How New York. New York has the highest incidence of antisemitism in my lifetime, increasing exponentially. The ADL just did a report. It was 182% increase in January, the month this mayor took place. Office. This mayor ran basically saying, I associate with Hamas. And look, you want to be pro Palestinian, God bless you. You want to say that Israel was hyper aggressive, God bless you. But to then morph from I disagree with Israel to I'm anti Semitic and I'm going to be hostile to American Jewish people. How do you make that transition and how do we allow it to happen? And now the Democrats, everybody's afraid because the pro Palestinian support is very high. My Democratic primary close to 70% of the people pro Palestinian Israel has been
B
hyper aggressive and that's why they voted for Mandani.
A
One of the 100%. And he would not back up an inch. I'm pro Israel 100%. He would not back up an inch. Associated with guys like Hassan Piker who said America deserved 9, 11, which is the same theory that justifies Hamas raping Israelis in the settlement. Right? You deserved it. You deserved it. He didn't back away at all. Globalize the intifada, which means kill all Jews. He would not condemn the phrase.
B
Well, he didn't accept the law that would prevent people demonstrating near schools with.
A
And think about that. He vetoed the buffer zone law. The buffer zone law.
B
The buffer zone law which would make the city safer.
A
Yes, but by the way, that was even a token all the buffer zone law said. It was passed by the city council. You can't harass students going into a school in a way that could impede their entering the school. And the police will set a buffer zone. That's appropriate. You can still protest, but you have to stay 50ft away. 20ft away. You can't impede people going into a school.
B
He didn't want it.
A
He vetoes that bill.
B
Right.
A
Why? First of all, it gave the police power. And part of the far left were anti police. Defund the police. Police have too much power. And it would curb protesters, maybe limit free speech, which it didn't. You could still protest, curse, do whatever you want to do. You just couldn't harass, intimidate within that buffer zone to the school. And he vetoed it. You had two terrorists.
B
Do you think he's an anti Semite
A
Mandani there you have to look into somebody's soul. But is he anti Israel? Yes. Does he associate with anti Semitic people? People? Yes. Does he associate with pro Hamas people? Yes. And has he done anything while this anti Semitism is raging and you have Jewish people in the city afraid to walk the streets? Has he done anything to assuage that? No.
B
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A
Well, first, this was a case of first impression. It was chaos. Ironically, when you look back, not ironically, sadly. January, February, March, the number of deaths from pneumonia spike. March, they diagnosed Covid. January, February, those were not pneumonia deaths, they were Covid. But the doctors didn't know there was any such thing as Covid. So it was chaos because as soon as it hit in this city with this density was everywhere, immediately. No vaccines, no quarantine facilities. That's why I said the hantavirus. Reminds me, they're trying to come up now with a test for the hantavirus and they don't have one. By the way, Nebraska is working on one. Which brought me right back to there was no test, et cetera. Also, it became very political, right? And the deaths in nursing homes became a political topic. But I'll give you one fact that'll blow your mind. All is said and done. This is now years, right? Five, six years. When you look at the final numbers, the percentage of death of people in nursing homes by the federal government, cdc, Republican administration, Democratic administration. After all the numbers have been talent. New York is number 38 in the country for number of people who died in nursing homes, number 38, which means 37 states had a higher rate of death in nursing homes. Which is incredible, Bill, because we also had it first by surprise. The other states had notice. They knew what was coming. They watched us every day. But we were number 38. A lot of political noise, lot of
B
smoke, a lot of media.
A
A lot of media. When the numbers come out, number 38,
B
would you have done anything differently?
A
Oh, I would have done everything differently. We were checking nobody at airports. We had no test. We had no quarantine facilities. We couldn't get masks. We were sending planes to China to buy masks. There was no laws that dealt with quarantine and hospitals, etc. Everything.
B
Totally unique situation. Fauci of fraud.
A
I think Fauci did the best with what he knew at the time, but
B
he came across as going, I know everything. Well, come on, you know, he did.
A
Well, I think. Look, I think Fauci was acting on what he knew and he was trying to bring calm to the country. I did those daily briefings. You had New Yorkers on the edge, Bill. And in a situation like this, the real enemy is panic, Right? And New Yorkers were close to panic. So I did briefings every morning and I slowed everybody down. Let me tell you where we are today. This is the number of infections today. This is the number of lives lost today. This is what we learned today. Here's the information. And the information gives you a sense of control. You have some sense of control because you have the information. And I religiously did it every morning. I wasn't sleeping at night, but seven days a week. I did it just to give you that information. And here are the facts. They're not Democratic facts, Republican facts. They're just facts.
B
Yeah, but people believe what they want to believe. You know, that's.
A
Well, in the beginning, before it became political, people party had nothing to do with. No people believed.
B
But it became political real fast.
A
It became political real fast because it was a presidential election year and the Republicans were very nervous about getting blamed. And people started to say, well, where's the federal government taking control? Why are the governors in control? Why is Cuomo in control in New York and Newsom in California? And everyone has to buy their own stuff and everyone has to come up with their own policy. Where's the federal government that made it political in the election year? Republicans pushed back and they said it's the Democratic governors because it started in the northeast. So it was New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania. It's the Democratic governors who are at fault, not the Republican. Nobody was at fault.
B
I mean, it was. What the public wanted was honesty. And when Fauci got into the Wuhan lab stuff, he came across as not being honest.
A
Yeah, but it. Look, nobody wanted politics. It always becomes political. Everybody's pointing the finger. And Covid, months from an election, everybody was pointing the finger.
B
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A
Look, he was a man of tremendous principle. Didn't really give a damn for the politics of the moment. He was about principle. And there is nothing that this far left is talking about, Bill, that he would adhere to or I would adhere to.
B
So I was not even the trans playing sports against girls.
A
I was not taking a step back. I was not.
B
Look, these.
A
First of all, this is all political symbolism. This new mayor, he doesn't know anything about government. There's no government here. There's no professionalism here. He was a two term legislator that never showed up for work. He's never managed the candy store.
B
Right.
A
This is all political symbolism. I'm a socialist. We're no kings. We're going to take the money from the rich. I'm going to give you free groceries and free buses and everything. Free, free. It's all political bs. And no, no, I would not be his son. He'd probably disown me if I were to capitulate to that.
B
So he would have said, fight it out, slug it out.
A
Fight it out. You lose, you lose, but you fight it out. And that's what I did. And again, my record as a. You want to talk progressive, What a progressive originally meant. They're not progressives.
B
Well, Theodore Roosevelt was the original progressive.
A
Yes. And then FDR for progressive. I have one of the original posters. FDR for progressive government. Yes. Nobody was more progressive than me. Nobody was more advanced. Civil rights, civil liberties. Nobody was more activist. As a governor, look what I accomplished, right? Things that nobody wanted to go near. New LaGuardia Airport, worst airport in the United States of America. But nobody did a damn thing. New airport, New Moynihan train hall. After 30 years rehab. The part of Penn that goes to the Long Island Railroad. Your Long island guy. New third track for the Long Island Railroad. Why? Because there were only two tracks for the Long Island Railroad.
B
That's nuts and bolts. I mean, you know, look, the bigger picture is that. And you spotlighted it a few minutes ago, this is the ultimate power game. There are no rules in this game. All right? You got the media, which is a player now. They think they can shape the votes of people, both sides, both right wing and left wing media. And they play to their choir, okay? And they boom, boom, boom. It doesn't matter if true. They're just going to put it out there and then you get the Money men, the guy looking for advantage to make big money in Manhattan. And you know, Mandani's going up against them now and they're all going blank. You, we're going to Florida. Okay, then what? Okay, who's going to pay the taxes? Okay. Mandani doesn't think that far ahead. He looks to me like he governs from day to day. Whatever emotion of the day is that he. He whacks in there. But when you have that deterioration of the political process, and believe me, we have it now, we are in a deteriorating country as far as politics are concerned. The rules have changed. Your father might not even get elected now. Okay? Because he's not an ideologue. He's not going in there trying to serve one constituency. You know, you want to make things better, but if you do that, you come up against the powerful vested interest. Look at New York Times, they think they're kidmakers. Right. Okay, what's their latest? Their latest is that Jews are raping Arabs. That's what we got now.
A
Yeah, but look, this goes back to your first point, Bill. What they are doing is hurtful to the state of New York. We are hemorrhaging jobs, we are hemorrhaging wealth.
B
Yeah. Chasing the big boys out of here.
A
You're chasing not only the big boys out, but the taxes are so high. You're chasing middle class people out.
B
Oh, sure.
A
And they're going to Florida, they're going to Texas, they're going to North Carolina. You're chasing the jobs out. This division and partisanship is a cancer. It is driving the extremes politically because let's be honest, politics for a politician, it's easier to spin the negative than the positive. It's easier to spin hate combat. So you have the Democrats demonizing the Republicans demonizing more and more polarization. And then you have the press, which is a player, and they're playing the same game, which is. You listen to Ms. Now, Trump is the devil. You listen to Fox, you get a totally different story. So, yes, you're putting a cleaver down this country that is pushing us to an irreparable abyss. And the redistricting is going to make it permanent in a way that will be irreversible, but that's not going to work.
B
Because of the skin color aspect. Do you think President Trump should tone it down?
A
I think President Trump is looking at a midterm. I think the midterm is going to be problematic for the Republicans historically.
B
He's got to ratchet it up.
A
No, I think part of what is going to hurt the Republicans, it's going to be Iran, it's going to be gas, it's going to be all those symptomatic issues. But, and you're a student of history, which I appreciate, this country has always been skeptical of overly powerful government and autocratic government and feels more comfortable with a balance of power. Trump, our strength is our weakness. He is so dominant, so dominant rolls the Republicans. There are no Democrats. It's Trump 24 hours a day. I think the Democrats are going to say, people, the country is going to say, let's bring some balance here. Let's reduce the drama. There's too much drama. I have to live my life, Bill. I don't want to wake up every morning having to worry about who we bombed.
B
But people are entrenched in. They are entrenched in their views of the country and politics. Now, I'm going to take a time out here. Our concierge members and premium members are going to get another 10, 15 minutes of killing Time. We appreciate all of you around the world watching. We'll do it live and we'll be back in a moment with Killing Time.
In this candid conversation, Bill O’Reilly talks with former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo about the changing face of the Democratic Party, the rise of the far left, the state of American politics, anti-Semitism, COVID-19 leadership, and Cuomo’s personal political journey. The episode is lively, unscripted, and at times combative, with both men speaking bluntly about the political climate, internal party struggles, and the repercussions for moderation and principle in public life.
Discussion turns to federal-state cooperation during COVID, especially Cuomo’s relationship with Trump (16:23–18:55).
Cuomo describes chaos during the first wave, defending his actions and the state’s final nursing home death ranking (31:40–34:03):
O’Reilly and Cuomo lament the rise of antisemitism; Cuomo links it to the far left and political fear (24:07–28:32):
They criticize the new mayor for vetoing buffer zone laws to protect students from harassment (26:46–27:27).
On the Democratic Party:
O’Reilly on generational difference:
On political loyalty:
On the MeToo movement and being too liberal:
On public service:
On polarization and negative campaigning:
The episode offers a raw, inside look at the tension within the Democratic Party, with Cuomo casting himself as a principled moderate—outflanked and ultimately sidelined by a new wave of young, activist-driven, far-left politics. Both O’Reilly and Cuomo agree on the dangers of polarization, the manipulation of outrage in media and politics, and the urgency of finding a path back to substantive governance over symbolic, divisive theatrics.
O’Reilly concludes: “We are in a deteriorating country as far as politics are concerned. The rules have changed. Your father might not even get elected now. Okay? Because he's not an ideologue.” (O’Reilly, 43:57)
Cuomo’s prescription: Stay principled, fight it out, and put the public interest above political symbolism and extremism—even if it means losing.