B (3:19)

Well, we got here. It gets kind of boring to say this, Katie, but we got here because the Republicans in the Senate confirmed somebody that was absolutely an absurd choice for this job. It was true also at the DOD and elsewhere. I mean, this is. We act as if, you know, that this is just kind of business as usual. It's just accepted, you know, if they're going to be a Republican, they're going to confirm Republican nominees. But that's like, not really true historically, even in recent history. I know we've been plenty of times during the Biden administration where Manchin and Cinema stopped some of his agenda. You go back to the Bush years. Jake can tell you about the Tea Party Republicans who went after Republican leadership. He covered them extensively in the House. You can go back to the old days of civil rights era, right? Like when presidents do things that are out of step with the legislative branch. The legislative branch has power and can push back. And in this case in particular, Bobby Kennedy was a radical leftist, like, up until two seconds ago, right? Like, it's not as if he has a lot in common ideologically on a whole host of other issues with these Republicans in the Senate, if they had cover to block anyone, it would have been this person who has no qualifications for this job, who's a conspiracy theorist. There are multiple doctors, as we've mentioned, Cassidy, that are in the, in the Senate, or people that have medical experience, Rand and others. Mitch McConnell had personal experience with polio, with these diseases. Like there were enough votes to block this guy and they didn't do it.

A (4:47)

And so now, I guess that's my question. Why, why, why? What is it about the Republican Party? Why have they decided that. That their authority doesn't matter? I mean, what, what, why is Donald Trump so powerful? Well, are they just scared of him?

B (5:09)

Yeah, but they're politically more scared of Trump. Look, all these guys live in fear of ending up like Liz Cheney or whoever, Jeff Flake, you know, banded together.

A (5:18)

They all did it at the same time.

B (5:20)

There's power numbers because also, Katie. They still could, though, Kate. They still could right now. And I know they couldn't impeach him, as Jake said, but look, I watched John Kennedy yesterday talk about how we need to send troops into my city in New Orleans because we don't have enough. The local government isn't funding police enough. These guys are in the Senate. They're legislators. They could fund police, they could fund the vaccine funding and force the administration to do it. They could do. There's a. They have a variety of different legislative options. They could block other things. They have power from going through other priorities. So they can still do it. Now they're just. They're choosing not in.

A (5:55)

What could be a first, the ranking member of Senate Intel, Mark Warner, was denied a visit to a defense agency, and now Laura Loomer is taking credit for for it. Warner was supposed to meet in his oversight capacity with the director of the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency, a meeting that itself was confidential, according to Warner's office. So how did Laura Loomer, who has no security clearance and does not work in the government, know about it? Tim, how does something like this happen?

B (6:27)

Well, it's happening all over the government. This is how you get in power in the Trump administration, which is demonstrate your loyal ostentatiously. Demonstrate your loyalty ostentatiously by going after his foes. You're saying this with Bill Pulte. Was it like the mortgage agency or whatever it's called, you know, going. Trying to get fired, the, you know, a member of the Fed Board of Governors, and going after Adam Schiff and going after Tish James. So Bill Pulte is going straight out of the Laura Loomer playbook. He sees how it works, and it works internally, because there's a real culture of fear internally right now in this administration, fear of being purged. If you seem like you are going against the grain, and you see this especially in the intelligence community under Tulsi Gabbard, a couple of people who put out the memo about Venezuela that rebutted the president's claim that Venezuela is invading us, they got purged. The chief of staff of the Air Force simply said he disagreed with the priorities. There was too much focus on China, something to that effect. He got purged. The head of DNI got purged for saying that we didn't obliterate the Iranian nuclear sites like the president said. So if you're inside these agencies and you see a Laura Loomer coming for you because you're having a meeting with Mark Warner, well, it's not illogical for you to say, okay, well, maybe I should just back off from this or else I'm going to be the next one to get the ax.

A (7:52)

Let me read what Senator Warner said about this. He spoke to the New York Times. He said, is congressional oversight dead? He said this with a meeting, in a meeting with reporters broadly on Wednesday. This is a dangerous time. He said, if we are not doing oversight, if the intelligence is potentially being cooked or being bent to meet the administration's needs and we end up in a conflict, the American people have the right to say, how the hell did this happen? Donald Trump campaigned and you could argue gained quite a bit of support off running off the idea that we were lied to after 9 11. We were lied to about weapons of mass destruction. We were lied to to get into Iraq and into Afghanistan. Tim, I'm glad they put you up on the screen because that's where I was going. I mean, you worked for a guy with the last name Bush who had trouble with this. That makes what Warner is saying super interesting.

B (8:49)

Well, sure. And just to answer Warner's question at the beginning there first, then I'll get to your question, Katie. Is congressional oversight dead? It's in a coma right now, at least for two years. We got into this in the last segment with rfk. There's not any meaningful oversight happening from this Congress. And I understand that's frustrating for him, but that's where we're at. He should take that up with John Thune. I think as far as the Trump preying on people's legitimate distrust with things that happened in the past. Look, I agree with what you're saying in the last segment about how people were frustrated with some of the COVID rules. I was frustrated with my 3 year old being in a mask in daycare, like long after it was necessary. Right. Like, I get that. I understand people being frustrated with the decisions about the Iraq war following 9 11. There was plenty to be frustrated with about that. Plenty of bad mistakes were made. Like the problem is like the next logical step here. Trump preys on that and says, okay, now you can't trust anybody. You can only trust. And you know, and it's like, well, okay, well if my doctor gives me bad advice one time, I'm not going to get rid of that doctor and go to a reality show clown. Right. I'm just going to go to a different doctor. And I think that's like the jump here. That is the, you know, that people have struggled to like, process. And Trump has, I think, taken advantage of that to great effect.

A (10:06)

I think that's such a good point. You're not going to go to a reality show clown if your doctor gives you bad advice. I like that. Everybody, thank you so much.