Podcast Summary: “Guerrilla digital: ganar a la ultraderecha en redes” (Carne Cruda #1638)

Podcast: Carne Cruda - PROGRAMAS
Date: March 18, 2026
Host: La República Independiente
Guests: Elena Sardá, Uriol Lerauskin (Infusión Ideológica), Juan Teixeira (Spanish Revolution), Álvaro Pajares (Woke Up News), Alejandra Martínez Vedras (Agitpop), Proyecto Una
Theme: How can the left effectively counter the far right on social networks and reclaim the digital public sphere?

Overview of the Episode

This episode of Carne Cruda delves into the struggle for influence between left-wing activism and the far right on social media, exploring tactical, psychological, and organizational strategies to "beat" the far right at their own (algorithm-driven) game. With prominent digital activists and collectives as guests, the discussion covers attention economics, the mechanics of viral hate, and how to redirect online energy into real-world collective action. The focus is practical: how to navigate, organize, and transform digital communities, counter disinformation, and avoid being drawn into the far right’s preferred frames.

Key Discussion Points and Insights

1. Understanding the Digital Battlefield

[00:22 – 03:59]

• Social networks are not neutral public spaces:
  Host: “Las redes sociales no son plazas públicas, son centros comerciales con dueños que deciden quién entra, qué se ve y cuánto dura.” [01:40]
• The far right thrives by exploiting platform algorithms, investing heavily in bots, paid campaigns, and monetizers of hate.
• Co-host: “Si renunciamos a esas plazas, se las dejamos enteras a la derecha.” [02:27]
• Avoiding direct engagement with far-right content is often most effective; don’t feed the algorithm with outrage.

2. Attention as Currency

[04:26 – 05:24]

• The battle for attention is the battle for influence.
  Uriol Lerauskin: “La atención es la moneda de las redes sociales. Las puedes canjear por impacto en el discurso político, por capital fuera de Internet, pero directamente también por dinero si cobras por publicidad o vendes cosas a tus seguidores.” [05:05]
• Algorithms reward emotional extremes and outrage, not rigorous content.
  Elena Sardá: “Lo que se premia son las publicaciones más cargadas emocionalmente, lo que genera rabia, asco, miedo… los mensajes más extremos e impactantes son los que más destacan.” [05:28]
• Don’t impulsively quote, comment, or share hate posts to avoid boosting their reach ("no les des casito" strategy).

3. Emotional Management and Algorithmic Defense

[06:17 – 07:26]

• Suppressing the urge to react to digital hate:
  Elena Sardá: “Respiró y recuerdo un no les des casito.” [06:39]
• Active tactics: Not interacting, silencing, and marking right-wing content as irrelevant reduces its algorithmic reach.
• Refutations (“debunkings”) rarely go as far as viral disinformation.

4. Propaganda vs. Information; Left vs. Right Communication

[10:07 – 12:09]

• The left overwhelmingly prefers informative (didactic) content while the far right excels at propaganda (mobilizing action).
• Uriol Lerauskin: “La derecha hace muy poca divulgación y muchísima propaganda… desde la izquierda hacemos toneladas de divulgación. Pero... nos da cosita la propaganda.” [10:52]
• Propaganda is not inherently deceptive; used ethically, it can focus collective energy toward action.

5. Case Studies in Digital Guerrilla

[17:41 – 19:23]

• Spanish Revolution: Viral leftist news platform that succeeded by using humor, simplicity, and adapting to social network formats.
• Woke Up News: Emphasizes “antagonizing” the far right’s narratives by creating parallel counter-frames, not ignoring or amplifying false ones. Álvaro Pajares: “Tenemos muy claro que los marcos de la ultraderecha no se compran, pero eso no significa que... tengan que ir pululando... sin responder.” [20:59]

6. From Digital Outrage to Real-World Action

[23:00 – 23:47]

• Example: Las Kellys (hotel cleaners) began as online support, evolving into a real-world association affecting public policy.
• Left collectives must coordinate to maximize impact and avoid duplicative work, serving as bridges from simple engagement (likes) to activism.

7. Influence, Collective vs. Individual Leadership

[26:04 – 27:02]

• The risk of influencer-centric activism:
  Alejandra Martínez Vedras: “Necesitamos menos influencers hablando de política y más militantes con influencia.” [26:28]
• Organization and digital literacy should be collective, not based on personality cults.

8. Platforms, Community, and System Constraints

[28:22 – 29:10]

• Digital platforms are designed to keep users from translating online action into street action.
• Organizers should use their digital tools to amplify community needs, not just personal brands.

9. Hacking the Algorithm for Good

[30:42 – 33:23]

• Leverage viral moments (even using popular/funny content) to bridge audiences to deeper engagement and direct action.
• Uriol Lerauskin: “La actividad en redes sociales [es] como un embudo… poco a poco… moviendo los usuarios a contenidos de discurso más radical y... de organizaciones.” [32:18]

10. Local Narratives and Real-World Mobilization

[34:39 – 37:03]

• Focus on local stories connects digital activism with physical community and sustained mobilization.

11. Sustainability and the Finances of Digital Activism

[37:03 – 42:32]

• Left digital projects often lack funding, staff, and sustainable monetization, compared to the heavily financed far right.
• Álvaro Pajares: “No había ni una sola de [las creadoras de izquierdas] que se ganase la vida de esto.” [39:10]
• Crowdfunding, community donations, and subscriptions remain key (but precarious) sources.

12. The Power and Politics of Memes

[43:14 – 45:25]

• Memes are a weaponized format:
  Uriol Lerauskin: “El potencial de los memes está en su incongruencia… acompañado de un texto que apela al sentido común o al revés.” [43:49] Alejandra Martínez Vedras [quoting neonazi site]: “Es importante secuestrar memes populares siempre que sea posible…” [45:04]
• Both left and right use memes, but the right has systematized their creation and co-optation for mainstreaming extreme ideas.

13. Collectivizing Resistance: The Pantube Example

[47:43 – 53:43]

• Pantube: A mutual-aid collective for leftist creators, providing defense against coordinated harassment (doxing, mass attacks) and strategic coordination in messaging. Uriol Lerauskin: “Somos un colectivo de creadoras digitales de izquierdas que se coordinan y se apoyan mutuamente contra los monetizadores de odio.” [48:04]
• Regular in-person meetings, protocols for countering harassment, emotional support, and strategic content planning.

14. Organizational Lessons and Alternatives

[53:43 – 57:05]

• Importance of support networks to withstand burnout and harassment cycles.
• Discussion of the limits of big “open” platforms and the need to consider smaller, values-driven digital spaces (forums, fediverse).

15. Final Reflections

• Digital activism should aim to redirect the attention economy towards collective organization and real-world action.
• Elena Sardá: “Un seguidor no es un convencido y un convencido no es un comprometido.” [57:44]
• Online communities should serve as “intermediate steps” to organizing stronger, real-life movements.

Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• On attention economics:
  Uriol Lerauskin: “La atención es la moneda de las redes sociales…” [05:05]

• On propaganda’s role:
  Uriol Lerauskin: “La izquierda [debe] volver a aceptar la utilidad de la propaganda y entender que las redes sociales son un espacio muy adecuado para hacer esa propaganda política sin dejar de ser honestas.” [11:55]

• On influencer culture:
  Alejandra Martínez Vedras: “Creo que necesitamos menos influencers hablando de política y más militantes con influencia.” [26:28]

• On meme power:
  Alejandra Martínez Vedras (reading the Daily Stormer): “Es importante secuestrar memes populares siempre que sea posible, ...acoplar conceptos nazis a la cultura del entretenimiento...” [45:04]

• On digital burnout and collective care:
  Elena Sardá: “Verte en persona, disfrutar del contacto que no sea digital… tejes redes y en esos vínculos hay lo normal de una comunidad.” [51:17]

• On the ultimate goal:
  Uriol Lerauskin: “Tenemos que ser nosotras las que dirigimos la mirada… y dejar de competir por la atención para colectivizar la divulgación, la agitación y la propaganda digital.” [57:33]

• On activism’s real outcomes:
  Elena Sardá: “Un seguidor no es un convencido y un convencido no es un comprometido…” [57:44]

Key Timestamps

• [00:22 – 03:59]: Introduction of digital struggle, roles of the far right in controlling platforms.
• [05:05]: “La atención es la moneda…” — explanation of why attention is central.
• [10:07 – 12:09]: Informative content vs propaganda, why the left is at a disadvantage and must adapt.
• [17:41]: Profiles of Spanish Revolution and Woke Up News; direct actions.
• [26:28]: Less influencers, more collective action.
• [32:18]: The “funnel” approach to move audiences toward organization.
• [43:14 – 45:25]: Memes as battleground and the methodology of meme “hijacking.”
• [47:43 – 53:43]: Introduction of Pantube, the importance of collective care and defense.
• [57:33]: Moving digital energy towards real-world organization and activism.

Final Takeaways

• Social networks are battlegrounds owned by commercial interests; “neutral” ground does not exist.
• The far right harnesses algorithms, outrage, and funding far more effectively — but the left can counter by organizing, collectivizing, and hacking attention for good, not hate.
• Emotional regulation and strategic non-engagement (“no les des casito”) are essential defenses.
• Memes are powerful; collective care and resilience enable sustained activism online.
• Digital communities should channel their connective potential into real-world action; activism as a path from screens to the streets.

Listen to the full episode for a masterclass in digital resistance—and support independent media!