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Vanessa Richardson
Hi, it's Vanessa. If you're drawn to true crime stories about disappearances, there's a new Crime House original you should check out. It's called the Final Hours, hosted by Sarah Turney and Courtney Nicole. Sarah's an advocate for missing and murdered victims whose own sister disappeared in 2001. And Courtney is a true crime storyteller who's seen firsthand how crime can change a family forever. Together, they bring lived experience to every case, examining the moments just before a person disappears. The routines, the timelines, the small details that often get overlooked because every disappearance has a moment where everything still feels normal. Until it doesn't. Listen to and follow the final hours on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Music, or wherever you get your podcasts. New episodes drop every Monday. This is crime house. On the morning of March 16, 1978, former Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro started his day with a pastry, an espresso, and a shave. Then he he put on a navy blue suit with a striped shirt and a dark tie. Normally, Aldo would have taken his grandson for a walk before heading into work. But March 16th wasn't just any other day, not by a long shot. It was supposed to be the day Aldo's political vision came to life. He was headed to the Chamber of Deputies, where he would unite different political parties under a single coalition. It was supposed to pave the way for his re election as prime minister and bring Italy into a new era. Aldo was right. Italy would never be the same. But it wasn't because of his skills as a politician. Instead, minutes after kissing his wife goodbye and going downstairs, Aldo would find himself bound in the trunk of a terrorist's car and the only way out was riddled with bullet holes. From UFO cults and mass suicides to secret CIA experiments, presidential assassinations, and murderous doctors, these aren't just theories, they're real stories that blur the line between fact and fiction. I'm Vanessa Richardson and this is Conspiracy Theories, Cults, and Crimes, a Crime House original powered by Pave Studios. Every Wednesday and Friday, I'll explore the real people at the center of the world's most shocking events and nefarious organizations. The these cases are wild and I want to hear what you think at the end of each episode. Leave a comment wherever you listen. Be sure to rate, review and follow Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes to continue building this community together. And for ad free early access to both of our weekly episodes, subscribe to Crime House plus on Apple Podcasts. Today, I'm diving into a crime that changed the course of Italian history. The 1978 kidnapping and murder of Prime Minister Aldo Moro. Aldo was abducted in the middle of the years of lead, a 20 year period of extremist violence on both sides of the political spectrum. The left wing terrorists who captured Aldo wanted to use him as a bargaining chip. But sadly, the Italian government wasn't willing to negotiate and Aldo Moro was the only one who suffered the consequences. All that and more coming up.
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Vanessa Richardson
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Vanessa Richardson
In 1916, World War I gripped most of Europe. In Italy, the fighting was concentrated in the Alps to the north. On the other end of the country, in the region of Puglia, known as Italy's boot Heel, things were much quieter. But that didn't mean they were easy. The area was largely undeveloped and its people were some of Italy's poorest. That was the world Aldo Moro was born into on September 23, 1916. Despite their circumstances, young Aldo's parents were committed to giving their son a better life. His mother was a teacher and his father was a school inspector, so they knew the value of education and ensured Aldo did too. When Aldo was 5, his family moved south to the port city of Toronto, where the schools were better. At 18 years old, Aldo graduated near the top of his class. He'd always been ambitious and dreamed of making an impact, but he wasn't sure where to start. After Aldo graduated, his family moved again, this time to Puglia's capital, Bari, now in one of southern Italy's most important economic centers. Aldo got a wider view of the world. And before long, he found a passion that would come to define his entire life. Politics. While Italy's government was officially a democracy in the first half of the 20th century, Victor Emmanuel III, the king of Italy, still played a huge role in the country's politics. And one of his biggest responsibilities was appointing prime ministers. In 1922, when Aldo Moro was six years old, Victor Emmanuel made Benito Mussolini the prime minister, paving the way for a decades long fasc. Fascist regime, Mussolini ruled over Italy with an iron fist. He tapped into Roman history to create a national identity as brutal conquerors. He instituted a police state, imprisoned those who criticized him, and went to war over petty differences with other countries. Like a lot of young men at the time, Aldo didn't see an issue with Mussolini's policies. If anything, he was impressed by his ability to unite the country. In Bari, Aldo continued to look up to the Prime Minister and decided to make his own foray into the world of politics, starting with law school at the University of Bari. While he was there, Aldo was involved with a fascist student group. But being a proud Italian wasn't Aldo's only defining trait. He'd grown up Catholic and was extremely religious. Over time, that faith started to clash with the regime's ideology. In 1935, 19 year old Aldo joined another student group, the Italian Catholic Federation of University Students, or fuci. The organization was run nationally by the Catholic Church as a way to connect students to their faith. And it stood in stark contrast to the fascist group Aldo also participated in. At the time, Mussolini's government was using fascist college groups to create a monopoly over education, molding young men who were exclusively loyal to the regime. But the FUCI opposed those measures. They promoted independence of thought and allegiance to religion, not government. Since the FUCI was backed by the Vatican, Mussolini couldn't attack the organization the way he did his other opponents. Under the protection of the fuci, Aldo grew into his own man. He also made a very important friend during his time in the fuci, a young Catholic priest named Giovanni Battista Montini. And in the end, Aldo had to make a choice, politics or religion. He chose religion and eventually dropped out of the fascist group. By 1939, when Aldo was 22 and about to graduate from the University of Bari, Montini had become the chief of staff to Pope Pius xii. One of Montini's first tasks was appointing a new national president for the fuci. And he knew just the young man for the job, Aldo Moro. Aldo moved to Rome and confidently assumed his new position. He was a natural fit for the job, a strong leader with deeply held religious beliefs and an understanding of the law. He spoke out in favor of Catholic teachings and privately started envisioning a more democratic future for Italy. The more time that passed, the less Aldo could stomach Mussolini and his policies. But all that had to wait, because in 1940, Benito Mussolini allied himself with Adolf Hitler and Italy entered World War II. At the time, it seemed like the Nazis were Close to victory, France and Belgium were about to be conquered. And Mussolini thought the British weren't far behind in joining Hitler. Mussolini was trying to grab a share of the spoils, but things didn't work out the way he planned. The British maintained their defenses and by the end of 1942, the United States and the Soviet Union had joined them. The Italian army was suddenly outmatched. In 1942, when it became clear the Allied forces would be invading Italy, 26 year old Aldo Moro was drafted into the army. He resigned as president of the FUCI and another young idealist named Giulio Andriotti took his place. Aldo left for war, unsure of his own fate. But all the while he never stopped thinking about the future of Italy. And it was increasingly uncertain. In July 1943, the Allied forces invaded the island of Sicily. The Italian army had already faced a devastating defeat in North Africa. It was clear they wouldn't be able to stand their ground for long, even on their home turf. And the blame fell squarely on Benito Mussolini's shoulders. Just days after the invasion began, King Victor Emmanuel dismissed Mussolini as prime minister. The 20 year fascist regime was finally slipping. The same month Mussolini was removed from office, a group of Catholic intellectuals met to discuss the future of Italy. Aldo Moro, who was still in the army at the time, helped lead the conference. After a week of deliberation, they published the Code of Camaldoli, which outlined a new economic policy for the country. The Code of Camaldoli stressed the importance of family and traditional Catholic teachings. At the same time, it endorsed equal rights for all Italians, the rule of law and support for the poor. Not long after this monumental document was published, Aldo co founded a newspaper in Bari called La Rasegna, meaning the Review. And the paper promoted the ideas of the Code of Camaldali and featured writings from center right intellectuals. It also created the perfect platform for Aldo to make a name for himself. Especially when the war ended. On September 8, 1943, Italy officially surrendered to the Allies and began the process of healing from Mussolini's reign. And Aldo Moro wanted to be a part of the solution. And as new democratic systems were put into place, the Code of Camaldoli served as the foundation for a new political party, the Christian Democrats. Aldo was one of the faces of the coalition. He also made some big strides in his personal life. In 1945, the 29 year old married a woman named Eleonora who he'd met while leading the fuci. Eleonora was an intellectual in her own right and studied Italian literature. At the University of Rome. The two would go on to have four children. Children. All the while, Aldo was still focused on his political career. As the Christian Democracy party began amassing power, he quickly rose through the ranks of the Italian government. And Aldo got some more good news. In May 1946, King Victor Emmanuel III abdicated the throne. Around the same time, Aldo was appointed the Vice President President of the Christian Democracy Party. In the first general election later that year, he was elected to the Constituent assembly of Italy, a preliminary congress to draft a new constitution. Two years later, the new government was up and running and Aldo had proven himself. In 1948, the 32 year old got another promotion when he was elected to the Italian parliament and made the Vice Minister of former Foreign affairs. Over the next 15 years, Aldo became one of the most visible and formidable politicians in the country, which was impressive. Italy's government was extremely fractured. There were the centrist Christian Democrats, the left wing Italian Socialists and Italian Communists. And the right wing Italian Social Movement, made up of former fascists from Mussolini's regime. Through it all, Aldo found ways to make compromises and push his agenda. In 1960, he helped oust the conservative head of the Christian Democracy party to make an alliance with the Socialists. That made the party even stronger. And soon Aldo had enough support to become the head of the Christian Democrats. Then in 1963, Aldo got the most important promotion of his life. In June of 1963, Giovanni Battista Montini, the priest who'd given Aldo the FUCI position, became the next Pope Paul VI. He promised to unite the church, institute major reforms and focus his attention on helping the poor. Coincidentally, six months later, 47 year old Aldo Moro was appointed. Appointed Italy's Prime Minister by the country's president, Aldo promised many of the same things the Pope had. Reform, unity and social progress. In building his government, Aldo reached out to the left and built a coalition with the Italian Socialist Party. It was the first time since the immediate post war period that they'd held any power. Aldo's first term as prime minister started strong. But soon political infighting and rising inflation hampered the reforms he wanted to implement. The alliance with the Socialist Party grew shaky and by the end of his five years in office, the Christian Democrats were weaker than ever. When 52 year old Aldo left office in 1968, both the socialist and communist parties were on the rise. The right wing saw this and they did not like it. On April 25, 1969, right wing terrorists, likely with the support of the CIA, detonated a bomb at a bank in the Piazza fontana in Milan. Seventeen people were killed and another 88 were wounded. The bombing kicked off the era known as the Years of Lead. Extremists on both sides of the political spectrum used violence to make their messages known as. And in the middle was Aldo Moro, now serving as the country's Minister of Foreign Affairs. Aldo had a vision for uniting the country amidst all the chaos throughout the 1970s. He did everything he could to bring that vision to life. But not everyone wanted him to succeed and they were willing to do anything to stop him.
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Vanessa Richardson
That's nationaldebtrelief.com On August 3, 1974, 58 year old Aldo Moro, then Italy's Minister of Foreign affairs, had an important meeting in Munich, Germany. Late in the evening, he hopped on an overnight Italicus Express train at Rome's major train station. But just before it was about to leave, a few government officials asked him to get off and sign some some papers. The train left the station without Aldo on board. At 1:23am the next morning, a bomb exploded on the train's fifth car. The explosion killed 12 people and wounded another 48. According to some historians, Aldo Moro was the real target of the bombing, which was orchestrated by a far right Italian terrorist group called the Black Order. In the six years since Aldo's first term as Prime Minister, Italy had faced some major political challenges. The threat of terrorist attacks like the Italicus Express bombing had made different factions distrust each other. To make matters worse, inflation kept rising and social unrest had never been higher. In the midst of all this, the country was looking for a familiar leader who they could trust. And two Months after the bombing, Aldo was once again appointed Prime Minister. His second term was about as difficult as the first, and it was nearly impossible to implement Christian Democracy's platform. Still, Aldo did make some progress and found common ground with the Communist Party. At the time, they were close to overtaking the Christian Democrats as the biggest political party in the country. When Aldo left office in 1976, he made it clear that he wanted to come back for a third term. And he was happy to work alongside the Communist Party to do it. If the Christian Democrats and the Communists formed a real alliance, the government would be stronger than ever. Aldo started laying the groundwork for the coalition, aiming to return to power within a few years. And on March 16, 1978, he was ready to make it happen. That day, he had a very important meeting at the Chamber of Deputies. He and his colleagues planned to officially unite the Christian Democrats and the Communists under a single party. But not everyone was excited about Aldo's vision. While Aldo and his wife were drinking coffee with his bodyguards at their Roman apartment that morning, trouble was brewing nearby. 11 men carrying submachine guns got into position. They were all in part of the Red Brigades. It was a Marxist Leninist terror organization and their goal was to kidnap Aldo Moro. Because of the decentralized nature of their group, many of the terrorists didn't know each other. To prevent friendly fire, several of them wore uniforms from Italy's national airline, Alitalia. Others were dressed as telephone workers, there to sabotage the phone lines so no one could call for help. They even slashed the tires of a florist who worked nearby. They didn't want his van to get in the way. Aldo left his apartment around 8:45am and got into his car alongside his bodyguards. A few minutes later, his security detail turned left down via Fani and their weapons were in the trunk. But the guards hadn't been formally trained to use them. As they reached the end of the street, the Red Brigades drove two cars out to block the exits. Aldo's security team tried to escape, but couldn't make it through the blockade. They were stuck. And that's when the Red Brigades stepped out. They fired a whopping 91 shots and 45 of them hit the security team. Aldo's bodyguards were slaughtered in seconds. Aldo just sat there, covered in their blood. Seconds later, a Fiat pulled up alongside Aldo's bullet ridden car. The terrorists forced Aldo out of his vehicle and into theirs. Aldo begged them to let him go, but it was no use. The kidnapping had gone exactly as planned and it had only Taken three minutes. Most of the years of lead terror attacks like the Piazza Fontana and the Italicus Express bombings were committed by far terrorists. But there were a number of violent left wing cells too. And they didn't want the Communist Party to ally with Aldo's centrist Christian Democrats. Like the Christian Democracy Party, the Red Brigades were formed by a group of young Italian intellectuals who wanted to shift the government in their favor. But unlike the Christian Democrats, the Red Brigades wanted to do it through violence and subversion. The organization was formed in 1970 with the stated mission of spurring an armed revolution in Italy. Their aim was to establish a Marxist Leninist republic, get Italy away from Western influences and ally with the Soviet Union. The Red Brigades began kidnapping political leaders and industrialists in the early 1970s. Although their actions were criticized by other left wing groups, the Red Brigades brushed them off. They claimed those leftists were slaves to the centrist parties like the Christian Democrats. The group suffered a setback in 1974 when its founders were arrested and sentenced to 18 years in prison. But they reorganized and came back stronger than ever. Using weapons from the World War II era Italian resistance, they shot their enemies in the kneecaps and targeted schools. By 1978, the Red Brigades had made an impact on Italian society. But they still weren't any closer to the government they envisioned. And one member from Milan was sick of waiting around. Mario Moretti was born into a middle class family that supported Mussolini. But after graduating from college, he refashioned himself into a communist revolutionary. And by 1978, the 32 year old had become one of the Red Brigade's commanders. Mario steamed as he watched Aldo Moro negotiate with the Communist Party. He saw their alliance as a betrayal. He wanted to make a bold statement against it. Something that would show the world there was no compromise when it came to communism. He was also desperate to get the Red Brigade's imprisoned leaders released. Eventually he hatched a scheme that would achieve all his goals at once. Once, he and his fellow revolutionaries would abduct Aldo, then use him as a bargaining chip for more recognition and the release of their comrades. Mario followed Aldo for months, learning his routines and preparing a plan of attack. He watched as Aldo took his grandson to a local church every morning with only one security guard at his side. Then Aldo would get into his car and ride into the city center. But he took a different route each day. Mario knew his plan would be difficult to execute, so he looked after every last detail. The Red Brigades even traveled to Czechoslovakia to do practice runs of the attack with cars and dummies. If they were going to pull this off, they couldn't make any mistakes. In mid March 1978, the historic compromise with the Communists was almost a done deal. The eyes of the country were on Aldo if they wanted to make a statement. The Red Brigades had their moment, and on the morning of March 16th, they took it. A few minutes after abducting Aldo Moro, the Red Brigades called ansa, Italy's top news agency, and took responsibility for the kidnapping. Within an hour, the street where Aldo was taken was swarming with police and public officials. Aldo's wife, Eleonora, arrived at the scene with her children and burst into tears. Five of Aldo's security guards were lying dead. Aldo's friends and supporters reassured Eleanora that they would find him before it was too late. Even Pope Paul sent her a telegram. The hunt was on for Aldo and his captors. Francesco Cosiga, the Minister of the Interior and the Director of national security, mobilized 13,000 policemen to try and find a lead. Even the florist, whose tires were slashed was arrested and interrogated. For all the heightened security, they didn't notice the Red Brigade's terrorists driving back to the scene of the crime. They abandoned the cars used in the attack just a block over from Viafani as a way to poke fun at the cops. In the aftermath of the abduction, the Italian Parliament put the historic compromise of on hold. By the end of the day, the Christian Democrats, led by Giulio Andriati, retained their power without the Communist alliance Aldo wanted. But at that point, that was the least of Aldo's worries. Two days after the kidnapping, on March 18, 1978, a reporter from Il Mesagero, one of Italy's leading newspapers, got a call from an unknown number. They said they were the Red Brigades. The reporter responded, if you're the Red Brigades, I'm Buffalo Bill. To the reporter's surprise, the call was legitimate. They gave the reporter instructions about where they could find an envelope with more information about Aldo. Sure enough, the envelope contained a letter. It said they were declaring war on the government and putting Aldo on trial in front of a People's Tribunal. And attached to the letter was a Polaroid of Aldo scowling in front of the Red Brigade's banner. Even today, it's not clear where Aldo was being held. Italian police later identified an apartment a few miles away from the crime scene, which was owned by one of the Red Brigades. But other evidence suggests Aldo was being held near a beach. Wherever Aldo was, it seemed like the Red Brigades were treating him well, after all, he was their bargaining chip. They wanted to use him, not hurt him. For the time being at least. But they made it very clear if they didn't get what they wanted, their people's tribunal would end in a death sentence. If you're drawn to true crime stories about disappearances, there's a new Crime House show for you to check out. It's the new Crime House original series, the Final Hours, hosted by Sarah Turney and Courtney Nicole. Sarah is an advocate for missing and murdered victims whose own sister disappeared in 2001. And Courtney is a true crime storyteller and investigator who witnessed firsthand how crime can change a family forever. Together, they bring lived experience to every case, looking not only at what happened, but what led up to it. Each episode examines the moments just before a policeman person disappears. The routines, the timelines, and the small details that often get overlooked. Because every disappearance has a moment where everything still feels normal. A text that doesn't raise concern, a routine that goes unchanged, a door that closes just like it always has. Until it doesn't. The final hours puts those moments under a microscope. Because when it comes to justice, there's no such thing as overanalyzing. Listen to and follow the final hours on Apple podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Music, or wherever you listen. New episodes every Monday. As the face of the Christian Democrats for more than 30 years, Aldo Moro was highly respected in Italy. And in the aftermath of his abduction on March 16, 1978, the whole country came to his rescue. Trade unions called for a general strike, and more than 16 million Italians, over a quarter of the country's population at the time, protested for the government to negotiate for Aldo's release. Even some more nefarious organizations got involved. The increased police presence made life difficult for the Mafia. They allegedly issued an ultimatum to the Red Brigades saying they would start assassinating the group's imprisoned leaders. But Aldo's captors weren't so easily swayed. They weren't letting him go until their demands were met. To make that happen, they had him write letters to his friends in power. Aldo had spent three decades trying to build bridges between different political factions. Now he faced the biggest challenge of his career, getting his party to negotiate with terrorists. During his 55 days in captivity, Aldo wrote 86 letters trying to arrange his release. He proposed prisoner swaps and monetary transactions. He said the duty of the state should be saving lives, including his own. But he wasn't in the fight alone. Aldo's family tried to lobby for his release and even worked with the Red Brigades to come up with proposals together. Unfortunately, their pleas fell on deaf ears. The Christian Democrats made it clear from the jump that they weren't interested in negotiating. Prime Minister Giulio Andreati was focused on conducting business as usual and decided that saving Aldo's life wasn't worth his time. On March 31, two weeks after Aldo was captured, the party issued a statement declaring their stance. They wrote, as long as the party stands firm against any negotiations, the killing of Moro will represent a spiritual victory for Italy and a definite defeat for the terrorists. It must have been heartbreaking for Aldo's family to read. The government was basically signing off on Aldo's murder if he wasn't a dead man. Yet. It seemed like this message sealed the deal. At that point, Pope Paul vi, who Moro had known since college, got involved again. He tried to get the government to speak with the Red Brigades and even offered to be taken captive in exchange for Aldo. But eventually, he also fell in line. On April 23, the 37th day of Aldo's captivity, Pope Paul VI wrote a letter to the Red Brigades. He had also decided against negotiating. The letter said, I beg you on my knees, free the honorable Aldo Moro simply without any conditions. The Red Brigades read the letter to Aldo. Even the Pope, one of his oldest friends, had abandoned him. As Aldo's captivity dragged on, his messages became more panicked and more bitter. He'd given everything to the party he helped found, and they didn't seem to care what happened to him. Aldo vowed to leave the Christian Democrats if he made it out alive. In one of his final letters, Aldo lashed out at Francesco Cociga, his former friend and the Minister of the Interior. He wrote that Cociga had killed him three times. Once for giving him poor protection, twice for refusing to negotiate, and three times for making statements that angered the Red Brigades. Aldo's captors had been growing more and more agitated. It was obvious that no matter what they did, the government wasn't going to negotiate with them. For months, they debated about the dangers of holding Aldo too long. In early May, the nationwide forces of the Red Brigades met in Milan to discuss what to do. The group held a vote and arrived at a conclusion. Aldo had desperately wanted to bring Italy into a new phase of democracy. But by the end of his captivity, he had let that dream go. All he wanted was to see his family again. The Red Brigades made sure that wasn't going to happen. On May 6, 1978, after 52 days in captivity, Aldo Moro wrote his last letter to his wife, Eleanora. It said, dear Norina, they have told me that they are going to kill me in a little while. The Christian Democrats and the government had they wanted, could easily have saved me. This is the end. I am to die very soon. I kiss you for the last time. Kiss the children for me. As a devout Catholic, Aldo asked for a priest to give him his last rites. The Red Brigades had a connection with a radical young priest who gave Aldo absolution. Aldo refused his last meal, but he took a shower and brushed his teeth. He dressed in the same clothes he'd worn the day he was captured. On the morning of May 9, 1978, Aldo's captors, led by Mario Moretti, took him down to the parking garage of their apartment building. They carried him in a large wicker basket so they wouldn't be seen. Then, Mario said, stuffed him into the trunk of a red Renault station wagon and covered him with a red sheet. He told Aldo he was going to drive him to another location. Instead, Mario pulled out a silenced pistol and shot Aldo in the chest 11 times. Not one bullet touched Moro's heart. It took him between five and 10 minutes to bleed to death. The Red Brigades wrapped Aldo's body in orange vinyl, then drove to Via Caetani near the Roman city center and parked. The location was intentional. It was halfway between the headquarters of the Christian Democrats and the Italian Communist Party. The Red Brigades were sending a message. The historic compromise was as dead as Aldo Moro. Later that day, the Red Brigades called Aldo's assistant with the location of his body. The police discovered the red Ronol at 1:30pm the news of Aldo's death wasn't a shock to the Italian people, but many were still outraged that the government had let it happen. However, in his last will and testament, Aldo asked that there be no public demonstrations or speeches, no national mourning, no state funeral or medals to his memory. In his mind, he wasn't a martyr. He was just a man who had led a party of cowards to that end. Aldo also specified that he didn't want any of his former political allies to attend his funeral. It's hard to say what would have happened if Aldo Moro hadn't been murdered. But there's a good chance the historic compromise would have gone through, giving Italy one of the strongest left wing governments in the world. Instead, the government stayed stuck in a fractured, ineffective state. The Christian Democrats retained power, but lost ground to the rising right wing, including the neo fascist parties. The country's economy continued to struggle for years, hitting Italy's poorest people the hardest. The years of lead continued for another decade, with hundreds more dying from terrorist attacks. Shockingly, the hard line stance the Christian Democrats took against negotiation softened within just a few years. In 1981, just three years after Aldo's death, the Red Brigades kidnapped Ciro Cirillo, another Christian Democrat politician. Using the Mafia as an intermediary, the party negotiated with the terrorists and got Cirillo freedom. They never issued a statement about why they'd reversed course. As for the Red Brigades, many of the culprits behind Aldo's kidnapping were captured by 1981. Mario Moretti was given six life sentences for murdering Aldo, and the Red Brigades were officially shut down by Italian authorities in the late 1980s. Despite the way his story ended, Aldo Moro's legacy can't be killed. He helped establish the Christian Democrats and work towards a future that looked much brighter than the past. He was a champion of the people, focusing on human rights and helping the poor. Despite everything he accomplished for his party, none of his colleagues came to his rescue. Like so many politicians, Aldo's friends chose to save them themselves instead of saving him. Thanks so much for listening. I'm Vanessa Richardson and this is Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes. Come back next time. We'll decode the episode together and hear another story about the real people at the center of the world's most notorious cults concerning conspiracies and criminal acts. Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes is a Crime House original powered by Pave Studios Here at Crime House, we want to thank each and every one of you for your support. If you like what you heard today, reach out on social media at Crime House on TikTok and Instagram. Don't forget to rate, review and follow Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes wherever you get your podcasts. Your feedback truly makes a difference and to enhance your Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes listening experience, subscribe to Crime House plus on Apple Podcasts. You'll get every episode early and ad free. We'll be back on Wednesday. Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes is hosted by me, Vanessa Richardson and is a Crime House original. Powered by Pave Studios, this episode was brought to life by the Kids Conspiracy Theories, Cults and Crimes team Max Cutler, Ron Shapiro, Alex Benedon, Natalie Pertzovsky, Lori Marinelli, Sarah Camp, Jake Natureman, Leah Roesch and Michael Langsner. Thank you for listening.
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Vanessa Richardson
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Vanessa Richardson
hi, it's Vanessa. If you're drawn to true crime stories about disappearances, check out the new Crime House original the Final Hours, hosted by Sarah Turney and Courtney Nicole. Listen to and follow the Final Hours on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Music, or wherever you get your podcasts. New episodes drop every Monday.
Podcast: Conspiracy Theories, Cults, & Crimes
Host: Vanessa Richardson
Title: Italy’s JFK? The Assassination of Aldo Moro
Date: March 6, 2026
Theme/Purpose:
This episode explores the kidnapping and assassination of Aldo Moro, former Italian Prime Minister, in 1978—a crime that dramatically changed the course of Italian history. Vanessa Richardson examines Moro’s rise, the turbulent "Years of Lead" in Italy, the motives and execution of the Red Brigades, the government’s controversial response, and Moro’s enduring legacy. Listeners are offered a vivid, true-crime retelling at the intersection of politics, terrorism, and conspiracy.
[04:30–11:00]
“Under the protection of the FUCI, Aldo grew into his own man.” —Vanessa Richardson [06:14]
[10:00–12:30]
[12:30–17:24]
“Extremists on both sides of the political spectrum used violence to make their messages known. And in the middle was Aldo Moro…” —Vanessa Richardson [13:49]
[17:24–21:00]
[21:00–28:00]
“Aldo’s security team tried to escape, but couldn’t make it through the blockade... They were stuck. And that’s when the Red Brigades stepped out. They fired a whopping 91 shots...” —Vanessa Richardson [23:47]
[28:00–33:00]
Red Brigades demanded the release of imprisoned comrades; threatened to kill Moro if demands weren’t met.
Police and public responded en masse—13,000 officers deployed; 16 million Italians went on strike to demand negotiations.
Moro wrote 86 letters while captive, pleading for negotiation, proposing swaps, and expressing bitter disillusionment as his appeals were ignored.
“Aldo’s family tried to lobby for his release and even worked with the Red Brigades to come up with proposals together. Unfortunately, their pleas fell on deaf ears.” —Vanessa Richardson [30:54]
[33:00–35:30]
“The Christian Democrats and the government had they wanted, could easily have saved me. This is the end. I am to die very soon.” —Aldo Moro, read by Vanessa Richardson [34:05]
Aldo was given last rites, refused a last meal, dressed in his original clothes, and was executed in a garage by Mario Moretti with 11 pistol shots.
The location where Moro’s body was found was symbolic—halfway between the Christian Democrat and Communist headquarters.
“The Red Brigades were sending a message. The historic compromise was as dead as Aldo Moro.” —Vanessa Richardson [35:12]
[35:30–39:40]
“It’s hard to say what would have happened if Aldo Moro hadn’t been murdered. But there’s a good chance the historic compromise would have gone through, giving Italy one of the strongest left wing governments in the world.” [36:39]
| Segment | Timestamp | |-----------------------------------------------------|---------------| | Introduction; Setting the Stage | 00:01–04:30 | | Moro's Early Years & Rise | 04:30–11:00 | | The Fall of Fascism, Code of Camaldoli, New Party | 10:00–12:30 | | Years of Lead and Terrorist Attacks | 12:30–17:24 | | Italicus Express Bombing, Increasing Turmoil | 17:24–21:00 | | The Kidnapping | 21:00–28:00 | | The Red Brigades' Motivations/Execution | 24:00–28:00 | | Aldo Moro's Captivity and Letters | 28:00–33:00 | | Government & Family Responses; Absolutely No Negotiation | 30:00–33:30 | | Death of Aldo Moro | 33:00–35:30 | | Aftermath and Legacy | 35:30–39:40 |
Vanessa Richardson delivers the episode in a clear, urgent, yet empathetic tone, balancing historical context with human drama. She emphasizes the deep sense of betrayal and loss surrounding Aldo Moro’s murder—not just for his family, but for the future of Italy.
Summary for New Listeners:
Even if you haven't heard the episode, this podcast gives you a gripping narrative of Aldo Moro’s life and times, the rise of political terrorism in 1970s Italy, and the heart-wrenching choices faced by a democracy under siege. You will understand why some call Moro "Italy’s JFK"—a visionary leader assassinated at the crossroads of hope and national crisis.