Transcript
A (0:20)
Welcome friends to another edition of Economic Update, a weekly program devoted to the economic dimensions of of our lives and those of our children. I'm your host, Richard Wolff. Before we get started, I wanted to remind everyone that there's still time to get on demand access to my latest online course, Marxian Class Analysis, before registration for the upcoming live Q and A recap session at the end of the month with both Professor Azhar and and me. You can find all the details on our website at www.democracyatwork.info classes. I also want to encourage you to sign up for our weekly newsletter where we deliver details on this project and others like it directly to your inbox, as well as a link to view this program and others. We produce updates on ongoing projects and and other organizations we partner with and news of upcoming events, appearances and educational materials that we also produce. Please remember that by liking, subscribing and sharing this vizio with others, you are also partnering with us to reach an ever larger audience. I am very happy and pleased and indeed honored that my guest today, and we're going to run this in the full half hour program without interruption, is someone who you all know, or at least most of you do, and who has been on our show more than a few times over the years. I'm talking about Chris Hedges. You all know who he is. So I'm going to be very brief with my introduction. He's a Pulitzer Prize winning author and journalist who was a foreign correspondent for 15 years for the New York Times. His most recent book is A Genocide Reporting on Survival and Resistance in Occupied Palestine. So first of all, Chris, thank you very much for sharing your time and your expertise with us.
B (2:45)
Sure, Rick.
A (2:46)
Okay. I want to ask you the bigger, if not the biggest question I can think of. I've been watching your programs, the war in Iran that has occupied many of them and I want to focus on that because that's where my audience is interested and I know yours is as well. And here's the huge question I want to hear you think about out loud. How did the United States, its history, its economics, its culture, let's say Since World War II, bring us finally to this situation we face now where in a way we risk as a nation a really extraordinary defeat?
B (3:43)
Yes, I think we've already been defeated, but that's a very good question because it's been a long war on Iran. You could begin it with the overthrow of Mossadegh, the prime minister who sought to and remember at that time this was 1954 or 53, I can't remember. Iran had quite a, a vital and functioning democracy and he sought to seize control of, from British Petroleum of the oil assets. They didn't know how much oil BP was the, that the British, it was maybe called Anglo British Petroleum, I can't remember. But anyway it was British controlled. How much oil that they were taking out of his own country. They got almost no revenue from the extraction of that oil. And that move saw him overthrown in a coup orchestrated by the CIA and British intelligence and the installation of this malleable weak figure, the Shah who did you us bidding. And in fact, I mean the interesting thing is that the Shah had actually fled to Italy and was brought back. And the Shah was a long creation of British and American intelligence. I have a kind of personal connection with that because my father was stationed in Iran in World War II. He was a cryptographer. So he had very, very high security, the highest security clearance possible. In fact he helped code Roosevelt's correspondence in the Tehran conference. And one night he's, he's grabbed by I guess the OSS or Army intelligence or somebody and because he has such high security clearance and taken to a safe house. And there's the kid, the Shah, because they didn't like the father, they overthrew the father in order to maintain the Shoah in power. They along with the Israelis by the way, created one of the most vicious secret or internal security police forces, savak. I mean just absolutely brutal. A terrible repression, you know, in terms of court of its human rights. All of this was sustained by the United States, including turning Iran into the fifth largest military in the world. You saw the Iranian Revolution 1979. That was a coalition by the way. It wasn't only the Ayatollahs. There were Marxist groups, there were labor unions, university students. Yes. Later the other opposition forces were crushed. And then you saw almost immediately the devastating eight year war with Iraq. And we supported Iraq. The French gave the Iraqis military fighter jets. We provided them with chemical weapons. And the Iranians never used chemical weapons by the way, but the Iraqis used them. And there were hundreds of thousands of Iranian casualties. We provided credits the famous Donald Rumsfeld visit to Saddam because we saw essentially this war is effectively being used to break the Iranian regime which in 1979 onwards was hostile to the United States. You had a group called the Mujahideen Al Haq. I mean it was at one time listed as a terrorist group by the United States which predated the revolution. In fact it carried out attacks against the old regime of the Shah, allied itself with Saddam Hussein during the eight year war with Iran and then became a tool of US policy to destabilize the regime. Of course, crippling sanctions. It's been a never ending assault against Iran and we should be clear it has nothing to do with, with its nuclear facilities. And I just want to state, as you know, there is no evidence that they have created either weapons grade material, much less a nuclear weapon. And it's the fact that Iran from 1979 on was an opponent of U.S. you know, military hegemony within the Middle east and, and Israel. And that's why it was and has been targeted for decades and decades has nothing to do with human rights. I mean the human rights record of some of our allies, including in Saudi Arabia and Sisi and Egypt are actually far, far worse than Iran. Even in terms of street killings. I mean Sisi killed to crush the kind of Arab Spring move movement. I think it was 10,000 people in one day, if I have that correct. But that's not to in any way minimize the repression by the Iranian regime. It exists and it's severe and we don't know the numbers but it's probably a good estimate that about 7,000 Iranians in street protests were killed over two days in January. But that's the issue. And then Iran has long had a policy because it fears, and I think correctly fears US attempts to overthrow it of, along its border sustaining regimes, the old Assad regime in Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon, which is also Shia. Iran is Shia, primarily Shia. It's actually quite a mix of, of, of nationalities and linguistic groups. But only about 60% of Iran is Persian. And I worked in Iran and loved, loved Iran, although had my own problems with the regime. I was once thrown in a jail cell by this popular militia called the Basiji. And then at another time I was deported in handcuffs. So I hardly can be considered an apologist for the Iranian regime. And, and so Iran has, it has been, you know, a target for, you know, even certainly in the last 47 years since the revolution. But Iran has been because of its oil reserves and I think its gas reserves, the second largest in the world. It produces about 12% of the world's oil. It's always been a target of, of U.S. corporate and military interests. Even of course predating 1979.
