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Emily Fang
Kelly.
Kelly McEvers
Hey, I'm Kelly McEvers and this is embedded from NPR. In the Xinjiang region of China. That's in the northwest part of the country, the Chinese government for years has been detaining and imprisoning hundreds of thousands of ethnic Uyghurs and other Muslim groups. The US and some European countries are calling it cultural genocide. Back in 2021, NPR's China correspondent Emily Fang started following the Kuchar family. Their lives were totally torn apart by this crackdown on Uyghurs. And three years later, she is still reporting on them. And she realized that this one family's story is about something much bigger, the massive Chinese surveillance of Uyghurs. She's gotten exclusive interviews with the people suffering from that surveillance and the people upholding it, which sometimes are one and the same. So today we are starting a three part series reported by Emily with translation help from Uyghur activist Abdoulaye Ayoob. We start with the Kuchar family. One Uighur man's journey to find his wife and children after they were forcibly detained by Chinese authorities and then disappeared.
Emily Fang
Three years ago, I had a long conversation with a man named Abdulatif Kuchar, and his story was unlike any that I'd ever heard. He's Uyghur, a Turkic ethnic minority in western China that mostly practices Islam. And he told me that for almost two years he lost all contact with his wife and children. Abdul Latif told me it all started one December evening in 2017. This is how he remembers it. He'd been chatting with his wife Maryam on the phone. He was in Istanbul and she was back in China at their home in Xinjiang, a region in western China where most Uyghurs live. Miriam was exhausted and on edge because Chinese government minders, they call themselves relatives, had been keeping a close eye on her. Every day.
Abdulatif Kuchar
The relatives would come and live with us. Sometimes they would even sleep there at night and have breakfast with us in the morning.
Emily Fang
So it was only in the evenings, right before bedtime, when Maryam usually had some privacy.
Abdulatif Kuchar
She would watch the kids and then she would call me.
Emily Fang
But as they chatted, Maryam heard a knock on the door. It was 10pm Abdulati felt a surge of fear.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They don't arrest people during the day, they only arrest them at night.
Emily Fang
And on the other end of the line, he could also hear Maryam's fear.
Abdulatif Kuchar
She was so scared, but she told me she had to open the door, so she put the cell phone away. I heard some noises the sound of something breaking.
Emily Fang
After that, silence. Abdulatif tried calling Maryam back. Nothing. So he frantically called family, Maryam's cousins and sisters who live nearby in Xinjiang. They got to his home early the next morning.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They found my apartment was a mess, everything was upside down, and our two kids were in shock by themselves at home. Our relatives went to the police station. They knew Maryam was there, but they were not allowed to meet her.
Emily Fang
The police told them that Maryam had been arrested. So Abdulatif's cousins decided to take in the Kuchar's young children. Their son Lutfala, who was just four years old, and daughter Aissou, who was six.
Abdulatif Kuchar
My cousins took care of our children, but then the cousins got arrested. So my sister in law took our children and then she too was arrested.
Emily Fang
After that, Abdul Latif lost all contact with his family. He had no idea where Maryam and the children were or what had happened to them. Years later, I reached out to the police in Xinjiang about Maryam, but got no answers. And at the time, China still had strict Covid restrictions, which made reporting in the region basically impossible. I've been reporting on the arrests and detentions in Xinjiang since 2018. And I've heard from literally dozens of Uyghurs who are desperately searching for family there. China has been methodically attempting to dismantle their culture by imprisoning the adults and putting children in state schools. That's what Abdulati feared had happened to his family. So he decided to try to save them against all odds. We'll be right back. Abdul Ateef Kuchar now lives full time in Istanbul, Turkey. Still, it took him time and courage before he could tell his story. It's a traumatic experience for him because the Chinese state actively intimidates Uyghurs, even those outside of China. At first, Abdul Latif didn't want to talk to me. He was worried that talking could risk the safety of those he loves in China. And at least one powerful person you'll hear from in our final episode even tried to convince him not to speak out. Those challenges are why reporting in Xinjiang is so hard. There's an enduring and secretive Chinese police state that even reaches into other countries. But ultimately, Abdul Latif decided that speaking out could garner attention and maybe pressure China to help his family. In the second part of the story, we'll hear just what Abdul Latif went through to try to free his wife and kids. But first, it's important to understand how things got to that point in 1940. Nine Chinese troops marched into Xinjiang and declared it part of the new Communist China.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They promised autonomy for the Uyghur, the same pledge made to the Tibetans in.
Emily Fang
The 1930s and 40s. Uyghurs and other ethnic groups had resisted Chinese occupation. They wanted their own nation state. Abdul Atef Kuchar's grandparents were part of that independence movement.
Abdulatif Kuchar
My grandfather joined the war and was even the right hand man of Koca.
Emily Fang
Niaz Hoxha Niaz, a famous Uyghur leader. But after Communist China took control, the Kuchar family history of resistance became a political stain. Abdul Lateef's father wasn't allowed to attend university until he joined the Communist Party and gave up Islam.
Abdulatif Kuchar
But after my father finished his education in China, he started to drink alcohol and he didn't let my mother pray. Because of these differences between my father and mother's families, they were fighting almost all the time.
Emily Fang
Abdulatif remembers constant conflict at home between his parents. Finally, his father sued his mother for a divorce.
Abdulatif Kuchar
He was forced to appear against his wife in court.
Emily Fang
It was a horrible public affair. During the proceedings, Abdulatif's father turned over his mother's prayer rug as evidence of restrict Muslim faith. Later, he abandoned the family. Abdulatif's mother decided to leave China permanently. In 1986, she took Abdul Latif and his older brother Abdur chief, and moved to Turkey. The boys became Turkish citizens. There are now an estimated 50,000 Uyghurs living in Turkey because the language and culture are so similar. But the Kutra brothers couldn't leave China behind completely. They still had family and friends in Xinjiang. And even from afar they could see the economy was slowly taking off. In 1990, when they were in their early 20s, the brothers opened up some restaurants in Xinjiang in and later a textile export firm. China was still enforcing religious and political controls over Uyghurs. But as Abduraq put it, it did not happen all at once. The oppression of Uyghurs was going on for many years.
Abdulatif Kuchar
But the Chinese authorities did not target.
Emily Fang
Everyone in one day.
Abdulatif Kuchar
Maybe I was too young or ignorant, but at the time I did not notice.
Emily Fang
Throughout the 90s, as their businesses grew, the brothers began to feel hopeful. Maybe China was changing. Maybe this could be home again. And there was another reason for Abdul Latif's optimism. He met Maryam Ahmet. She was from his hometown.
Abdulatif Kuchar
We are both from the city of Kucha, but we met at a party in Urumqi.
Emily Fang
Abdulatif says they'd hang out at his restaurant In Urumqi, Xinjiang's capital. It was a place where transplants from Kucha like to go and eat. Abdul Latif and Maryam were married in 1998. After their marriage, Abdulatif says he tried to convince Maryam to move to Turkey with him and trade in her Chinese passport for a Turkish one. But she said, no, I was born here and my home is in China.
Abdulatif Kuchar
She always loved her country, so she didn't want to leave it. She didn't want to leave behind her Chinese nationality.
Emily Fang
So Abdulatif tried splitting his time between Turkey and China. A few months in Istanbul, then half a year in Xinjiang with Maryam, which worked because China was trying to grow the economy and it wasn't very strict about businessmen coming in and out. But that brief window of openness in the 1990s quickly ended after September 11, 2001. It's 8:52 here in New York. I'm Bryant Gumbel. We understand that there has been a plane crash on the southern tip of Manhattan. You're looking at the world on nine. Eleven terrorists struck the World Trade center and the Pentagon. The attacks changed the world. And although Maryam and Abdul Atev didn't know it at the time, the attacks kicked off a series of dramatic changes in China that would eventually lead to Maryam's arrest. It began with Chinese authorities interrogating Abdul Latif every time he arrived from Turkey.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They would ask, what are you doing? Who are you talking to in Turkey? How are you making money? I met basically every police officer in Urimchi. When I got to Kucha, my hometown, they even asked me, what is my older brother doing in Turkey, how many children he has and what his children are doing.
Emily Fang
The US war on terror had given China an opportunity to suggest that perhaps it too had a terrorism problem on its hands. Part of the issue was what was happening in Xinjiang. Despite Chinese controls, Uyghur culture and Islam were having a resurgence. Ornate mosques were replacing old shabby ones. Bookstands started selling DVDs about the meaning of Islam. And many people began to pray five times a day. China does not like this. It begins to publicly blame historical ethnic tensions on Islamic extremism. In 2002, Chinese authorities claimed that Uyghur militants had been behind more than 200 terrorists. Terrorist attacks between 1990 and 2001. And it begins cracking down on Uyghurs who openly practice their faith. Kalbennor, a young Uyghur mother, she asked that I not use her last name, was living in the Xinjiang city of Kashgar. As the crackdowns intensified, Kashgar was known for its Uyghur culture and religious expression. Kalbenor told me how authorities began to harass her family.
Kalbennor
Our family was clearly religious. My husband prayed five times a day so officials would control us. They would visit us at night regularly and find any excuse to punish us. Every time anything happened in Kashgar city or neighboring cities, like a minor uprising or protest, even if it was far away, the local police station would call us and the other religious families pick us up and bring us to the police station where we would be interrogated or just kept there for up to five days for propaganda lessons. The police knew we had nothing to do with this, but they would interrogate us anyways.
Emily Fang
Uyghurs said this kind of treatment was widespread. Uyghurs said they were passed over for state jobs and paid less than their Han Chinese counterparts. China's majority ethnic group. Chinese officials say Uyghurs have more economic opportunity under Communist rule still. I remember when I first moved to China, I was shocked to see Uyghur acquaintances turned away by hotels and taxis who just wouldn't take Uyghurs. And as more Chinese state companies and Han Chinese people moved into Xinjiang, many Uyghurs lost their land. In July 2009, all that growing resentment finally exploded, with deadly consequences. In Xinjiang's capital, Urumqi, it's been three days since bloody riots broke out, pitting ethnic Uyghur Muslims against the dominant Han Chinese. The spark? Two Uyghur factory workers died in a brawl with the Han. Now, 156 people have been killed and more than 1,000 injured, making it the worst ethnic violence this country has seen in decades. After the riots, China rounds up and arrests at least a thousand and perhaps far more young Uyghur men. Ab and Maryam were in Turkey at the time, and they watched the events with alarm. But like many Uyghurs, they hoped the violence and the state repression would pass. They continued to build their lives. In 2011, their daughter Isu, was born, and in 2013, their son Lutville. But things were not getting better. Things were getting worse. The same year Lutefula was born, several Uyghurs rammed a car into Beijing's Tiananmen Square, wounding dozens of people and killing two pedestrians.
Abdulatif Kuchar
Chinese authorities investigating the car crash in Tiananmen Square on Monday have named two suspects.
Emily Fang
China immediately declared it a premeditated terrorist attack orchestrated by Uyghurs with ties to international extremist groups. The Chinese government blamed Uyghur militants for other attacks, too, including one in 2014, where 31 people were stabbed to death in a train station. Media reports there say several attackers boarded a train at the Kunming Railway station. There is evidence that several thousand Uyghurs snuck abroad to try to train with militant groups. Some have joined Al Qaeda and isis. And Uyghurs have been responsible for some attacks in China during the 2000s. But there was no sign extremism among Uyghurs is widespread or that they managed to set up cells in China. Still, China's response is swift and it is brutal. In 2014, China launched the People's War on Terror. China is waging a war on terror. After a series of deadly attacks, many of them in Xinjiang. The government quadrupled police funding for the Xinjiang region. Soon, there was a police station on nearly every city block. Authorities also cracked down on international travel. Maryam's Chinese passport was confiscated like most other Chinese Uyghurs by the end of 2016. She's not allowed to travel without permission from the government. Abdulatif says he and the children also had their Turkish passports confiscated in China, trapping them in Xinjiang. Abdul Ateef says after that, he mainly stayed in the apartment.
Abdulatif Kuchar
If you wanted to go outside, you had to pass through a security check, and without an ID card, you couldn't even go into your own home. We were a bit lucky because we had a special letter from the local government. Sometimes you had to explain what the letter was to officials or wait two or three hours to get through security checks since it was not an official ID card. Sometimes we got angry, and sometimes we could only let laugh at our situation.
Emily Fang
In part because Abdulatif and his family don't speak English. As I was reporting the story, I relied on a Uyghur activist and translator for help. You can hear him asking Abdulatif questions. His name is Abdoulaye Ayoop, and he too has his own story about China's crackdown. So tell me a little bit about yourself. How do you want to be introduced?
Abdoulaye Ayoob
Language rights activist and the writer and.
Emily Fang
Former political prisoners like Abdul Latif and Maryam Abdiweli also lived in Urumqi, Xinjiang's capital, working as a Uyghur language teacher and writer. But his dream was to start a string of Uyghur language kindergartens in Xinjiang, so his own young daughter and other children could learn their mother tongue and keep the Uyghur language alive.
Abdoulaye Ayoob
This is our last point. This is Our last front to stand. We will not compromise this. We shouldn't lose our language.
Emily Fang
Abdoulaye launched a popular website about preserving the Uyghur language. But as China geared up for the People's War on Terror, authorities turned on him.
Abdoulaye Ayoob
So, yeah, but at the end, yeah, unfortunately, yeah, everything changed.
Emily Fang
In August 2013, Abdoulaye was arrested and interrogated. Teaching Uyghur preserving Uyghur culture was now seen as treason, an act of challenging party rule of Xinjiang.
Abdoulaye Ayoob
I was questioned like, you are a separatist. You are going to build the country and it's your goal. I said no. I had never thought about it. It's very hard at that time to explain that I'm not the one who are interested in politics, who are interested in religious movement or any kind of mother language movement. But I failed to explain at the end.
Emily Fang
You'll be hearing more of Abdoulaye later in the story, but he spent the next 15 months in a Xinjiang prison. In August 2016, Abdul Latif and his family have been trapped in Xinjiang for nearly a year. Abdul Latif decides to do one thing that's still allowed. He takes his family on a road trip through Xinjiang, driving from Urumqi in the north, through Korla to the famous Uyghur city of Houten in the southwest. What they see shocks them.
Abdulatif Kuchar
We set off from Urumqi and drove into Korla. On the way, we saw such a huge number of tanks. I said to myself, what a horrible thing this is. No one dared to ask why there were so many tanks.
Emily Fang
Unbeknownst to him, Chinese authorities were preparing for something top secret. It would be even bigger than the People's War on Terror. We'll be right back. Back in Beijing, I was hearing whispers about something Uyghurs called the Black Gate. People said more and more Uyghurs were being sent in, but they didn't come out. So I started digging, and people spoke to me, despite the danger in doing so. Leaked documents, internal speeches, China's own state media reports, and investigative work from journalists have since illuminated the militarization of the region and a vast network of detention camps. The Black Gates that China built to inter hundreds of thousands of Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. These detainees can be seen in this video. Tied their heads shaved, shepherded into trains. Well, it's probably the largest internment of an ethnic or religious minority since the Holocaust.
Kelly McEvers
How this happens is outlined in meticulous detail in these secret documents, including, at.
Emily Fang
First, China denied these camps existed. But later, under international scrutiny, authorities switched tactics and started calling them vocational education and employment training centers. In this Chinese state press conference, Xinjiang regional government spokesperson Xu Guixiang defends the camps, saying, the Xinjiang issue is not at all a democracy, human rights or religious issue, but is rather an issue of opposing terrorism, extremism, separatism, and interference. The vocational training centers are to eradicate terrorism and religious extremism. At its roots. The idea is to identify any Uyghur who's exhibited what the Chinese consider worrying signs. They're sympathetic to extremism, and send them to be educated in Communist Party ideology and Mandarin Chinese so they can be more, quote Chinese. The scale of these detentions appears to have shrunk in recent years. But from 2017 to 2021, the State Department estimates more than 1 million historically Muslim minority adults were detained. Leaked government documents highlight how arbitrary such detentions were from this period. For example, officials in southern Karakat county in Xinjiang detained people for reasons including men having long beards, women who wore a veil, and Uyghurs who'd applied for a passport. Kalbanoar, the young mother you heard earlier, whose family is openly religious, says that by 2013, daily life became nearly impossible.
Kalbennor
People began disappearing. There were a lot of soldiers patrolling around. Some ladies started to take their head coverings. Many isolated at home instead of going out without coverings for fear of police. I was one of them. My life became very isolated.
Emily Fang
Anyone seen as a religious or intellectual figure in the Uyghur community was taken away. Abdoulaye, the translator and Uyghur language teacher, had many friends who were sent to detention or worse, to prison. Around this time, many had served the Chinese government as professors or public servants. But now they were seen as traitors.
Abdoulaye Ayoob
I think the main reason is they are a pillar of Uyghur culture. They are producer of cultural products, they produced historical novels, they produce songs, and they produce, like, something related to Uyghur and something for Uyghur. They can unite, they can organize people. I think because of those reasons, because of their influence among the Uyghur population.
Emily Fang
Abdul Latif and his family were still in Xinjiang as the first wave of detention started unfolding. But then a curious thing happened. Authorities gave Abdulativ back his Turkish passport. Abdul Latif says he was deported and told not to come back to China. However, Maryam and the children Aizu and Mutfila, couldn't go with him. Before he goes, Abdul Ateev tells his family he'll see them soon. He prays they'll get their passports back and they can reunite in Istanbul.
Abdulatif Kuchar
In the last moments before I had to leave, Lotfulla went to the front door and suddenly burst into tears. He had never cried like that before. When I said I was leaving, he ignored me, but after I got into the car, he sobbed and fell down on the floor.
Emily Fang
Once he is back in Istanbul, Abdul Latif is helpless to stop what happens next, Maryam's arrest and her disappearance into China's detention system. The children are gone too. Abdulatif has no idea what's happened to them or how he'll ever get them back, but he decides to try anyway. That journey Next week on Embedded. If you want to hear the next episode right now and before everyone else, go sign up for Embedded plus. Embedded is the home for ambitious storytelling at npr, and subscribing to Embedded plus is a great way to support that work. Embedded plus listeners will get to hear each episode of the Blackgate early and they'll get to listen sponsor free too. Go to plus.NPR.org embedded or find the Embedded channel in Apple to find out more. And a big thanks to everyone who has already signed up.
Kelly McEvers
Next week we will continue the story of Abdul Latif Kuchar and the search for his missing family. The music you're hearing is a folk song called Nazugum by Uyghur musician Abdraim Haidt. He was arrested by Chinese authorities in 2017, reportedly in connection with a Uyghur language song he had performed in 2019. After rumors of his death, the government released a video of the musician where he said he was in good health and under investigation for allegedly violating national laws. We should say it is currently impossible to verify Haight's well being and whether he made the statements in the video under duress. Hate has not been heard from since. The Black Gate is a collaboration with NPR's International Desk. If you'd like to hear more about the history of the Uyghur people, check out the episode Five Fingers Crush the Land from our friends at the Throughline podcast. We've linked to it in our episode description. The Black Gate was reported by Emily Fang. Phoebe Wang produced the episode with help from Adelina Lanciane. It was edited by Jenny Schmidt. Katie Simon is our supervising editor. Our supervising senior producer is Liana Simstrom. Our Executive producer is Irene Noguchi. Special thanks to Dee Dee Skanke and vincent knee of NPR's international desk. Fact Checking by Naomi Sharp with help from William Chase mastering by Gilly Moon, music by Ramtin Arablouei. Abdoulaye Ayup provided help with translation and interpretation. Additional translation by Qasem Abdurrahim Kashgar Mehmetchan Jimeh Muqaddas and Qasem Abdurahm Kashgar did our voiceovers. Thanks also to Lee Hale, Shirley Henry, Arianna Garib, Lee Gregory Warner, Duri Buskaren, Vanessa Castillo and the Kuchar family for sharing their story.
Summary of "The Black Gate: Vanished in the Night" – Embedded by NPR
Introduction
"The Black Gate: Vanished in the Night," the latest episode of NPR's Embedded podcast, delves deep into the harrowing plight of the Uyghur community in China's Xinjiang region. Hosted by Kelly McEvers and reported by NPR's China correspondent Emily Fang, this episode marks the beginning of a three-part series that uncovers the devastating impact of China's extensive surveillance and detention practices on Uyghur families. Central to this narrative is the story of Abdulatif Kuchar, a Uyghur man whose family was torn apart by government crackdowns, symbolizing the broader struggle faced by the Uyghur population.
Background: The Uyghurs and Xinjiang
Xinjiang, located in the northwest of China, is home to the Uyghurs, a Turkic ethnic minority predominantly practicing Islam. Historically, the region has been a focal point of ethnic tensions and resistance against Chinese rule. In 1940, Chinese troops asserted control over Xinjiang, promising autonomy similar to that extended to Tibetans. However, these promises were short-lived, leading to decades of cultural suppression and political marginalization.
The Kuchar Family’s Ordeal
Abdulatif Kuchar's family became emblematic of the Uyghur struggle. In a poignant recollection at [02:09], Abdulatif shares, "The relatives would come and live with us. Sometimes they would even sleep there at night and have breakfast with us in the morning," highlighting the constant surveillance they endured. Their nightmare began on a December evening in 2017 when Abdulatif was in Istanbul and his wife, Maryam, back in Xinjiang. As Abdulatif narrates at [03:12], "They found my apartment was a mess, everything was upside down, and our two kids were in shock by themselves at home."
The Chinese authorities arrested Maryam, leading to further arrests of Abdulatif's cousins and sister-in-law, ultimately severing all contact with his family. Despite ongoing efforts, including attempts to reach out to local police, Abdulatif remains unaware of his family's fate, a reality that underscores the pervasive fear and uncertainty faced by countless Uyghurs.
Government Policies and Escalating Repression
China's approach to Xinjiang intensified post-9/11, leveraging the global war on terror to justify its stringent measures. As Emily Fang explains, "The US war on terror had given China an opportunity to suggest that perhaps it too had a terrorism problem on its hands" ([10:38]). This led to the establishment of what the Chinese government refers to as "vocational education and employment training centers," widely recognized as detention camps.
Abdulatif reflects on the escalating control at [15:50]: "If you wanted to go outside, you had to pass through a security check, and without an ID card, you couldn't even go into your own home." These measures effectively trapped Uyghurs within Xinjiang, restricting their movement and cultural expression.
Personal Stories and Notable Quotes
The episode weaves multiple personal narratives to illustrate the human cost of these policies:
Kalbennor's Struggle: A young Uyghur mother from Kashgar shares her family's daily harassment, stating at [11:47], "Officials would visit us at night regularly and find any excuse to punish us." Her experience reflects the constant state of fear and oppression.
Abdoulaye Ayoob’s Activism: Acting as Emily Fang's translator, Abdoulaye provides critical insight into the cultural erosion faced by Uyghurs. At [17:07], he passionately asserts, "This is our last point. This is Our last front to stand. We will not compromise this. We shouldn't lose our language." His subsequent arrest in 2013 underscores the risks faced by those who resist cultural assimilation.
Abdulatif's Desperation: After being deported to Istanbul, Abdulatif remains resolute in his quest to reunite with his family. His emotional farewell moment at [23:51], where his son Lutfulla "sobs and falls down on the floor," encapsulates the personal tragedies intertwined with the broader geopolitical conflict.
The Emergence of the Black Gate
As Abdulatif and his family navigate the oppressive landscape of Xinjiang, Emily Fang uncovers the sinister mechanism behind the mass detentions—the "Black Gate." Described as a vast network of detention camps, this system represents what may be the largest internment of an ethnic or religious minority since the Holocaust. Detailed at [20:22], Fang reveals leaked documents and state media reports that expose the militarization of the region:
"First, China denied these camps existed. But later, under international scrutiny, authorities switched tactics and started calling them vocational education and employment training centers. [...] The vocational training centers are to eradicate terrorism and religious extremism at its roots" ([20:17]).
These centers are ostensibly designed to indoctrinate Uyghurs into Communist ideologies and Mandarin proficiency, effectively eradicating their cultural and religious identities.
Conclusion
"The Black Gate: Vanished in the Night" serves as a powerful exposé of the Uyghur crisis in Xinjiang, blending personal testimonies with investigative journalism to shed light on a profoundly troubling human rights issue. By chronicling Abdulatif Kuchar's relentless search for his family and unveiling the systemic repression orchestrated by the Chinese government, Embedded underscores the urgent need for international attention and action.
As the series progresses, listeners can anticipate further revelations about the intricate web of surveillance, detention, and cultural suppression that defines the Uyghur experience in Xinjiang. This episode not only informs but also humanizes the statistics, ensuring that the stories of resilience and loss are not forgotten.
Notable Quotes with Attribution and Timestamps
Abdulatif Kuchar at [02:09]: "The relatives would come and live with us. Sometimes they would even sleep there at night and have breakfast with us in the morning."
Abdulatif Kuchar at [03:44]: "My cousins took care of our children, but then the cousins got arrested. So my sister in law took our children and then she too was arrested."
Kalbennor at [11:47]: "Our family was clearly religious. My husband prayed five times a day so officials would control us."
Abdoulaye Ayoob at [17:07]: "This is our last point. This is Our last front to stand. We will not compromise this. We shouldn't lose our language."
Abdulatif Kuchar at [23:51]: "In the last moments before I had to leave, Lotfulla went to the front door and suddenly burst into tears. He had never cried like that before."
Credits and Collaborators
The episode was reported by Emily Fang with translation assistance from Abdoulaye Ayoob. Production was handled by Phoebe Wang and Adelina Lanciane, with editing by Jenny Schmidt. Supervising editor Katie Simon and supervising senior producer Liana Simstrom oversaw the project, supported by Executive Producer Irene Noguchi. Special acknowledgments were given to Dee Dee Skanke, Vincent Knee of NPR's International Desk, and others who contributed to the storytelling and technical aspects.
*For those interested in the ongoing saga of the Uyghur people and in-depth reporting on international human rights issues, subscribing to Embedded+ offers early access to episodes and ad-free listening. Discover more at plus.npr.org/embedded.