
Today is a make-or-break moment for the EU’s 21st sanctions package targeting Russia.
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Good morning. It's Wednesday, July 22, and this is the Brussels Playbook podcast. The vibe in Brussels today is difficult as ambassadors meet to clash over key elements in the EU's new sanctions package against Russia. Also on the pod, MEPs head to China. As the European Parliament remains deadlocked over its position on Beijing. And as Christopher Nolan's the Odyssey hits cinemas, a Hollywood culture war is hitting Greece. I'm Zoya Shaktulovich and with me today is senior EU Politics editor Ian Wishart. Hey, Ian.
B
Good morning, Zoya. Did you have a nice day off?
A
Ugh, lovely.
B
Did you celebrate Belgium in all its glory?
A
I celebrate Belgium in all its glory every day, but especially so yesterday. Glory be to Belgium. Long may it prosper or at least not die of bankruptcy. Right, Ian, Ambassadors are meeting in Brussels today and they're going to be poring over the legal text of this 21st package of sanctions against Russia.
B
They seem to have been doing this for months.
A
Oh, it's driving me absolutely bonkers. It has been in the works for so long. And basically what it comes down to now, where we're at is this question of Greece. Greece is the one that's holding things up.
B
But this is also our old friend of the podcast, Viktor Orban's problem, or his fault, because in the past he used to be blamed for holding up all these sanctions on Russia. And all the other EU member states used to say, no, it's Hungary's fault. They're blocking, blocking, blocking. They can't use that as an excuse anymore, can they?
A
It's true. The spotlight has been shining on some of the countries that have been standing in the way on this 21st package of sanctions in particular, because it's the first one since Orban shuffled off the stage. And basically, so, as I said, it's Greece right now that is the problem.
B
They've got a problem with sanctions on liquefied natural gas.
A
Well, it's not even itself the gas, it's the shipment of it. So there's a ban in the sanctions package on the shipment of Russian lng. And what Athens is concerned about is basically, it has a very thriving, lucrative shipping industry, and they do not want that shipping industry to suffer. And what they're saying is, look, two diplomats actually told our colleagues the problem with this measure is that it might actually just mean that the same Russian gas still gets shipped around, just using differently flagged tankers, and we lose out with our industry, but Russia doesn't suffer at all.
B
And I think it's interesting that One of the things that Greece wants in order to approve the sanctions is some kind of proof that this ban would hurt Russia more than it hurts Greece.
A
Yeah.
B
Which is fair enough, isn't it?
A
Well, I mean, maybe yes, maybe no. I guess the question is, you know, is it worth the pain? I think that's really more the question that is being asked among diplomats. And so what the other diplomats are saying is like, look, there have been plenty of our pet industries that have been hit in previous sanctions packages, and we. We've sort of taken it. Yeah, we've absorbed the hit because we knew that this was worth doing. So. Germany, for instance, used to rely on Russia for more than half of its gas imports before 2022. That has obviously taken a massive hit. That has cost it a lot of money.
B
It does just underscore this issue we talk about so many times. Of this podcast, you have 27 member states, all with different governments or different parts of the political spectrum, all with their own national interests. And yes, they all come together as the EU and have this geopolitical imperative. But it's so difficult, difficult to put those domestic issues aside, because why would you. You've got your own voters to answer to.
A
Yeah. And I think, like, you know, you can all kind of be a kumbaya around the European Council summit table when you've got Viktor Orban to take the heat for holding up the sanctions. Now, I think what is being exposed are the various national interests that are being protected. So we know that earlier on in the piece, there was this Austrian bank, the Rifuson bank, that Austria was concerned about basically wanting some compensation for expropriation of its assets in Russia. So that's one thing that seems to have been resolved now.
B
But even before then, this package had been watered down already, hadn't.
A
Yeah, I mean, there was a proposed ban on imports of Russian fish. That's gone. And then France and Italy pushed to weaken some restrictions on granting visas to ex Russian military personnel, which we've talked about on this podcast as well. But the big thing in this package that everyone is really worried about, particularly Ukraine's biggest backers in Denmark and Berlin, it's this proposal to freeze the price cap on Russian oil.
B
Yeah, it's about keeping the oil price cap at $44 a barrel.
A
Yeah, 44. 10 a barrel.
B
A barrel.
A
Yeah. And that is the current cap on Russian crude. But there's an adjustment mechanism in it, and the commission essentially wants to say that we freeze it some more.
B
But this is where you get the link with the war in Iran, isn't it?
A
Totally. Because the reason why that adjustment mechanism is kind of being triggered right now is because there are rising oil prices because of the Hormu Strait being closed.
B
So this is all about Russia not benefiting from that. That's not benefiting from the rise in the price of oil.
A
Exactly. Because that would be a huge boon. And I mean, what the Russians need is money. It's been widely reported the extent to which the various sanctions packages and also just other global affairs are affecting the Russian economy. We've seen lots of reports about the warnings that are being issued by the Russian Central bank to Putin, et cetera, et cetera. So this is really a key thing to keep that oil price cap in place, to make sure that that Russian economy is squeezed because it stops Putin from being able to draw out the war further and further.
B
Anyway, we're talking about all this this morning because despite all this wrangling, we do expect some approval today. Don't we expect this could be the end of the story?
A
Well, we hope so. Never say never, though. On another delay. But there is pressure because they do want to get this oil price cap across the line soon, because it's nominally. They were actually already meant to do it. The deadline for it has passed, but the commission has kind of extended a little bit. But it is an important one for them to do quickly.
B
It also includes loads more people banned from entering the EU, doesn't it? 250 people.
A
That's right. That's right.
B
Traveling here, connected to the war effort
A
and banks that are being sanctioned, vessels that are linked to oil smuggling. So there's lots of stuff in this sanctions package that's important.
B
Okay, well, if they can do that today, they can then turn on to the 22nd round of sanctions and we can have this conversation all over again.
A
I'm looking forward to it.
B
Zoya, do you want to talk about this interesting visit to China?
A
I bloody well do. So there are eight MEPs from the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee who headed over to China yesterday for this visit. And it's quite significant because there haven't been too many of these visits in quite a few years because the European Parliament has been in a stoush with Beijing over critical language towards Beijing over the Uyghur situation. But now that has changed a little bit. There is a renewed contact, shall we say, with China. But at the same time as this contact is being renewed, there is this kind of question mark over what the Parliament's position on China is going to be.
B
It sounds to me that meps really don't know how harsh they should be on China. That's what this boils down to. How harsh do you like how. Where do you balance being harsh because of all these issues, human rights problems,
A
whatever, Support for Russia, That's a big one.
B
Yeah. How do you balance that with the need to still have relations with a huge economy?
A
And this is where the European Parliament's groups, and in fact Europe is kind of split over what the relationship with China should be. So on the one side, on the one camp, you've got quite hawkish MEPs and hawkish groups. So they're the people from the liberal group or New Europe.
B
Hawkish in the sense that they want to be tougher on China.
A
Yeah, yeah. They see China as what they term a strategic rival. That's a key phrase that we should use here because this is what China objects to. It doesn't want to be seen as a strategic rival. But these are the groups that sort of see it as a strategic rival. That's Renew. It's some parts or the majority probably of the European People's Party, which is the center right group. Those groups are kind of more in favor of taking a harsher line on China and calling out China's actions. Then you've got on the other end of the spectrum on the left winger's side, specifically the socialists and Democrats and the groups to their left who are saying, look, we need to do business with China, China is really important and maybe we should not be quite so tough. So this is. We should kind of rewind back a bit. So basically the European Parliament has this report and the draft was published last October and it's been languishing in amendment hell since then with various parties and groups sort of putting forward their proposed amendments to the wording of the report. The report was actually really harsh on China. I had a read of it the other day and I was like, wow, this is. This is strong language. And that was drafted by the Renew Europe. The Rapporteur was from the Renew Europe group. But the S and D has come forward with some amendments that it wants which waters down that language. And again specifically it wants to get rid of that phrase strategic rival, treating Beijing as a strategic rival. And basically this report, I mean, normally it would have been well on its way to adoption by now. It would have been adopted already, probably, if you look at the normal timeline of a report like this. But it has been delayed significantly because basically the MEP is just cannot agree and part of the reason for this trip, one of the things that they're going to be doing, this eight person committee is doing some intel, picking up some intel on the ground to try to kind of come back and finalize this thing.
B
There was a while that there was a complete diplomatic freeze altogether, wasn't there in the Parliament doing business with China. But I think that all got lifted in April 2025.
A
Yeah.
B
So that's what sort of precipitated this report.
A
Yeah, I mean, it was a seven year diplomatic freeze. That's huge, Ian.
B
I mean, because of the Uyghur treatment.
A
Yeah, basically because the Parliament was quite critical of China's treatment of uygh, which is the Muslim group in a minority group. And the allegation is that they are being used for forced labor. And there are some pretty credible kind of reports from NGOs and from.
B
So contact between the two sides, between the EU and China have picked up again. But obviously two years down the line, it's still not clear what this sort of contact should be, what actual EU China relations should be. That's really the role that the Parliament is playing at the moment to try to shape that a bit.
A
I have a fun fact, Ian, because I tried to get in touch with David McAllister, who's chairing this visit, this Foreign Affairs Committee visit, to talk about what's going to be discussed and so forth. And he said to me, I can't talk right now. I'm on a field in Germany training. I'm doing military exercise training because he's a German army reservist, so he couldn't talk because of that. Rude. So instead I reached out to Engin Eroglu, who's another one of the MEPs on this trip, and he said to me, I do not believe that we are in a phase of detente with China. I see rather the opposite. And he said that basically because of China's support for Russia, because of the pressure on Taiwan, because of its unfair trade practices and so forth, the Parliament is gonna, you know, be bringing some tough questions with it on this trip. Ian, have you watched the Odyssey yet?
B
No, I haven't, no.
A
Oh, I'm so shocked.
B
I'm just think I'll give that a miss.
A
That is an absurd position. I guess you're just gonna sit and stare at a wall then instead, are you?
B
No, I think I'll probably listen to this podcast over and over and over on repeat.
A
You were gonna say, that does seem
B
like an Odyssey sometimes.
A
I have seen the Odyssey and by the way I highly recommend.
B
Good.
A
You should see it. It was very, very good. Anyway, there's a reason why we're talking about it, which is that things are getting a bit political. Yeah. Because the Greeks have a problem with this film. They're saying 6.5 million in subsidies from the Greek state has gone into this film, which, you know, it's a bit of a drop in the ocean because it costs 250 million. But I digress, but there weren't too many Greeks in it. And the Diaspora website, Greek City Times has an open letter to the cast and creative team saying Greece is not only a setting in antiquity, it is a living country. Greek people are not historical figures. We are contemporaries. They want more Greek actors.
B
Elon Musk got involved, so. Yeah, I'm reading.
A
Yeah, he has. He does love to get involved in these sorts of fights. So there have been. He's been accusing the film of being kind of woke in its casting because Helen of Troy is played by the American Mexican Kenyan actress Lupita Nyong'. O. And so he thinks that's a problem. But look, I also, I watched this movie. You know what else they didn't cast. They didn't cast a real giant to play the giant.
B
Didn't they?
A
They didn't. They didn't cast real pigs to play the pigmen.
B
They cast real gods.
A
They did not cast real gods. So, you know, I think it's a bit of a. Bit of a furfy to say that the casting was unfair. But anyway, that's just my two cents.
B
I'm reading that the Greek culture minister, Lina Mendoni, said it is not the state's role to dictate to a creator how they should artistically interpret a work or a myth. So she's coming down on the side of creative freedom. And obviously it seems that it's some sort of opposition politicians who are saying the film's not Greek enough.
A
Yeah.
B
Which you see the world over in nationalist populist politicians. They like to stir up that kind of thing. You see it.
A
I mean, we saw it during the World cup with certain right wing figures in France accusing the French football team of not being French enough. I mean, it's a classic of the genre.
B
Yeah. Should we ask people to WhatsApp us on something connected to this Zoya?
A
Oh, yes. I want to know what people think Hollywood gets wrong about their country on film. What's your thing?
B
What do they get wrong about Britain? Well, I mean, actually an easy one would be what do they get wrong about Brussels? Because you see a lot of. Actually, I can't think of any Hollywood films in Brussels, but.
A
No, but there is Bruges. In Bruges.
B
Not seen that either.
A
You're only 27 years too late on that one. That was a spectacular film. Ian, We've had some interesting messages from our listeners. This is in response to the information that you gave the breaking news that you're not actually a big fat man. And Petri from France wrote in and said, never thought Ian was a big fat man.
B
Good.
A
But sounds like a short king to me. Are you a short king?
B
I don't know the definition of that, so I can't say either way.
A
A short king saga. What's a short king? She's young, she can tell us. Oh, this is controversial. Maybe under 165 centimeters.
B
I only go by feet and inches.
A
What's an example of a short king? I mean, Tom Cruise is quite famously short. My short king is Volodymyr Zelensky. That's the one I think of. And Daniel Radcliffe, Antonio Costa is also very short. Oh, another short kink.
B
What's the difference between short and a short king?
A
Short king energy, baby. You wear it with pride.
B
Yeah, but just be clear. I'm not.
A
Should we get the tape measure out? And also, a listener just sent us a link with the note where Ian was hiding.
B
I haven't seen this before.
A
So they've sent us a link to this, Ian, and the headline is, new Monkey Species with Orange Lips found hiding in Dr. Congo Forest.
B
This podcast is getting very strange and I seem to be the victim. I think you can put the link to that photograph in the show notes. A monkey with orange lips. And I don't think that looks like me either.
A
It looks exactly like you. You have literally the same hair. What are you talking about? This is your hairstyle.
B
I'm beginning to think there's some bullying going on here. I need to take this up with.
A
With hr. Yeah, we say it with love, Ian. All right, folks, that's it from us today. I will be back with you tomorrow.
Theme:
Today’s episode of the Brussels Playbook Podcast (“The EU’s Russia sanctions crunch,” July 22, 2026) dives deep into the ongoing negotiations around the European Union’s 21st round of sanctions against Russia—highlighting what's holding them up, whose interests are at stake, and why it matters geopolitically. The episode also covers the European Parliament’s diplomatic trip to China amid a muddled stance on Beijing and rounds out with a cultural controversy in Greece over Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey. Hosted by Zoya Sheftalovich with senior editor Ian Wishart, the tone is brisk, insightful, and laced with the signature wit of the duo.
Stalemate on the 21st Sanctions Package
Greek Interests vs. Collective Sanctions
Tensions of National Interests
Sanctions Package Watered Down
Oil Price Cap at the Forefront
Impending Approval?
Memorable exchange:
MEPs Visit China Amid Uncertainty
Parliamentary Divides
The ‘China Report’ Stuck
Resumption of Diplomatic Contacts
Quote from Trip Participant
Greek Backlash Against Nolan’s ‘The Odyssey’
Global Culture Wars: ‘Woke’ Casting
Official Response
International Parallels
00:40–06:17: Russia sanctions deliberations; Greece as the new holdout; package details
06:22–10:15: MEPs travel to China; European Parliament’s China report impasse
11:05–13:17: Greek outrage and global “woke” debate over Nolan’s ‘The Odyssey’
13:17–15:29: Listener banter, short king jokes, monkey meme, light wrap-up
This episode of Brussels Playbook offers a fast-paced, in-depth look at the EU’s ongoing challenge to maintain unity and effectiveness on tough foreign policy questions—whether in sanctions aganst Russia or defining a relationship with China—while foregrounding the complex and sometimes absurd interplay of national interests and cultural politics across the continent.