Extended Interview: Former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates

Summary

Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan
Extended Interview: Former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates
Date: May 18, 2026

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Overview

In this episode, Margaret Brennan interviews Robert Gates, former Secretary of Defense and current Chancellor at William & Mary, for an extended and candid discussion on key security challenges facing the United States. Gates addresses current dynamics with China and Russia, U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, the military and diplomatic standoff with Iran, changes at the Pentagon under Secretary Hegseth, and U.S. policy toward Cuba. Gates offers historical perspective, policy critiques, and frank opinions on the administration’s performance and global threats, blending strategic insight with personal anecdotes.

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Key Discussion Points & Insights

1. The Global Security Environment

Main Theme: The U.S. faces "perhaps the most dangerous period in our modern American history."

• For the first time ever, the U.S. confronts nuclear-armed adversaries in both Europe (Russia) and Asia (China).
• China and Russia will soon have nearly twice as many strategic nuclear warheads as the U.S.
• China is a unique adversary: more industrial capacity than the U.S. for the first time since the British Empire, and technologically advanced in some areas.
• China wields global influence not just militarily but economically and diplomatically.

Notable Quote:

"We face an adversary that is more powerful and has more non-military instruments of power than any adversary we faced, certainly than the Soviet Union." — Robert Gates [02:55]

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2. U.S.–China Relations and Taiwan

Are U.S. and China on Equal Footing?

• China is a “near peer" but still lags the U.S. economically and technologically, with domestic challenges. [03:37]

Recent U.S.–China Summit:

• Main accomplishment: maintaining a "floor" under the relationship, avoiding escalation and continuing the trade truce.
• Both leaders aimed for stability as a primary objective. [04:48–05:36]

Taiwan Tensions:

• Gates warns against altering the U.S. policy of “strategic ambiguity” regarding Taiwan, emphasizing that any nuance matters deeply to both sides. [06:11]
• Recommends the U.S. deliver on arms sales to Taiwan but expresses concern about the backlog due to U.S. industrial limitations. [07:32]
• Praises recent changes encouraging Taiwan to invest in defensive rather than offensive military capabilities. [08:46]

Notable Quote:

"Any change at all, the nuances. This is one of those things where the experts parse these things down to the tense of the verbs... keeping things, the U.S. position as it has been was important." — Gates [06:28]

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3. U.S. Military Readiness & Weapons Supply

Military Stockpiles & Production:

• Acknowledges U.S. stockpile depletion due to Ukraine and Iran conflicts.
• Administration has tried to address production bottlenecks, but funding is slow and unpredictable. Urges a “wartime economy” mentality to replenish U.S. arsenals. [10:00–11:09]

Main Vulnerabilities:

• Critical shortages in precision-guided munitions and advanced missile defense systems (Patriot, THAAD, Navy Standard Missile-3). [11:09]

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4. China’s Strategy on Taiwan

Likelihood of Invasion:

• Gates assesses the risk of a near-term Chinese invasion as “pretty low.”
• Predicts China would prefer economic, political, or “anaconda” (blockade) strategies, aiming for a gradual takeover, not destruction of Taiwan’s infrastructure. [12:09]

Notable Quote:

"I don't think they want to go in and attack Taiwan. They don't want to destroy the very chip factories they want to take over." — Gates [13:18]

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5. Iran’s Nuclear Program & Middle East Conflict

Dealing with Iran:

• Gates maintains the only durable solution is negotiation—not military strikes—to remove enriched uranium and end nuclear threats.
• Recent strikes have set back Iran’s capabilities, but regime stability is unlikely to be undermined directly by attacks. [15:54, 17:14, 22:34]

U.S. Objectives:

• Preventing a nuclear Iran, weakening Iran's capacity to attack neighbors, and curtailing support for proxies (Hezbollah, Hamas, Houthis). [19:53]

Israeli Perspective & U.S. Limits:

• Gates recounts his longstanding skepticism of Netanyahu’s optimistic belief in regime collapse following attacks.
• Suggests real change in Iran would likely come from internal regime fractures, not street uprisings. [21:53, 22:59]

Notable Moment:

"[Netanyahu] said the regime is fragile, it'll crumble at the first attack and they won't have time to do anything else. I told him then he was wrong." — Gates [22:34]

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6. The State of U.S. Military Institutions

Pentagon Leadership & Reforms:

• Gates recognizes progress in defense industrial reforms but expresses concern about recent leadership overhauls and lack of transparency under Secretary Hegseth. [24:21, 29:55]
• Emphasizes the importance of explaining drastic personnel changes to Congress and the public. [30:14]

“Woke” University Bans and Impact on Troops:

• Gates refutes Secretary Hegseth’s claim that schools like William & Mary are “woke breeding grounds," highlighting their military and ROTC engagement. [26:18]
• Downplays the real impact of bans on service members' access to top universities, expecting continued military presence through ROTC and other programs. [27:18]

Personnel Management:

• Gates contrasts his personal approach to firing generals—public explanation and transparency—with the current administration’s silence. [28:20]

Notable Quote:

"I think the way you do it is important and I think it's important to explain to people why you have done it." — Gates [28:35]

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7. U.S. Policy Toward Cuba

Cuba’s Security Challenge:

• Main contemporary security risk is a mass refugee crisis, not military threat.
• Notes Cuba's security role in Venezuela but frames the primary U.S. interest as avoiding government collapse and resultant migrations. [31:05]

Notable Quote:

"I think that actually the biggest risk is that we end up with another Mariel evacuation from Cuba that has tens of thousands of Cubans heading to the United States out of desperation." — Gates [31:05]

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Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• On Global Risk:
  "This is a very, very perilous time." — Gates [02:58]

• On Chinese Military Confidence:
  "...there isn't one single Chinese general or admiral today that has one day of combat experience." — Gates [13:59]

• On Internal Change in Iran:
  "You generally see in regimes like this...not so much a change of regime from the streets, but that the regime itself begins to fracture and that you have people within the regime who want to take a different tack." — Gates [23:30]

• On Pentagon Transparency:
  "I think there is an obligation to explain at a minimum to the Congress the rationale." — Gates [30:14]

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Timestamps for Important Segments

• 01:32 — Setting the stakes: global danger and the U.S.’s strategic challenges
• 04:48 — Outcomes of the Trump–Xi Jinping summit
• 06:11 — U.S. Taiwan policy and strategic ambiguity
• 07:32 — U.S. arms sales to Taiwan: promises vs. delivery gaps
• 10:00 — U.S. weapons stockpile issues and industrial base problems
• 12:09 — Likelihood of Chinese invasion of Taiwan and “anaconda strategy"
• 15:54 — Effectiveness of military vs. diplomatic solutions with Iran
• 19:53 — U.S. strategic objectives in Iran conflict
• 22:34 — Historical perspective: Netanyahu’s views on Iran
• 24:21 — Assessment of Pentagon reforms and Hegseth’s policies
• 26:18 — “Woke” universities and impact on military education
• 28:20 — Handling of military personnel and transparency
• 31:05 — U.S. priorities and threats concerning Cuba

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Conclusion

This episode provides a sweeping, insider perspective on American grand strategy and institutional change at a time of acute global tension. Gates lays out the unprecedented complexity of America's adversaries, critiques the U.S. military-industrial pipeline, cautions against hasty shifts in policy (especially on Taiwan), and underscores the need for transparency and caution at home. His measured, pragmatic tone is leavened with critical, sometimes wry assessments of the present administration’s approaches, combining historical insight with clear policy guidance for challenges ahead.

Transcript

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[Margaret Brennan]

Hi, this is Margaret Brennan, moderator of Face the Nation and chief foreign affairs correspondent at CBS News. Last week I spoke with former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, who is now the chancellor at William Mary. Here's our conversation. Mr. Secretary, if you're ready, we'll dive right in.

[Robert Gates]

Absolutely.

[Margaret Brennan]

So it's great to be back here with you, but there's a lot going on in the world. You said in December we're living in perhaps one of the most, if not the most dangerous periods in our modern American history. Why do you feel that way?

[Robert Gates]

For the first time in our history, we face nuclear armed adversaries in both Europe and Asia. When China finishes their strategic nuclear modernization, China and Russia together will have nearly twice as many strategic nuclear warheads deployed as we do. We have never faced a country, at least since the British Empire, that had greater manufacturing and industrial capacity than the United States. We have not faced a country that was as technologically advanced as we are ahead of us in a few areas, behind us in a few areas, pretty much even with us in a few others. So we face an adversary that is more powerful and has more non military instruments of power than any adversary we face, certainly than the Soviet Union. So whether it's strategic communications or development assistance or trade or whatever, the Chinese are all over the world dealing with these things. So I think if you take all those things together and the nature of the two regimes, this is a very, very perilous time.

[Margaret Brennan]

The two regimes, Russia and China, the chief adversaries in your view of the United States. So President Trump was in China standing across from Xi Jinping, and he referred almost jokingly to the grouping as the new G2. He seemed to mean the two global powers. Do you think that the US and China are on equal footing? Is that how you would describe it?

[Robert Gates]

I don't think so yet. I think China is a, you know, the military refers to China as a near peer. And I think our. Right now, our military power is greater than theirs, although they're catching up and certainly ahead of us in terms of shipbuilding and so on. But we still have a lead economically, we still have a lead technologically, and I think we have our own problems here at home. But the Chinese have some real problems as well domestically in terms of their economy and demography and so on. So they're approaching our level of power, but I think they're not there yet.

[Margaret Brennan]

But the meeting itself seemed to be the message between President Xi and Trump. There weren't a lot of, as they call it, deliverables coming out of this summit. There was an announcement of working groups to study artificial intelligence and talk about tariffs. What do you think was accomplished?

[Robert Gates]

I think that the main objective for the administration, for the President, probably was simply to keep a lid on the relationship, to keep a floor under it so it doesn't deteriorate, to continue the trade truce that has existed for about a year now. We're still batting back and forth various measures against each other, but by and large, the trade truce has been sustained. And so I think avoiding a re escalation of the economic conflict between the two, I think putting this floor under the relationship, keeping it on an even keel, probably was the primary objective of both sides, frankly, certainly for the business

[Margaret Brennan]

community, that was their concern.

[Robert Gates]

And if we can get some greater business opportunities, of course, take advantage of that and we'll see what happens.

[Margaret Brennan]

Well, Xi Jinping's language in that public statement that was released by his government was very strong on Taiwan. China considers it a core issue in, as they described it, the US still officially has this stance of strategic ambiguity. But do you think the tone needs to shift a little bit? From the United States, given how strong the Chinese rhetoric is now.

[Robert Gates]

I think the Chinese rhetoric has often been strong in the past when it comes to Taiwan. Whenever we've made an arms sales to Taiwan in the past, the Bush administration, the Obama administration, and so on, the Chinese rhetoric gets very, very strong. So I think Xi was reiterating the Chinese position on that. I think it would be a mistake to change the carefully worded position of the United States with respect to Taiwan. Any change at all, the nuances. This is one of those things where the experts parse these things down to the tense of the verbs and so on. So I think keeping things, the US Position as it has been was important. And I think everything I've read so far indicates that the President did that.

[Margaret Brennan]

So leave it open to question whether the US Would militarily come to the defense of Taiwan if China were to move on it. That needs to be an open question. Well, on paper, the President has made significant pledges to Taiwan in terms of promised arms sales not delivered on yet. There's another 14 billion in proposed weapons sales that the Trump administration has delayed approving. Do you think the President should greenlight that?

[Robert Gates]

I think he should. I think we should go forward with what we've agreed with Taiwan. One of the concerns that I have is even with respect to previous arms sales, there is a huge backlog of weapons that we have sold to Taiwan that we have not been able to deliver because we don't have the supplies. And so if you're offering another 14 billion, is that just going to be added to the backlog or is there a way forward in terms of actually getting these weapons to the Taiwanese? I think one of the an important thing that has happened in recent years is, is getting the Taiwanese to focus on purchasing the kinds of weapons that would be necessary to defend themselves against a Chinese amphibious invasion. In the past, they wanted the kinds of high end weapons that would enable them to retake the mainland. Well, that's never going to happen. And so getting the old Chinese, the old Taiwanese generals to adapt their thinking to the kinds of weapons that the Ukrainians, for example, have been using and

[Margaret Brennan]

so on the high mars the tha

[Robert Gates]

it has been an achievement. And the Taiwanese legislature has just finally reached an agreement to fund the purchase of these weapons. So I think we should go forward with it. It is in our own way, our counter to President Xi's strong statement. Yes, you have your position, we have ours.

[Margaret Brennan]

So you talk about the demand for weapons. There's a bigger problem with supply and readiness and access to them right now. A retired colonel in China's People's Liberation army was recently quoted in the New York Times saying The depletion of U.S. stockpiles has, quote, significantly diminished the U.S. military's ability to, to project its combat power. They're looking at what's being used in Iran and Ukraine. I know Admiral Povaro, the head of Pacific Command, has said he doesn't see any real costs on our ability to deter China. But isn't that pretty time dependent? It's fairly well reported and established that there is a lag in terms of replenishing American weapons stockpiles. Isn't that a problem?

[Robert Gates]

It is a problem. And I, and I think, I think this administration especially has been very aggressive in working with the Congress in trying to expand our defense industries and bring new companies into the defense industrial mix that can produce the kinds of numbers of these weapons that are necessary. I've read that Ukraine is going to produce 7 million drones next year or over the next year. We need that kind of capacity in the United States. But it's a matter of getting the factories built, expanding factories. And part of the problem in Washington is you get all the right rhetoric about increasing our ability to produce these weapons, but the money is slow to come and it's unpredictable. And so what's needed is, is accelerated action in actually starting to get these factories built and expand these capabilities.

[Margaret Brennan]

But when you compare it to Ukraine, that's a wartime economy, that's an emergency they're responding to. You're saying we need to act like it is here.

[Robert Gates]

Absolutely, absolutely. We do need to replenish. And I would say that, you know, I'm well aware, well away from it now, but I, based on everything I've seen, I think that where we have the real shortfalls are in precision guided munitions, but also defensive missiles like Patriots, the Thaad missiles and the Navy's Standard missile three that are our most effective, although very expensive air and missile defense systems. And those are the ones that have been expended, especially recently. Yes.

[Margaret Brennan]

Secretary Rubio did tell another network though that his belief is that China's preference is to have Taiwan willingly join the People's Republic. Do you expect that to be the more likely scenario? That there is sort of a slow strangulation of Taiwanese democracy by the Communist Party?

[Robert Gates]

Let me put it this way. I think, I think the chances of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan are pretty low, particularly over the next several years and partly because Xi has other, other options open to him that include that involve Far less risk. So they have surrounded Taiwan with ships and in the air. They have shown their ability to close off maritime and air access to the island. They could create a blockade or a quarantine around Taiw anytime they wanted. What the Taiwanese call an anaconda strategy. And it would strangle Taiwan over time. I don't think they want to go in and attack Taiwan. They don't want to destroy the very chip factories they want to take over. So. And then there's cyber. There are all kinds of pressures. I also think that the Chinese are hoping that over time the Kuomintang China kmt, which has been more friendly toward China, will be a vehicle that will allow them over time to get more and more influence in Taiwan and maybe have some kind of a Hong Kong style transition over a period of time. I think, I think that Chinese would far prefer that kind of, if you will, takeover of Taiwan than all the risks inherent in, in a, in a military invasion. There isn't one single Chinese general or admiral today that has one day of combat experience. The last time these guys fought was 1979 in the north Vietnamese. The Vietnamese gave him a bloody nose. He's fired. Xi has fired all these generals. He's. There are now no generals left on the Central Military Commission that kind of oversees the whole thing. He's fired and, and they're slated for execution. His last two defense ministers. So this is not an outfit that I think he has enormous confidence in right now. And he's been fighting against corruption in their military ever since he became president of China. So I'm not sure that he thinks his military is the greatest in the

[Margaret Brennan]

world or he's threatened by them.

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[Robert Gates]

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[Margaret Brennan]

Let me ask you about what's happening in the Middle East. The last time we spoke last spring, we were just weeks away from that US Israeli strike on the three nuclear sites in Iran. You said at that time it was May. When you were Defense Secretary, you were concerned that a strike on the nuclear program would just buy time a year or two, but it would not solve the problem. Do you still believe that?

[Robert Gates]

I think the only way that we are likely to get the enriched uranium out of, out of Iran and bring about an end to their nuclear aspirations is through a negotiation. To go after that enriched. That buried thousand pounds of enriched uranium is a huge and complex military operation. And so I think that the only way you do this and bringing pressure to bear on them, to, to force them into negotiations is certainly, is certainly the only path that seems to offer any chance of success. But I think ultimately that the only way you actually end the Iranian nuclear program for good is to negotiate it.

[Margaret Brennan]

Well, that offer of having the UN Go in and inspect the sites and possibly remove the enriched uranium was on the table before the strikes were carried out in February. They weren't quite at a deal, but that was being discussed. Is that where we end up at the end of this back, with some kind of UN Agency going in and doing what the US And Israel have not been able to do?

[Robert Gates]

I suspect that the administration would not settle for any arrangement that did not include getting that enriched uranium out of Iran or as has been said, or diluting it in some way that makes it no longer usable for a potential weapon.

[Margaret Brennan]

But the diplomacy seems to be at a stalemate and so does the military operation at this moment in time. With Iran still having control over the Strait of Hormuz, is it possible for the President of the United States to walk away and leave this for the Israelis to settle?

[Robert Gates]

No, I don't think he can walk away. And no, I don't think the Israelis can settle it. I don't think as powerful as they are, they don't have the kind of power the United States has. And I think the President seems to have been very consistent, very clear that under no circumstances can Iran ever have a nuclear bomb. Well, the only way you get to that objective is resolving this issue of the enriched uranium and any future plans for enrichment. I mean, I don't think that the nuclear program in Iran poses an imminent threat. After all, we bombed it twice. The nuclear Material is pretty deeply buried. You'd have to spin up, use the centrifuges to spin it from 60% enriched to over 90% enriched. The centrifuges are very sensitive. They're also mostly destroyed. Many of their nuclear scientists have been killed. So I don't think this is not a problem for tomorrow. But it does. You know, the president's got it right in terms of this is a long term threat that cannot be allowed to develop. And if left alone, they clearly have been trying to move in that direction.

[Margaret Brennan]

But it is a big enough problem that it was clearly not going to be settled in four to six weeks, which was the timestamp that the American people were told to expect in terms of the duration of conflict.

[Robert Gates]

I think that there were some unrealistic expectations.

[Margaret Brennan]

You're smiling as you say that. Do you have a clear. Have you heard a clearly articulated sort of center of gravity, this operation, an end goal, a strategy? Because there are members of Congress who are saying they're not getting enough information from the administration on many of these points.

[Robert Gates]

Well, I think some of the justifications have changed over time. But one thing, I think there have been a few things that have been consistent from the very beginning. One is to eliminate Iran's ability to have a nuclear weapon. Another is to eliminate their military capabilities to attack their neighbors. The third is to eliminate the capability to support their surrogates, the Hezbollah, Hamas, Houthis, to sink their navy. I think those are all those were, have all been articulated as objectives of this operation. And although the nuclear program has been dramatically damaged and set back a long time, I think those other things, a lot has been accomplished.

[Margaret Brennan]

Prime Minister Netanyahu told my colleague Major Garrett over the weekend on 60 Minutes that the war was not over because there were still nuclear issues. There were still missiles that needed to be dealt with and militias. He did not seem to be saying he was done.

[Robert Gates]

I think it would be hard to say the war is over. I think from either the standpoint of the United States or Israel at this point.

[Margaret Brennan]

Prime Minister Netanyahu is someone you had a lot of experience with over the years.

[Robert Gates]

Yes.

[Margaret Brennan]

And you were very critical of him in your 2014 book. You referred to his arrogance and outlandish ambition and his approach specifically to Iran. You recalled a disagreement during a 2009 meeting where he argued an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities would trigger the Iranian people to overthrow the regime and that Iran would not attack. He said American targets or oil facilities in the region. That was in 2009. And he was trying to press an American president to do what this American president has done. Was he overly optimistic then and is he now?

[Robert Gates]

He told me all those things in July of 2009, and I told him then he was dead wrong, that he was underestimating the resilience of the Iranians, that I thought he had been lulled into an unrealistic position by the absence of an Iraqi reaction when the Israelis destroyed the Osiris reactor in Iraq. He'd been lulled by the Syrian lack of reaction when we destroyed there, when Israel destroyed their reactor. That was during the second Bush administration.

[Margaret Brennan]

But this is what he's been trying to sell for years.

[Robert Gates]

And I told him then that this notion that he was saying then, the regime is Fragile. This is 2009. The regime is fragile. It'll crumble at the first attack and they won't have time to do anything else. I told him then he was wrong.

[Margaret Brennan]

The regime was historically weak at the moment of these strikes. Is it possible he's right now, even though we haven't seen those things like an uprising among the Iranian people?

[Robert Gates]

I think that the likelihood of an uprising, of course, this is one of those predictions that can get you into a lot of trouble, but I think the likelihood of a near term uprising is very low because the besieged and the internal controls seem very much intact. In Iran, you haven't seen any demonstrations or very few demonstrations in the street. People are cowed, they're afraid. And right now they're concerned with how they, how they can eat and, and live under the current circumstance that this is a regime that couldn't provide water to Tehran before the attack started. So I think that. I think when the danger will come will be sometime after the, after the war stops. But I also think what you generally see in regimes like this is not so much a change of regime from the streets, but that the regime itself begins to fracture and that you have people within the regime who want to take a different tack. And so you have an internal fight for control.

[Margaret Brennan]

Let me ask you about how America is handling its own problems here at home. You were CIA director. You were a Defense secretary. How do you assess Secretary Hagseth's performance?

[Robert Gates]

Well, I will. I mean, I'm not into talking about my successors, but I will say I want to point to something positive that I think is going on. It goes back to something we were talking about earlier. I think the leadership in the Pentagon and especially the Deputy Secretary and the Under Secretary involved in acquisition, are doing some very important and overdue things. In terms of shaking up the bureaucracy in the Pentagon in trying to figure out ways not only to expand industrial production of defense materials and to do it on time and on budget, but also to bring and develop new companies into the defense industrial business that have new kinds of manufacturing capabilities and that can crank out what we need much faster and much cheaper than has been the case in the past. I think some of the moves to reduce the autonomy of the services will help this. So I think some of the things they're doing to try and shake up the defense industrial base is really important and a high priority.

[Margaret Brennan]

But we're here at William and Mary where you are. Chancellor. This is one of the universities that Secretary Hegseth included on his list of quote, woke breeding grounds of toxic indoctrination. He has ordered US troops cannot attend this school or institutions like it, including ones he studied at Princeton and Harvard. He referred to them as factories of anti American resentment and military disdain. What's your response to that? Because I'm sure you have some feelings. But also what's the impact on telling our fighting force that they can't attend a school like this?

[Robert Gates]

Well, I think he's badly misinformed. The fact is this is a very military friendly campus. We have a lot of relationships with military organizations here in the Tidewater, Virginia and even in Washington. We do a lot of national security work here and we have a very active ROTC program. I just commissioned 10 officers last night. So I think this is a very, very military friendly campus and we have very good relationships with the services.

[Margaret Brennan]

Woke breeding ground of toxic indoctrination. What's the impact on our next generation of American troops who won't have access to top universities because of his description?

[Robert Gates]

Well, I think they will. And I think.

[Margaret Brennan]

You don't think this last?

[Robert Gates]

Well, first of all, I think the practical application of this has been one fellowship here at William Mary. We've got a lot of other relationships going. And I think that first of all, I think that's a complete mischaracterization of this campus. But I think the military is still going to be active on US Campuses through the ROTC programs and various other national security programs.

[Margaret Brennan]

But he's got this focus on the warrior ethos. I'm sure you've heard a lot of what he has announced. He summoned the generals to D.C. told them he's tired of seeing fat troops and fat generals. He wants to weigh them twice a year. He ordered a ruthless review of the judge advocate court Court, the military lawyers. He fired most of the inspectors general saying he planned to overhaul the weaponized internal Pentagon watchdog. When you're talking about the things you like, would you put any of these things on that list?

[Robert Gates]

No, I will say this. I mean I, I fired a fair number of generals and senior people myself. The way I handled it was a little differently in the respect that I felt that I needed to go in front of the press and explain why I had taken these actions. And in the case of where I on the same day fired the Chief of Staff of the Air Force and the Secretary of the Air Force, I not only had a press conference explaining why I had done it in terms of the mishandling of nuclear materials and weapons, I went to three different air bases to talk to airmen, assemblies of airmen to explain why I had relieved their superior officers. So I think you need to be able to make changes in personnel. But I think the way you do it is important and I think it's important to explain to people why you have done it.

[Margaret Brennan]

Well, there's not a full Pentagon press corps even present at the Pentagon these days for, for a news conference like that without getting special permission to be on the premises. Right now he's fired 16 military officials at least including the Navy Secretary, the Army Chief of Staff, General Randy George during the Iran war. He pushed out the admiral at the helm of Southcom, the Chief of Naval Operations, the Air Force Vice Chief of Staff, the head of Defense Intelligence. Do you see those things as necessary disruption that ultimately will have a positive impact or does it concern you?

[Robert Gates]

Well, it concerns me, but I also have to acknowledge that I don't know the rationale for those changes. I don't know why those changes were made. And there may be perfectly justifiable reasons, but I just don't know what they are.

[Margaret Brennan]

And you think that that should be explained to the public and to the Congress?

[Robert Gates]

I think that people, when you have a lot of changes like that, yeah, I think there is an obligation to explain at a minimum to the Congress the rationale.

[Margaret Brennan]

The systems don't seem to be operating that way right now. No, you're being very diplomatic in your description of oversight of the Pentagon and Pentagon operations. The CIA director was just in Havana meeting with Raul Castro's crew grandson along with the head of Intelligence and the head of the Minister of the Interior. The US is offering Cuba aid. They're pressing for political change and floating the potential of indicting 94 year old Raul Castro who's no longer in power, but he's clearly influential. Does it matter to US national security. What happens on this island?

[Robert Gates]

I think that actually the biggest risk is that we end up with another Marielle evacuation from Cuba that has tens of thousands of Cubans heading to the United States out of desperation, as happened a number of years ago. So I think that's actually, at this point, the biggest threat. You know, the Cubans have had a lot of security people in Venezuela. They formed the security cordon around Maduro. He didn't trust his own people. They've done this in other countries. So they have been involved in ways that impact our national security and our interests in their engagement in other countries for a long time. But are they an imminent threat to the United States other than in these, if you will, peripheral ways? I think the main threat is, frankly,

[Margaret Brennan]

is collapse, which the administration says they're trying to avoid.

[Robert Gates]

Right.

[Margaret Brennan]

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