B (3:38)

And as he, even though, you know, he himself did not live in a Zion.

A (3:41)

That's correct. That was an interesting. He grew up in the religious Zionist community, but his political identity was vote for me, I'll join the Likud, but I'll watch them from the right. I'll be more pure. Because everybody on the right, including most settlers, know they can't trust Netanyahu. Because Netanyahu, as we've mentioned many times, it's not a firm ideology. He's going to assess what he thinks Israel's interests are going to be. And if I to accept the Trump peace plan, if I have to accept the Y, I'll compromise, I'll dismantle settlements. I don't even vote against the disengage. I think he supported this engagement in 2025. Sure he did in 2005. So the right wing always were uncomfortable with him because he's not an ideologue. Bennett was the ideologue until 2021, where he's forming his own party. And it's interesting, the parties that he formed were a breakoff from the religious Zionist community. Joins with Ayelet Shaked, a very, very compelling right wing but secular individual. And he starts reaching out to a broader Israeli audience. But he's firmly in the right. And then he has an awakening in 2021. Actually before that awakening in 2021. It's important to recognize that even under the Netanyahu government, when he was Minister of Diaspora affairs or he was Minister of Education, he had political right wing positions on Israel's security. But he was a very liberal person. He visits Conservative synagogues, which was like a big deal. He says, what do you mean? Of course I'm going to go visit. You know, I'm serving the Diaspora. There was a deep respect. He doesn't have this notion that because I know for certain what Israel should do in Judea and Samaria, that I know for certain what authentic Judaism is. In other words, his position on Judea and Samaria, I think is more security based than this notion of the purity and sanctity of the land of Israel. And then he has an awakening in 2021. Here it is, this right wing but liberal figure in 2021, after three rounds of elections, of literally toxic classic Netanyahu election campaigns, the countries act literally. Everybody is a traitor, everybody is dangerous. There's a toxicity taking over the country. And Bennett has an awakening in which he says, what is this? What's the greatest danger? Is the greatest danger facing Israel, our borders? Or is it the hatred and the divisiveness that's coming from inside? And he breaks with his right wing ideology because he sees that Netanyahu can't form a coalition even if he joins Netanyahu, and he could form one with Yair Lapid, and he with Yair Lapid and with Benny Gantz and members of the labor and even merits, and ultimately even Mansoor Abbas, he creates the most diverse coalition.

B (6:38)

He becomes the great unifier of Israel, of Israeli politics.

A (6:42)

And that changes him because he begins to see, not that he stops being the right winger and that's what we're going to have to talk about, but he sees a larger picture of Israeli society, of its security interests, of its existential challenges. And from being focused exclusively on foreign policy, he tries to be a healer. His whole Persona changes. And in one of his most remarkable statements, he says, I'm sitting in coalition with people who used to be my enemies. I saw them as my enemies. He said, I realized they love Israel as much as I do. They're as good Zionists as I am. And even says about the Ram Party, Mansoor Abbas, he says, he's a great coalition partner, he's a loyal member. So that transition was mind blowing. It blew the minds of all of his. He had seven seats in his party, three of them left him, bringing down the coalition, and now he's back. So this is just framing the conversation. And let's start. When you hear the name Naftali Bennett, what comes to mind?

B (7:52)

Well, it's interesting because the words that come to mind are really the opposite of what I once would have used to respond to that question. I think of him as the great healer and the national unifier, and he's already done it. When you compare the two governments we've had over the last four years, we've had three years of Netanyahu and the most homogeneous government in Israel's history. Bennett was the most heterogeneous in Israel's history, not only bringing together virtually the full political spectrum within Jewish Israel, but then of course, including an Arab party as well. So he's the Healer, the unifier. Very, very different from the guy I met maybe 10 years ago. I met Bennett only once. I was moderating a panel and he was representing the right and singularly unimpressive. He was a rank and file ideologue. There was nothing memorable that he said that night. I don't. I almost as soon as the panel was over, I forgot whatever it was.

A (9:03)

There was no room for complexity.

B (9:05)

No, not at all. Not at all.

A (9:07)

No nuance, no nothing.

B (9:08)

Not at all. And I remember there was a Bedouin woman. This I do remember, actually. This is interesting. It's a Bedouin woman on the panel. And I asked her about her Israeli identity and she said, I want to be an Israeli, but they don't let me. So I turned to Bennett and I said, is she part of Israel for you? And he said, if she wants to be part of Israel, she's part of Israel. That was interesting. That was something. It was a little bit of a window to the guy who later forms an alliance with the Arab party that interestingly represents the Bedouin. But generally, you know, the Bennett that we knew, you know, think about the people he chose to fill his list. The most unimpressive list of people, aside from this Likud, the worst list that I can think of in Israeli politics. And people who betrayed him, betrayed the country. So unimpressive. And yet here's Bennett today, this transformed figure. So what does that tell us? What does that tell us about. Do circumstances create the leader? This guy is a bit of an enigma. What do you think of Bennett? What are the first words that come to mind?

A (10:25)

The first word that comes to my mind is decency. He's a decent man. I'm on the political center left and I know that in this election I'm gonna vote for a party that I believe most represents my values. And it doesn't matter because my particular politics aren't significant. I see myself on the center left, but I know that in voting for this center left party, I know I'm voting for Bennett. It's a coalition of one 20 seat party or 20x and a whole bunch of other. What's the math? 64 other 10 seat parties, more or less 8 to 10 seat parties. So I'm gonna vote for one of those 10 seat parties, you know, those Lieberman, Yair Lapid, Eisenkot and Yair Golan. Those four together make up the other part of it. And I know that as a left wing person, I'm voting for a right wing, I'm voting for him, but I Don't want to do it directly because I want to shape his coalition. But the reason why I'm not hesitant, I know that the people I'm voting for aren't really viable candidates for Prime Minister, not for the country. And every single poll says so. I know I'm voting for him. And that. Which gives me a little comfort because the first thing I think about, and I've mentioned this many times, this is a decent man. And at the end, I'm always aware of the fact. I wrote a book called Putting God Second how to Save Religion from Itself. One of the things I've experienced and watched throughout my life, how ideologies override people's decency, how it creates a framework whereby your core moral instincts get silenced. It could be faith in God. It could be loyal to the country, to the party, to a person, to a group, that there's somehow your moral impulse to expand your responsibilities gets shrunk. They get shrunk. And ideologues do that. And there was always a decency on him, on religious pluralism when he was Minister of Education, he accepted every different flavor and opinion. So I saw that beforehand. But there's ideologues. And what happened on the 21st is that I feel his decency won. And that's why the first thing I see is his decency. And it gives me a lot of hope.

B (12:46)

So it's interesting because the way in which we experience his decency is his willingness to. To expand the parameters of his political alliances, not just.

A (12:58)

It's a story that I've said here on this podcast, the way he relates to people. He just had a big press conference just yesterday in which he announced his. Instead of the law for draft dodging, this was a law which is going to protect those who serve in the army. And you just look at the way he talks.

B (13:14)

Yeah.

A (13:14)

So first of all, he's more comfortable in his body right now, but he sees people. He has one of his party leaders is right there and his wife's giving birth to their first child in Tel Aviv. And in front of the whole country go, what are you doing here? The story that I've told over and over and over again, and I'll keep on telling it because it's so remarkable how as prime minister, he goes to a family whose son was killed in Gaza, knowing fully well that he's going to be attacked by this family because it's a right wing Likud family for betraying the right and accusing him of killing their son. Doesn't matter where this truth.

B (13:49)

And he went and he took it.

A (13:51)

And he took it. And when he was asked that, and when he was asked, he says, a gold star family has a right to tell me anything, and my job is to listen.

B (14:02)

So not only did Netanyahu not go to visit families who had lost their sons in combat, who his office investigated and found that they had the wrong politics. But just the other day, there was a ceremony in the Knesset. Did you see this?

A (14:21)

No, I missed it.

B (14:22)

A ceremony in the Knesset to honor the families of the fallen. They did not invite those who were publicly identified with the opposition. And I saw one of the bereaved fathers on TV saying, you know something? I'm not upset with them. I don't waste my energy being upset with them. I have too much contempt for them to be upset.

A (14:46)

So this basically is. Compare that, compare that. It's just remarkable in an Israeli politics where you lose.

B (14:51)

That's why I feel like it's a great point.

A (14:54)

And decency, by the way. Now we're coming to the second question, because decency is in your interpersonal relationships, but it also opens you up. You don't look in the horizon and see your own belly button. Decent people have a certain amount of humility. They could accept that somebody else has value and truth. So it affects your interpersonal, but it also affects policy. So. But now, I'm sorry, I just wanted.

B (15:16)

To go back to something you had said. Almost as an aside, I think it says something incredibly interesting about Israel today, which is that no matter who you vote for, you're actually voting for a right wing prime minister.

A (15:29)

That's correct.

B (15:30)

And that tells us how deeply Israel has been transformed. By October 7, there is really no effective option except to vote for either a decent right wing prime minister or an indecent.

A (15:48)

That's correct.

B (15:48)

Right wing prime minister.

A (15:49)

That's correct. It's true. Absolutely true. So now let's go to the second stage, which is now. Okay, we gave our first feeling. Healer, unifier, decent. By the way, that's not a bad CV right there, you know, that's a Dayenu cv. As you listen to him talking and campaigning, especially over the last year or two, as he's emerging and developing his next run. What's the essence of his political message? Positive negatives? What are his policies?

B (16:20)

I think what he's really saying to us is I'm the old right, the old decent right. You think of Menachem Begin, Yitzchak, Shamir Sharon, Ariel Sharon. There was a sense that you could Trust these people. You knew that they would put the country's interests before their own. And Netanyahu broke that tradition. So that's one thing. Another thing, I.

A (16:44)

Can we stop there a second? Because that's a big thing. Yeah, like just elaborate on it. But he sees himself as politics as service.

B (16:52)

Politics as service, which also makes him predisposed to national unity. Yitzhak Shamir formed two national unity governments. And the second national unity government that he formed, this was in the 1980s. He actually had a majority together with the ultra orthodox parties. And he wouldn't do it. He brought in labor instead. Shimon Perez, Shimon Peres. He brought in no less, as far from. As far as far as you could. And he brought him in.

A (17:19)

And they worked well together, didn't they? Up until he stabbed Stack, as the Laborites would tend to do.

B (17:25)

That's right. And so Bennett is a throwback to the old right. He's principled, he's ideologically principled. He's committed to a right wing platform. But this is another interesting facet here, which is that in the policies that he's laying out, and we saw this in his government in 2021.

A (17:46)

Was it 2021? Yes.

B (17:48)

He would be right wing only as far as his center and left coalition partners could bear. He wasn't right wing on settlements. He was right wing on security.

A (18:02)

Right. He didn't annex.

B (18:04)

He didn't annex anything. And he knew that he could carry the government on hard line security policies. And I think that that's what he's projecting now. He said, of course, if there's an opportunity to stop the Iranian nuclear program, of course I'll do it and I'll be able to carry the center in the left with me. But I'm not going to break national unity by going one right wing step too far.

A (18:32)

So it's interesting. It's very hard to know exactly what he stands for. And I'm following very carefully. And they are being very careful not to say anything that's going to aggravate not the coalition of partners who are going to join him, but the coalition of voters who are voting for him right now.

B (18:53)

He's also trying to bring in more.

A (18:55)

Right wings, more right wing. If you look at his coalition, the people who are voting for him now self identify 2/3 as right wing and a third as center or left. Those are the people who say, if you'll vote for him, how do you define yourself? But if you look at the people where they voted in the last election, 60% of his voters were either Benny Gantz or Yair Lapid voters, which is.

B (19:24)

To say center, center right.

A (19:25)

I don't know if that's center right. It was Gantz center. You look at his. Those are center, strong center. I wouldn't call them center right like they were agnostic, like thank. There was no peace process that they had to vote on. But Yair Lapid, Yair Lapid is for this two state solution. I think even Benny Gantz would be for a two state solution if pushed to articulate an opinion. So his core voters, his majority of his voters come from the center. He has some people on the left, like me, center left, who I won't vote for him, but I'm very happy.

B (19:59)

You're an admirer.

A (20:00)

I'm an admirer and I know in essence that his coalition at the end is going to be. I'm going to be in it. And he has about 10% of Netanyahu voters. He's not tremendously successful in moving. Now, if you try to run a party which has made 10% on the right, 60% on the center, 10% on the left, like what do you do? And he knows that he is 59 and to win the next election he's going to have to move three or four more people from the Likud Party. And he's hoping the Likud Party is going to do a few things. He hopes they'll pass a draft exemption law for the Haredim. He hopes they'll do something where that'll boost his numbers. That'll boost his numbers. And he's also fighting against the Miluimnik Party, the Reservist Party cause. So now he wants to personify on the Reservist. So you see him only speaking out publicly about issues at the core of the consensus of Israeli society. Now, the consensus issues for his party. So what are they? They'll be the draft issue. There'll be economics. They'll be, yes, we have to continue to destroy Hamas. We're not going to be soft on Hamas. But what else? He's not really saying and he's very careful not to talk about it. So I'm left with his decency and left with tremendous vagueness.

B (21:19)

Look, Bennett has two problems. One is that in almost every poll he's just shy of the form of government. I've seen some polls that place him at 60 still not now.

A (21:33)

It's 5,960. It's closer to 69. Yeah, he's up from 58, by the way.

B (21:38)

Okay, so.

A (21:39)

But that's the other coalition partners, not necessarily him, by the way. The other ones are getting a little stronger sometimes.

B (21:45)

So the second problem that he has is with the community that should be most enthusiastic about him, which are the religious Zionists. Bennett comes from the religious Zionist community. He was the first prime minister to wear a kippah, and yet they hate him. I saw a poll just the other day. Close to 80% of religious Zionists prefer Netanyahu to Bennett.

A (22:12)

Wow.

B (22:13)

Now, I think that they still have not forgiven him for forming a government with the center and the left, and most of all with an Arab party.

A (22:24)

Yeah. That's his original city.

B (22:26)

Yes. And I promise you remember, he appeared on TV and he said, I'll sign.

A (22:30)

He had a piece of paper. He says, I'll sign.

B (22:32)

Right. Right now, in front of the whole country, I pledge that I will not sit with Mansur Abbas.

A (22:38)

Yes. And he challenges Bibi, and Bibi won't sign.

B (22:46)

And they won't forget that. As if Netanyahu is the upholder of the golden rule. But I think that the betrayal struck the religious Zionist community so hard because he was one of them. Netanyahu was never one of them, and he lied to them, and they can't forgive that. And so where are those missing seats going to come from? It's not going to come from the religious Zionist community. He has to move two seats from.

A (23:15)

The Likud, from the right, from the right. He has to move them from the Likud. And so he's trying to do that. But that creates a very strange feeling that I like him, but I feel he's not talking to me. He's, like, taking me for granted. He has me because where else am.

B (23:28)

I going to go?

A (23:29)

You know? So he has me. So anything he's doing is geared to this more right wing. And then you wonder, is that the true Bennett? Is that not the true Bennett? So there's this uncertainty there, but he.

B (23:39)

Also knows that we're so desperate to replace Netanyahu that we'll forgive him.

A (23:45)

That's right. Now, one of the key things about the essence of his political message, if we delve into it more deeply, and this was part of his coalition in the past, and he's articulated this again. And that is this notion that 80% of Israeli society agrees on 80% of the issues.

B (24:01)

This is Micha Goodman's formulation.

A (24:02)

That's his formulation. And Micha Goodman, by the way, is one of his rabbis, is very, very close to him, has a very significant relationship. And influence on him. And that becomes also, by the way, Rivon Haravi, how would you say for the Rivon Harui Fourth quarter, the fourth quarter party, which hasn't yet been polled but is emerging and they're planning on running.

B (24:21)

Are they planning on running?

A (24:22)

Oh, yes, unless the polls have a chance and then they'll run and join.

B (24:25)

Somebody and that's a party that would be running on national coexistence.

A (24:29)

National coexistence. Their principle is the 80, 20. That's their issue. And the challenges of that is that the 20% are some of the most essential issues that we have to deal with. So. But I think part of what Bennett is, his core message to the people is a unity is not a structural issue. Unity is an existential issue. 2 Service is an existential issue. That there are people in the government who will wake up in the morning and ask what do the people need? And who will be ministers of ministries which they're competent to run and there's a country to run. It's true, we have great ideological issues. So that's the 20%. So what's your position on state religion? I don't know if I'm going to rock the boat. There you have Lieberman there you have Lapid much more clearly and as well as Yair Golan look on religion and.

B (25:21)

State, I think that they all agree that the top priority is going to be to stop the flow of money to the ultra orthodox institutions.

A (25:29)

But the issues of religion and to.

B (25:31)

Try to draft as many as possible into the army.

A (25:33)

But that's only one, I think the.

B (25:35)

Rest of it, if they succeed in.

A (25:37)

No, but that's not a state and religion issue. State and religion issues. But again, we know he was pushing for a serious compromise on the Kotel. So there's interesting things, but we don't know what. Like these 20% are some of the most important issues. So he's trying tell the country we'll get to those 20 maybe in the next election. We need his core policies for this election. Let's heal, let's rerun the country. Let's get people trusting government institutions again. Let's people stop fighting with each other. And once we have a healthier foundation, maybe then we can tackle some of the issues.

B (26:14)

In other words, that's his policies. Yes, and I think that really what he's saying is there's only one issue that I'm prepared to shatter the social peace, and that's in pushing the ultra orthodox out of this current destructive relationship with the state. And that's going to be brutal because the ultra orthodox are going to shut down the country.

A (26:36)

People who are intelligent on this issue, don't try to draft ultra orthodox.

B (26:42)

No, no, he's going to shut the money.

A (26:45)

This is what he said he spoke about in his recent press conference about reversing the pyramid, taking the 10 of billions that are going to those who don't serve and starting to give it to those who serve and a whole package of benefits to anybody who serves in miluim etc. Here he found his consensus issue and it has some ideology. But the deeper ideology of Bennett is still not clear. Which leads us to our last question. Do you think he has what it takes? Do you think he's going to be a bracha? Is it going to be a blessing? Is it going to be a good, Is it going to do what it needs to do?

B (27:18)

Look, we know him through an all too brief period as Prime Minister. It was one of the best years politically that I remember that I've experienced here.

A (27:30)

Me too, by the way. I had that same feeling.

B (27:31)

It was extraordinary. And I remember as we were getting close to his government falling apart and it was becoming increasingly clear, I remember having this deep sense of mourning, like what's going to happen next to this country? Well, we now know. And so yeah, I think he can do what his limited agenda intends to do. And that limited agenda is so far reaching in terms of where we are now that who needs more than that right now?

A (28:03)

See, I agree with you with a caveat that when it comes to what Israelis need, I think he's right, especially we're coming after years of war to understand that maybe we have to spend more of our focus on the inner divisiveness, that the dangers of that, it's exhausting the hatred, it's just too much. And maybe he's understanding that and in that sense it will be a huge blessing.

B (28:30)

And the fact that he's coming from the right, it helps, yes. The healing has to come, has to.

A (28:35)

Come from the right place.

B (28:36)

That's broken us.

A (28:38)

Interesting, interesting. And in any event, since the country has moved so much to the right, the only prime minister, that's right, the only one who could be a prime minister in a democracy in Israel has to have right wing credentials. The serious question that I have is that what's going to happen when we don't get to pick the agenda? So do I trust him to deal with Iran or Hamas or Hezbollah? Absolutely, because he's going to hire also he's going to Appoint a serious Minister of defense who's allowed to have an opinion, who's not going to be fired because he disagrees with you. We're not going to have political appoint throughout the military establishment and the defenses. We're going to have serious people. And I think he's proven that he has what it takes. Absolutely. He has the gravitas. My big fear though is what happens when certain political issues are going to be on a timetable that aren't convenient for Israeli society. What happens when Trump and MBS get together and say, okay, we're moving. By the time of the election, stage two of Gaza will move forward and they're going to be getting closer to stage three or clause 20, a window or a pathway towards Palestinian statehood? There'll be pressure. Is he going to have the ability to respond and innovate and lead?

B (29:53)

Now I'll say it even more sharply. Is he capable of doing what Netanyahu did in 2010 and say the words a two state solution? That's all.

A (30:02)

Just say it in some form.

B (30:03)

Now what does a two state mean? Is he too much of a purist?

A (30:06)

That's the question.

B (30:07)

Is he too sincere? That's the question.

A (30:09)

Like we saw that he saw something. That's where decency, I trust. Like you're gonna look at it and.

B (30:15)

You'Re gonna say, fair enough, what do we mean?

A (30:17)

Like he's gonna look at it. Like there'll be an open mindedness. Can Naftali Bennett imagine some form of a. Something that you could put the name Palestinian state on? It might be demilitarized and de radicalized and it might only be, let's put it, let's. It might only be in area A and B following the Trump. Will he show some of flexibility there? The same flexibility that enabled him to sit with Mansur Abbas, to allocate huge amounts of money to recognize that we have to raise the rights and quality of life of Israeli Arab Palestinians. His ability to sit with the far left, it's like one more mountain. Now it's going to be a move. Is he going to have that ability on some of those 20%? Is he going to be able to go beyond consensus? Is his decency going to enable him to put forth new thought processes about some of the issues?

B (31:12)

It's a very important question.

A (31:13)

This is the question. Because the 80%, you could pick the issues, some of the 20% are going to hit you in the face and then you're going to have to lead and innovate.

B (31:22)

You know, while you were talking, I was thinking about the four Likud prime ministers that we've had. That's all. In the country's nearly 80 years, we've had a total of four Likud prime ministers. And three of the four showed remarkable flexibility over core issues. Menachem Begin withdrew from Sinai. Ariel Sharon withdrew from Gaza. Netanyahu withdrew from most of Hebron and northern Samaria. And northern Samaria and supported a two state solution. The only purest was Shamir. Was Shamir interesting. And so to frame the question in very practical terms, is he going to be a right wing prime minister in the mode of three out of the four or of Shamir?

A (32:10)

We don't know, do we? Last thoughts?

B (32:14)

You know, Daniil, I am so desperate to get rid of Netanyahu that really, you should have spoken about this in our podcast. I know.

A (32:23)

Here it is. You have this huge audience.

B (32:25)

Listen. I know, I know, Daniil, I don't want to impose my opinion on people.

A (32:28)

You're such a tad. That's what I love about you, your humility.

B (32:33)

I know what you mean. I feel the same way about me. I mean, at this point, I would accept Herbert Hoover as the Prime Minister of Israel, almost anyone, instead of this guy. And so it doesn't say much for Bennett. It's not a great testimony to Bennett's leadership that I'm so desperate for him to be Prime Minister. But beyond that desperation, I'm actually anticipating Prime Minister Bennett returning. I'm looking forward to it because what this country needs more than anything else is healing. And we've said this before on this podcast, that this election is going to be fought on basically one issue. Do we want AN ISRAEL that's October 6th or October 8th? October 6th, the year leading up to October 7th, we were tearing each other apart. October 8th, we instantly pivoted to a level of national unity that we've rarely seen in this country. And we went from the lowest point of schism to one of the peak moments of unity. Bennett is the prime minister of October 8. Netanyahu is the prime minister of October 6. And that's what the election's about.

A (33:47)

When I think forward, I'm also excited. But for me, one of the issues I'm going to be looking at are who's on his list. See, when you build a coalition of Bennett together with Lieberman, Eisencot, Lapid and Golan, each one of those groups are going to have members of Knesset who represent certain visions that I'm closer to. Who's he going to pick if he has 2122 seats. It's a lot of seats. The last time he didn't pick well. Is he going to pick people who represent his vision? Because his vision is a vision of a right wing ideology with decency and some flexibility. We don't know where, but he's going to have to find a lot of people who share that. The last time it was very hard, they couldn't pivot with him. So it'll be really interesting to see. Is he going to pick people that represent his voters? If 60% come from the center, are you going to pick 60% of your 22, 25 seats from the center, or are you going to load it up from the right knowing that you're getting the center from the other parties? So a lot of that story we don't know yet. But it's a nice thing to say. You know, we have a candidate who is leading in the polls, who is a healer, is a unifier and is decent and maybe, maybe that's enough. Yossi, it was a pleasure talking with you.

B (35:10)

Great talking Today.

A (35:12)

Imagine a gap year that's not a detour but a launchpad at the Shalom Hartman Institute's Chavuta Gap Year Program, students spend the year after high school in the heart of Jerusalem immersed in serious Beit Midrash learning with Hartman's world class faculty, including leaders such as Daniel Hartman, Tal Becker and Ilana Steinheim. Blending community leadership and rigorous learning, Tavutta pushes students from North America and Israel to grapple with the most significant questions facing the Jewish people and a Jewish and democratic Israel. If you're looking for a gap year, we're where you're challenged, grounded and ready for campus and beyond. Learn more and apply@shalomhartman.org Gap Year Here are some other things that are happening at the Sholom Hartman Institute do you read our journal sources?

B (35:58)

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A (35:59)

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A few lucky participants will receive a swag bag filled with sources, merch and other fun goodies. Complete the survey at the link in the show Notes. This week, the North American Fellows of Hartman's Kogod Research center are gathering for our annual Scholars Conference in our New York Beit Midrash. Building on their individual expertise and their shared commitment to the Jewish people, our scholars develop the ideas, arguments and frameworks needed to face contemporary challenges and to build a better Jewish and Israeli present and future. Click the link in the show notes to learn more about our fellows and their work.

B (36:36)

For Heaven's Sake is a product of the Shalom Hartman Institute and ARC Media. It is produced by me, Daniel Goodman, with help from Miriam Jacobs, Adar Taylor Schechter, and Aviva Kat Manore, and studio support from Go Live Media. Our episode was edited by Seth Stein, Meital Friedman is our executive producer, and our music was composed by Yuval Sama. Past episodes can be found@arcmedia.org where you can explore more of Arc Media's podcasts. You can watch the video version of our episodes on our YouTube channel. Follow the YouTube link in the Show Notes. Also, to receive updates on new episodes, please follow the link to arcmedia.org and subscribe to Arc Media's weekly newsletter. For more ideas from the Shalom Hartman Institute, visit our website@shalomhartman.org.