← From Our Own Correspondent
From Our Own Correspondent
Ukrainians fear another Chernobyl
00:28:46
Russian relentless attacks on Ukraine's energy grid raise concerns about nuclear security
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- [00:00]
Narrator/Advertiser
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- [01:04]
Main Presenter/Host
Hello. Today we're in Moscow for a Putin eye view on the ongoing disagreements over Greenland. In Uganda, we hear from young voters as the country's president is re elected for his 40th year in power. In France, women still undecided on motherhood are given extra time to think thanks to a national egg freezing program. And in Morocco, the final whistle has blown on this year's cup of Nations. But will the government rue the political cost of hosting hugely expensive football tournaments? But first to Ukraine, where Russian drone attacks are continuing to target the country's energy infrastructure. Thousands of homes in the capital, Kyiv, are without heating at a time of year when the temperature drops well below zero. Amid Russia's targeting of the energy grid, there's increasing concern for the security of Ukraine's nuclear power plants, on which the country is becoming increasingly reliant. The memory of the Chernobyl disaster is never far from people's minds these days, as Wera Davis has been finding out.
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Wera Davis
It'S difficult to overestimate or articulate just how cold it has been in Ukraine in recent days. They're used to cold winters here, but the biting eastern wind has been particularly sharp this year. Temperatures in Kyiv have regularly reached -20 degrees Celsius, and it requires multiple layers of clothing before you can venture outside for anything more than a few minutes. For many people, though, staying inside brings only some respite. Huge swathes of Ukraine, especially in the capital Kyiv, have been crippled by power cuts and blackouts. For days on end, thousands of homes are without electricity, running water or power. In the midst of war, the city authorities have set up invincibility centers, pop up emergency tents or railway carriages where people come for food and company, but mostly warmth. At one facility at a Kyiv railway station, I met 11 year old Stas and his mother. Stas says the sound of explosions around the city keeps him awake at night. He came here to meet friends because school is suspended and to charge his mobile phone. When I hear drones flying, it's really scary because you don't know if it will explode now or if it will fly on and you'll survive, says Stas. As we perch on the top bunk of the carriage, where he's sitting with another friend, Stas is frank about the impact of the war on his generation. I forget the times when there was no war. I don't remember those moments. Life is difficult, he says, his smile wide and demeanor remarkably bubbly. Ukraine's government accuses Russia of deliberately exploiting the sub zero temperatures to target energy production and distribution plants. After one recent heavy night of bombing here, 70% of the city was left without power for several hours. With almost every conventional power station in Ukraine hit or damaged by the Russian strikes, the burden has fallen on the country's small network of nuclear power stations to fill the void. By their very nature, nuclear plants are secure, secretive places. So I was fortunate to visit the Khmelnytsky nuclear complex in western Ukraine. Around two thirds of the country's electricity now comes from the plant's giant turbine halls and two other nuclear sites. They're all under the threat of attack, says Pavlo Kovtunyuk, head of the country's nuclear authority. It was, he said, nuclear terrorism, because the infrastructure Russia is targeting is exactly what keeps nuclear plants safe. This complex is especially important because the country's largest nuclear power plant, near Zaporizhzhia, on the banks of the Dnipro river in southern Ukraine, has been occupied and controlled by Russia since the early days of the war almost four years ago. Although it's now in shutdown mode, some Ukrainian workers who are still there under Russian occupation have told us over encrypted social media channels that it's now full of Russian military hardware, and there have been missile launches from within the complex. I spoke to Daria, who was a technician at Zaporizhzhia, and her husband, Yor, a, an engineer the plant. She recalls being very frightened when the Russians occupied the site, but they remained hoping that things would change. It was when some colleagues were taken to the basement underneath the plant for interrogation, says Yur, that they decided it was time to leave, especially when they realized that some of those taken were not seen again. The journey out to safety through neighboring countries was arduous and, as Daria recalled, only happened after Russian intelligence officers found thoroughly examined their phones. Now living hundreds of miles away in a small house near the Khmelnytsky plant, where they now both work, the couple say they'd like one day to return to Zaporizhzhia. It is, after all, their home. But Yurgor was the third person I'd spoken to during this trip who expressed concerns about reported Russian neglect and lack of maintenance at the complex. Ukraine says, for example, that ponds supplying water to prevent Zaporizhzhia's reactors overheating have been allowed to run dead dangerously low. International inspectors do sometimes cross into Russian occupied territory to check the site, but some fear what could happen there. No one wants history to repeat itself. In my view, it could be much worse than Chernobyl, says the nuclear head Pavlo Kovtunyuk. If Russia brings the situation to a point where the core melts and there's melting of fuel in the spent fuel pools, the contamination could be even greater than Chernobyl. The head of Russia's nuclear agency, Rosatom, recently said that it was the only operator allowed to run the plant under Russian law, and it was ensuring its safe operation under the most difficult combat conditions. Another Chernobyl disaster is a sobering thought, and the immediate challenge for thousands here is keeping warm in this bitter winter. But the future of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant and who controls it should concern everyone and could have repercussions far beyond these borders.
- [07:38]
Main Presenter/Host
Wira Davis Next to Moscow, where President Putin has been notable for his silence over President Trump's recent demands to acquire Greenland, Mr. Trump has claimed the threat posed by Russia and China in the region is one of the reasons the US must take control. But rather than antagonize the Kremlin, the Russian government's news service has been full of praise for the US president, instead focusing its ire on the European leaders who they accuse of standing in America's way. Our Russia editor, Steve Rosenberg the Russian.
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Narrator/Advertiser
Capital is experiencing something of a cold spell. Whenever the temperature here plummets to well below zero, the great river Moscow becomes a vast sheet of ice. A few days ago, I was standing on the embankment staring out over this frozen landscape when I saw a boat cutting through the ice and leaving behind it a trail of shards bobbing up and down in the water. Moscow's ice breaking pleasure boats and river taxis have exotic names like the Pearl, the River palace, the Snow Leopard right there on the riverbank. It suddenly occurred to me that the scene I was witnessing is playing out on a global scale. Right now, a gigantic icebreaker is sailing full steam ahead, shredding the old world order, tearing apart long standing alliances and the name of that ship, the Donald Trump. America's president, has been accused of bullying Denmark. He says he won't use force. He's been demanding control of Greenland to save them from China and Russia, he says, all the while publicly insulting allies in NATO and across Europe. If you can hear something cracking, it's probably the sound of the Western alliance fracturing. And that is music to Moscow's ears. Writing on the subject, the pro Kremlin tabloid Moskovsky Kamsomorits gloated Europe is at a total loss. And to be honest, it's a pleasure to watch this. That is because any weakness in the west, any hint of damage to Western unity, is perceived here as a geopolitical victory for the Kremlin. As for the consequences of an American president who demands Greenland and who orders an operation to seize the leader of Venezuela. For Moscow, this provides a golden opportunity to argue that, well, if the White House can throw its weight around in the name of national security, then so can we. Pro Kremlin commentators have been using President Trump's actions to justify Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine. There is much about Donald Trump that the Kremlin likes. Unlike Joe Biden, he doesn't lecture Russia on human rights or democracy. He recognizes that Moscow has particular security concerns. He's clearly keen to develop closer ties, a mutually beneficial partnership with President Putin and with Russia. He's a deal maker, which suits the Kremlin just fine. Crucially for Moscow, President Trump has demonstrated a keenness to exert considerable pressure on Ukraine and on President Zelenskyy. With Donald Trump in the White House, Russia feels more confident it can secure an end to the war and on Moscow's terms. But be careful what you wish for. One of the casualties of the Trump icebreaker is predictability, and that could be dangerous for Russia, too. From all the novels I've read since high school, I know that unpredictability drives people crazy, Konstantin Remchukov tells me. He's the owner and editor in chief of the private broadsheet Niza Visimay Gazeta. We meet in the office of his newspaper, for example, recalls Konstantin in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment. Unpredictability drove the main character mad. To set the entire world according to the principle of Unpredictability, because there is no international law that will drive a lot of people and a lot of regimes crazy, maybe even those that think they will benefit from it. You can sense this air of unpredictability, too. On the streets of Moscow, I ask passersby what they make of Icebreaker Trump. He does one thing one day, the opposite thing the next. Svetlana says watching Trump is like being at the circus or at the theatre. He's not our ally, Juliana tells me. To begin with, I thought he was, but now he started playing his own game. And his aggressive attitude towards Venezuela recently and to its president was unexpected and incomprehensible. In a recent interview to the New York Times, Donald Trump was asked whether there were any limits to his global power. My own morality, he replied. My own mind. It's the only thing that can stop me. Russian newspaper editor Konstantin Remchukov finds that less than reassuring. When Trump said that international law exists only within his morality, Constantine says the question is what to do. If there is no morality, then it exists in the head of a person with no moral power, but with overwhelming military power. And that, says Constantine, is an absolutely different picture of the world.
- [13:19]
Main Presenter/Host
Steve Rosenberg From South Korea to China to Western Europe, there's deep concern over falling birth rates. And it was one of the reasons behind France's decision a few years ago to amend its policy regarding egg freezing for non medical purposes, bringing it into line with other European countries. Many governments are increasingly keen to incentivise women to have children through tax breaks or more generous parental leave, or at least by offer them the chance to keep their options open for a crucial few years longer. Carolyn Lamberley recounts her experience of the French system.
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Carolyn Lamberley
My closest friends, those who cook for me and whom I cook for, know I like to freeze things. Right now in my freezer, there are cubes of minced ginger, some milk, sliced pancetta, parmesan rinds and celery leaves for winter soups. I don't like being caught off guard, say if I want to whip up some curry or a dill chicken soup. But there's something else I've decided to freeze. Something more significant. I live in France, where in 2021 a law was introduced allowing women age 29 to 37 to freeze their eggs. You'd pay around €40 each year to keep the freezer plugged in, but other than that, it's completely free. Then you have until your 45th birthday to either use the eggs, donate them or destroy them. I decided it's time and head to a clinic. Freezing your eggs might be relatively cheap in France, but you pay in other ways, sometimes waiting as long as two years from the moment you sign up to the actual procedure. For me, it was 18 months. That's a long time for an overthinker like me. When I'm not drowning in dark thoughts, I try seeing the weight as an ally. I have time to figure this one out, I tell myself. I go on a deep dive. I talk to my girlfriends. I read. I listen to podcasts, shout out to the journalist Marie Gu and her podcast Marie et Les Marie and the Snow Eggs, which is about being celibate but realizing that time is running out to have kids. Marie, you made me laugh. You made me cry. You help me decide to go through with this. Mona Chollet, Annie Arnault I dive into their books. A line in Annie Arnault's book La Femme Joliet bowls me over. She's about to get married and she's grieving. The version of herself that can spend an entire Sunday reading in bed. The version of herself that can pack a suitcase in half an hour and just go. The version of herself that frequently dines on just a yogurt and job done. For me, it's usually a bowl of grated carrots with a squeeze of lemon salt and some olive oil. It's my go to when I'm in cave woman mode with no one to host or feed. I often think about this, about the guy who once told me he'd love me more if I were more caring, if I cooked for him more. That's not love, to borrow from Monashwood. That's just patriarchy sabotaging heterosexual relationships. But he didn't get it, and so I went on a cooking strike. One year turns into another, and after all this waiting, the procedure was finally upon me and less than a month away. Things are getting real. Over two weeks, I have to make multiple visits to the clinic, a two and a half hour commute each time. Thankfully, there's some solace to be found in the sisterhood. This is no normal waiting room. We greet each other, ask about each other's symptoms. Are you exhausted too? Have you gained weight? What about those killer migraines? There's the girl in the miniskirt and the Amy Winehouse hair. And then there's the girl, my idol for those two weeks of incessant hospital visits, who wears her fully gray mane like a crone. Another girl is clutching an embryo transfer consent form. We struggle to get pregnant. She tells me. But eventually we managed two beautiful boys, 10 and 12. She's in her early 40s now, and they've decided to go for a third. It's a few weeks later, the procedure is done, and I'm in Marseille in the south of France for 10 days. My only mission while I'm here is to swim as much as I can. I spend my days riding madly, and then I hit the water. I've been to most beaches in the area Montreux, d', Homme, Melmusque, Catalon, La Ciotat, Cassis, Nyolon. I can't get enough. Every time I travel, I feel more switched on, more life, and I want more. I'm perfectly unqualified to be a mother, I think to myself. And maybe that's okay, because now I have time.
- [17:59]
Main Presenter/Host
Carolyn Lamberly.
- [18:04]
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- [18:33]
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- [19:37]
Main Presenter/Host
1986 was the year Whitney Houston ruled the pop charts And Diego Maradona lifted the World Cup. And when Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni first came to power, and in last week's election, the 81 year old won his seventh consecutive term in office, some observers said that given the tight controls on dissent in Uganda, voting has become something of a futile exercise. This year's election was marred by violence, with several people killed and the president's main challenger, former pop star Bobby Wine, condemned what he described as fake results. Though African Union election observers said they saw no evidence of ballot stuffing. Sami Awami was in Kampala.
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Sami Awami
I have been covering elections in Uganda long enough to recognize the familiar rhythms, the heavy security, the controlled campaigning, the quiet certainty about who would ultimately prevail. But this time, one particular thing that has stuck in my mind is the people who turn up to vote anyway, especially young Ugandans. Why do they still line up at polling stations when so many openly admit their odds are stacked? When defeating Presidenti Museveni at the ballot box feels almost impossible? Why show up after years of broken promises, after watching friends beaten during campaigns, others arrested or abducted, and some never seen again? The night before Museveni was announced the winner, the opposition candidate, pop star turned politician Bobby Wine, went into hiding, saying he had received credible intelligence that security officers were planning to arrest him at his home and harm him, a claim the police dismissed. Four days later, the president's son and chief of armed forces, Mohozikainerugaba, announced on his X account that they had killed 22 opposition supporters, adding that he was praying the 23rd would be Bobby Wine. For many in the opposition, the act of voting itself has become a quiet form of resistance. Not necessarily a belief that power will actually change hands overnight, but a refusal to surrender their claim to a future they feel has long been postponed. At an opposition rally in a village in southwestern Uganda, I met Stephen Bagasha Biaruhanga. Bobby Wine is a good guy, he told me. If he gets into power, I believe he'll take this country forward. He believes Bobby Wine understands better young people's struggles than because of his own humble background and would prioritise issues like improving education and job opportunities. But Mr. Museveni still had some young voters on his side. Standing nearby was Njashi Ma Patrick, in his twenties, but firmly loyal to President Museveni. I support Museveni because he has kept us alive all these years, he said. He's been in power for a long time. Yes, but Bobby Wine's time is not yet. Maybe in 2031, Patrick told me he is grateful to Museveni for bringing stability in the country and argues that he has been a good custodian of the country's resources. The ruling National Resistance Movement framed its campaign around continuity, urging voters to protect the gains. Part of issues pointed to stability, economic growth and Uganda's role as Africa's largest refugee hosting country. The opposition, led by Bobby Wine's National Unit platform, offered a very different message a protest vote rooted in frustration and generational change. Beyond the music and the rallies, however, there was another reality. Many observers described this election less as a competitive democratic exercise than a tightly managed security operation. The United nations warned of an environment marked by repression and intimidation. The Electoral Commission defended an Internet shutdown before the vote, saying it was to prevent misinformation, electoral fraud and incitement to violence. President Museveni says that any violence against Bobby Wine and his supporters is not good, but insists that they often break the law and that's why they get arrested more often than other opposition politicians. And yet young people still showed up to vote. Every year, hundreds of thousands enter a job market that cannot absorb them. Protest is often met with arrests or force. Opportunities to influence politics meaningfully remain tightly controlled. Beyond this election lies a larger, unresolved question. What happens after Museveni? Speculation about his departure has circulated for more than two decades. Hints of transition have repeatedly faded, and now attention is increasingly focused on his son, General Mohoze Kainarougaba, whose rapid rise within the military has intensified debate about succession. The ruling party insists there is no plan for dynastic rule. The opposition remains unconvinced. For many young Ugandans, though, the question is simpler and more urgent. When will leadership begin to reflect the country they actually live in? Museveni's victory may bring continuity, but beneath it lies a restless generation.
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Main Presenter/Host
SAMI AWAMI the 2026 Africa cup of Nations came to a close in Morocco last weekend, and following a chaotic final, Senegal emerged victorious after beating the hosts. Aside from missing the chance to lift the trophy for the first time in 50 years, the tournament proved controversial in Morocco due to the vast sums spent on it. And as the country looks to co host the 2030 World cup, there's simmering anger as politicians are accused of prioritising sporting prestige over public services.
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Tim Hartley
Tim Hartley the Ivorian supporters exploded with joy as Bazumano Torre's 91st minute winner went in with that goal. Gabon were out of the cup and the elephants of the Ivory coast were stomping through to the next round of afcon. Cue one of the noisiest celebrations in football. I mouthed my congratulations to the young Ivorian couple cheering next to me. In return, I was hugged and wrapped in their orange, white and green tricolor flag so that I could hardly breathe. It was the second time that evening that I'd been crushed, this time pleasantly. But having the turnstile of the Grand Stade de Marrakech locked in my face earlier was another matter. Throngs of ticketless young men had rushed the barricades, forcing me up against the fence. Things calmed down and 20 minutes after kick off I was allowed in. The gloss of a big football tournament set against the often grim reality for supporters seemed a bit of a metaphor. You see, AFCON was designed to be a showcase for Morocco as a modern, future focused African country, as well as being a dry run for its co hosting of the World cup in 2030. The lockout then was something of a reality check. And never mind. The fans, players and managers alike at AFCON had complained about accommodation, the standard of refereeing and ticket allocation. At the end of September last year, thousands of young Moroccans took to the streets to protest at the billions of dirhams being spent on new stadiums. While hospitals and schools in the kingdom remain underfunded. The protest organisers call their movement Gen Z212 after the country's telephone code. Though not directly involved in the protests, Norden, my fixer in Marrakesh, said under his breath, yeah, the stadiums are here, but where are the hospitals? The initial unrest spread to 10 cities and turned violent. Three people died, dozens were injured and hundreds more arrested. 29 year old Salma, who took to the streets in Casablanca, said, this generation is defiant. The crackdown will not calm them down. To the protesters, this AFCON highlights the massive disconnect between their rulers and the realities of everyday life. The Moroccan president says his government has engaged with the demands expressed by the youth movements and that they were ready for dialogue and discussion. When it's built, the Hassan II stadium on the outskirts of Casablanca will have a capacity of 115,000 and the government hopes it will host the 2030 World cup final. Meanwhile, youth unemployment in Morocco stands at around 38%. The political system here is a two tier affair. The royal and military establishment, known as the Maxen, controls the state and foreign policy, while the elected government runs the economy and public services. The King's the ultimate guarantor of stability, while the politicians largely absorb any public discontent. But the Gen Z212 protests have put this compact to the test. The King has called for reforms, but prime Minister Aziz Akanouch, a billionaire businessman, may yet pay the price in September's general election. Not that you'd have noticed any of this on the streets of Marrakech, Rabat or Fes. During the tournament, the rainbow of African nations from Egypt to Zimbabwe, Burkina Faso to Mozambique sang and danced under their flags in celebration of the beautiful game. The final match in Rabat pitched Senegal against the host nation, Morocco, but it was marred by controversy and chaos. The Lions of Taranga had a late goal disallowed, and Morocco were then given a soft penalty. The Senegalese players left the pitch in protest, holding up the game for almost 20 minutes. Brahim Diaz then failed miserably with a penalty, and Senegal went on to win by a single goal. Referring to the walkout afterwards, the Moroccan coach, Walid Raghragui said, the image we've given of Africa is shameful. Despite all this, people here are still proud of having hosted the Cup. At the final whistle, I messaged Manao, my host in Morocco, to commiserate. Of course there's disappointment, she said, but we remain proud of the journey we've had. As for the protests, Manal added, the situation is generally calm here, with a great deal of pride and shared emotion despite the result. Still, as the costs of staging the World cup mount up, the Moroccan establishment may want to consider that after the frenetic footballing party of the last four weeks, there could be a lasting hangover.
- [30:32]
Main Presenter/Host
Tim Hartley and that's all for today. We'll be back again next Saturday morning. Do join us.
- [30:38]
Helena Merriman
If journalism is the first draft of history, what happens if that draft turns out to be flawed? In 1999, four apartment buildings were blown up in Russia, Hundreds killed. But 25 years on, we still don't know for sure who did it. It's a mystery that sparked chilling theories because these bombs, they're part of the origin story of one of the most powerful men in the world, Vladimir Putin. I'm Helena Merriman and in a new BBC series, I'm talking to the reporters who first covered this story. What did they miss? First Time Round the History Bureau Putin and the Apartment bombs Listen first on BBC Sounds.
- [31:28]
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- [31:58]
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