Inside Iran as peace talks continue

Summary

Front Burner (CBC) – "Inside Iran as peace talks continue" (June 24, 2026)
Guest: Margaret Evans, CBC Senior International Correspondent
Host: Jayme Poisson

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Overview

In this episode, Jayme Poisson interviews Margaret Evans, CBC Senior International Correspondent, about her recent reporting trip to Tehran in the wake of fragile US-Iran peace negotiations. The episode offers a nuanced, on-the-ground look at daily life, public sentiment, and the political landscape in Iran after a brutal war, a violent crackdown on protests, and amidst efforts at diplomatic de-escalation.

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Reporting Under Restriction: Entering and Working in Iran

• Gaining Access ([02:03]):

  • CBC secured a rare visa, a challenging process since Canada and Iran have had no diplomatic relations since 2012.
  • Western news organizations must use a government-approved local media company to facilitate visas, act as “minders,” and arrange all logistics.

• Operating Under Surveillance ([03:04]–[04:52]):

  • All requests to speak to officials or travel must be pre-approved.
  • Journalists are assigned drivers and translators via the local company; “it’s basically like moving around with a shadow.”
  • Constant awareness of surveillance, especially to protect interviewees from reprisal.

• Restrictions and Risks ([03:36]–[05:26]):

  • Access limitations: only certain sites are permitted (e.g., war cemeteries), while others (like graves of protesters) are off-limits or only vaguely discussed.
  • Notable incident: CBC videographer was confronted by plainclothes police while filming public billboards, underscoring a tense environment.

“You have to be aware all the time of their safety as well, because... it is a country where people can have serious consequences for speaking against the government line.”
— Margaret Evans, [05:06]

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Voices from Tehran: Public Sentiment, Fear, and Defiance

• Speaking with Critics ([05:36]–[07:51]):

  • Margaret spoke with women openly defying mandatory headscarf laws—far more widespread than in previous years.
  • Recounts speaking privately with a woman who called for accountability for “thousands of protesters killed in January.”
  • Most critics fear identification; anonymity is key for candid remarks.

• Headscarves as Defiance and Image Control ([07:58]–[08:39]):

  • Visible relaxation: More women, even outside Tehran, are foregoing headscarves, sometimes not even carrying them.
  • “Critics would say that there’s a reason—they want to present an image of a more benign regime to the outside world right now.”

• Government Messaging: Nationalism over Religion? ([07:58]–[11:25]):

  • Jayme recalls expert analysis that Iran’s regime is projecting nationalism rather than strict religiosity post-war.
  • Margaret observes a “subtle messaging” shift: billboards now display the Iranian flag as much as religious icons.
  • The "rally-around-the-flag" narrative is more complicated in Iran; support for defense against foreign attacks does not equate to blanket regime support.

“It’s not a simple rallying around the flag...the imagery that I saw ...is usually, you know,...the founder of the Iranian revolution...the last supreme leader who was assassinated, and then his son Mujtaba...Now, in addition to that, you’re seeing ...the Iranian flag more often.”
— Margaret Evans, [09:34]

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The War and Its Aftershocks

• Iranian Pride and Pain ([18:35]–[20:40]):
  • Sense of national resilience; many Iranians and analysts see diplomatic gains as a point of pride—surviving, even benefiting after being expected to collapse under pressure.
  • Widespread devastation: Over 3,000 Iranians reportedly killed in US-Israeli airstrikes; regions and infrastructures suffered.
  • Deep scars from specific tragedies, such as the deadly school attack in Minab where over 100 children died.

“Many people ask, what was the point of this war?...they are missing a mother, a father, a children.”
— Margaret Evans, [20:23]

• Ongoing Crackdown ([20:40]–[22:14]):
  • January protests led to violent suppression; leaders still being arrested or executed.
  • For many opposition supporters (and families of victims), a peace deal signals exclusion from change, not hope.

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Economic Struggles and Hopelessness

• Everyday Hardship ([20:59]–[22:58]):
  • Inflation and economic hardship dominate conversation.
  • Families make basic sacrifices; meat is now unaffordable for many.
  • Youth (16–17-year-olds) express despair over the future: “We're just all kind of watching our dreams fade away...” (Bahrain, 17, [22:44])
  • Defiance persists: refusing headscarves as an act of autonomy amidst little optimism for systemic change.

“Look at us. We don’t...see our smiles and things like that. We’re actually unhappy. Everyone in Iran is unhappy.”
— Unnamed young woman, quoted by Margaret Evans, [22:56]

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Regime Politics: Leadership, Peace Deal, and Internal Strife

• Peace Deal Reactions ([12:53]–[17:37]):

  • Confusion, skepticism, and fatigue prevail among average Iranians regarding the agreement; constant reversals and foreign threats stoke distrust.
  • Official government (e.g., Foreign Minister Arakchi and President Pezeshkian) actively attempting to “sell the agreement” to a weary public—while new Supreme Leader Mujtaba Khamenei disavows it via remote statements.

• New Supreme Leader’s Absence ([16:33]–[17:37]):

  • Numerous theories: he was “injured quite badly” in the attack that killed his father (the previous Supreme Leader); some even doubt his survival.
  • Unusual lack of public appearances; communication only via intermediaries.

• Internal Division: Hardliners vs. Negotiators ([23:31]–[25:58]):

  • Many expect the hardline faction to gain ascendancy if/when relations with the US normalize.
  • Pro-government demonstrations target politicians seen as traitors for engaging with the US, especially Foreign Minister Arakchi.
  • Demonstrations also feature overt anti-US and anti-Israel rhetoric, reflecting both genuine sentiment and mobilized messaging.

“The closer that the United States and Iran got to a deal, the more unhappy the hardliners...were. You saw extraordinary scenes of people demonstrating against Abbas Arakchi...calling him a traitor, even for contemplating negotiations...”
— Margaret Evans, [25:30]

• Opposition and Reform ([23:31]–[25:30]):
  • Cyclic pattern: attempts at reform or protest movements are heavily repressed, leading to widespread cynicism.
  • Diminished hope in “reformers” within the regime; outside or bottom-up change viewed as remote possibilities.

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Notable Quotes & Memorable Segments

• [05:06] Margaret Evans: “You have to be aware all the time of their safety as well, because... it is a country where people can have serious consequences for speaking against the government line.”
• [09:34] Margaret Evans, on regime messaging: “It’s not a simple rallying around the flag...in addition to the religious figures,...you’re seeing ...the Iranian flag more often.”
• [20:23] Margaret Evans, on war’s toll: “...they are missing a mother, a father, a children. And of course, we all remember the dreadful attack on the school in Minab when more than 100 children were killed. Those scars are deep...”
• [22:44] Young woman, via Evans: “We’re just all kind of watching our dreams fade away...we’re actually unhappy. Everyone in Iran is unhappy.”
• [25:30] Evans on hardliners: “The closer that the United States and Iran got to a deal, the more unhappy the hardliners...were. You saw extraordinary scenes of people...calling [the Foreign Minister] a traitor, even for contemplating negotiations...”

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Summary by Timestamps

| Timestamp | Topic | |-------------|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------| | 02:03–05:26 | Challenges of reporting and surveillance in Iran | | 05:36–07:51 | Speaking with critics, headscarf defiance, risks to interviewees | | 07:58–11:25 | Regime’s image: shift toward nationalism, complexity of support | | 12:53–17:37 | Public reaction to peace talks, leadership confusion, skepticism | | 18:35–20:40 | Sense of victory and pride, war’s devastation, collective trauma | | 20:59–22:58 | Economic despair, daily struggles, youth voices of hopelessness and defiance | | 23:31–25:58 | Regime hardliners, opposition, the cyclical suppression of reform |

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Conclusion

Margaret Evans’ reporting from Tehran paints a complex portrait of Iran at a critical juncture: an embattled society wrestling with war wounds, political confusion, economic hardship, and deep uncertainty about the future. Acts of personal resistance coexist with public fear. The regime seeks to present an image of unity and strength but faces skepticism and fatigue at every level. As peace talks unfold, the population balances hope for an end to violence against a persistent lack of faith in meaningful, systemic change.

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For listeners seeking a nuanced, up-to-the-minute understanding of the mood in Iran as peace talks progress, this episode offers invaluable firsthand insight and contextual clarity, highlighting the resilience, complexity, and contradictions at play on the ground.

Transcript

[A]

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[B]

Hi, I'm Jamie Poisson. Encouraging progress. That's how mediators described the first round of peace talks between the US and Iran this week. And there is a lot to make progress on, like enforcing a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, which at a minimum would keep the Strait of Hormuz open to shipping traffic and letting UN nuclear inspectors back into the country, which the US Vice President J.D. vance says Iran has agreed to. And the Iranians say there's no clear schedule for today. I'm talking to my colleague Margaret Evans, CBC Senior International correspondent. She just returned from a week long reporting trip inside Tehran, a place that is very difficult international journalists to enter in. A Canadian exclusive, CBC News reported from Iran with permission from the country's government who put restrictions on journalists but have no say over what we decide to publish or broadcast. Margaret, hey, it's great to have you on the show. Thanks for being here.

[A]

Oh, it's nice to be here. Thanks for having me.

[B]

So obviously, as I mentioned, it is very difficult for journalists to get into Iran right now. And just, can you tell me a bit more about how you did it and what that was like?

[A]

Yeah, Canada hasn't had diplomatic relations with Iran since about 2012 and that makes it even more difficult to get visas. Really. We did get one last year, as did our colleagues at the Globe and Mail. That was before the June war if you like. But when Israel and the United States launched attacks against Iran and since then we've been given one, you basically have to apply. They do let Western news organizations in, sometimes just one or two at a time. And you basically have to agree to use a local media company which deals with the foreign and the cultural ministries and they approve the visas. And those local media companies essentially become responsible for your conduct. So they act kind of as minders and just.

[B]

Can you tell me more about what that's like, like once you get into the country, like what that relationship is like and how you travel around with them?

[A]

Yeah, you basically put your requests for officials through them they assign you the driver that you're with. They assign a government approved translator. We do check or have checked the translations and haven't had any issues there. But there, it's basically like moving around with a shadow, that's for sure. And the assumption is that, you know, you're, you're being monitored and do they

[B]

put restrictions on you, like who you can talk to, where you can go, et cetera?

[A]

Well, like I said, yeah, I mean, you have to put some, your official requests through them. You know, we did go to a cemetery on the outskirts of Tehran one Friday, and we were allowed to go to one part of the cemetery which is where Iranian government or military were buried and their families. We asked, can we see some of the graves of the people who were killed in the January protests? And get a vague answer. Another colleague who'd been in earlier, a few weeks earlier from a British media organization said they were denied permission, that there was a section. So that's the way it works. Yeah, you can't go everywhere you want to. That said, we did go out a lot and try to talk to people. So you can talk to people. It's just you have to be aware all the time of their safety as well, because. And that's the real problem for journalists is that it is a country where people can have serious consequences for speaking against the government line. And our minders didn't interfere to that degree. But you have to be aware of it in terms of where are they, Are they listening to this? Is there somebody else listening to this? Because, you know, we had an incident where our videographer, Liza Salleh, was filming some billboards on a square and she was stopped by a plainclothes policeman and, you know, three others quickly appeared. You wouldn't be able to spot them, you know, unless you were an expert in the crowd. So there are other listeners and other watchers. And basically we were held until they could verify that we had our permissions, which the local media company with us was able to sort out for us. But that's, that's the kind of atmosphere that you're working in. You have to protect the people who are, are talking to you as, as well.

[B]

Yeah. Were you able to speak with people who are critical of, of the regime? And if so, like, what did, what did they end up telling you?

[A]

Yeah, we were, as I said, we did go out and talk to sort of do a lot of vox pops. We met a number of women who were not wearing their headscarves. That's something that when we were There last year, we noticed this was a trend that more women were not wearing their headscarves. And this time absolutely multiplied the number of women, not only without their headscarves, but without even wearing them around their necks in case the morality police asked them. It's been against the law to go without a headscarf for women since just after the Iranian Revolution in 1979. We talked to lots of women about that. You know, in the past, those women would be faced with potentially jail, certainly fines. The authorities don't seem to be restricting that in the same way they have in the past. And critics would say that there's a reason that they want to present an image of a more benign regime to the outside world right now. And we certainly. I met one woman on the last day, and not with a camera. Many people will not speak to you on camera, but just with my iPhone recorder. Talked to her privately through the interpreter, and she just said, you know, people are afraid to talk. And she said what she wants is to see accountability for the thousands of protesters. Her words. Thousands of protesters killed in January demanding change. So she spoke openly about wanting that, but not very many people. She didn't want to give her name, and not many people would speak openly about those things. The people who are opposed to the regime and who have, you know, for decades been campaigning for an end to the Islamic Republic.

[B]

Just on your point that the regime, that the current government there is trying to project a bit of a different image. Like, I remember last week we spoke with Valley Nasser and expert John Hopkins that we've had on the show several times. Well, really since the start of the war. And he was making the argument that the leadership is communicating this kind of image of Iran that's rooted now more in nationalism than religion. And I suppose the headscarves would, like, fit into that. Right. And that there's really been this rally around the flag effect since the war began. And I just wonder, like, if you would agree with that assessment and, you know, if it. If it's in line with what you witness there.

[A]

Well, I'm not sure that they would be actively signaling an end to the headscarf rule or being wanting to. It's sort of maybe more subtle messaging because they have to think about the messaging to their own base as well. And, of course, this is a country of more than 90 million people, and there are many supporters of the Islamic Republic who wouldn't be too happy with that. I also would be cautious about the rallying around the flag comparison in the way that we might understand it from the west, people could be, you know, against, they could be supportive of the government in its defensive stance towards the attacks by Israel and the United States without necessarily supporting the regime. And we certainly heard that, that, you know, this was an unprovoked attack in their minds, many people, and they don't, you know, even with speaking with members of the diaspora, Iranians living abroad, there was a lot of division there about whether this was helpful or not. They didn't like to see the infrastructure of the country destroyed, the things that people need to survive in Iran. So it's not a simple rallying around the flag. I would say that in the imagery that I saw and a lot of the communication of the, and the messaging in Tehran, at least our permissions were only for Tehran is communicated through these huge billboards that they have everywhere. And that is usually, you know, you will see the founder of the, of the Iranian revolution, you know, Ayatollah Khomeini. You'd have Ali Khamenei, of course, the last supreme leader who was assassinated, and then his son Mujtaba, the new supreme leader, you know, pictured together. Now, in addition to that, you're seeing an insertion, if you like, of the Iranian flag more often. It's not just these religious figures quite often depicted in, you know, in afterlife. And one image in particular that sticks out in my mind was Ali Khamenei Sr. Passing the Iranian flag through a doorway to his son Mujtaba. So I think that there, there is a sense that, of that kind of nationalism coming to the fore and potentially the current regime, the new regime kind of saying this is, you know, because there's also a pride that's taken place amongst people that Iran has managed to resist. There was great offense taken by when the US President Donald Trump said that he was going to wipe out a civilization, that he would return Iran to the stone Age.

[B]

Let's take a look. He says, a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again. He goes on to say, I don't want that to happen, but it probably will.

[A]

This is a sophisticated, centuries old civilization. And I think that the current regime has certainly picked up on that outrage and the pride that people feel that, you know, that Iran didn't just buckle. But again, as I said, you know, it's so nuanced and the different desires of different parts of the population are so different. You have to take pretty much everything with a grain of salt. Imagine you've been charged with a crime and the only witness pointing the Finger at you isn't even human.

[B]

I remember thinking, are you serious?

[A]

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[B]

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[A]

We reached an agreement with Iran that achieves everything we set out to accomplish everything and much more.

[B]

So you were there after the preliminary agreement to end the war was reached. Since then, it has really gotten off as, you know, to a shaky start. Israeli airstrikes continued in Lebanon in the days after. Over the weekend, Iran was claiming they had closed the Strait of Hormuz again. Trump threatened to attack Iran again unless they, according to him, reigned in their proxies in Lebanon. But just like when you were there, what kind of reactions did you hear from people about the agreement at the time? Like what was their overall kind of sense of it?

[A]

I think that they were really confused because exactly what you've described was actually going on before the agreement was reached as well. You know, to the point that, you know, you had Donald Trump threatening to renew airstrikes and people kind of leaving Tehran fearful that, you know, that the war was going to start up again because it was in a ceasefire mode. But although with various breaches in both directions. And there was this, yes, we have a deal. No, we don't. Yes, we do. No, we don't. It is going to be signed. No, it isn't. There's an electronic signature. Well, that's not good enough. And this went up on all the way up to the announcement of the agreement. So, you know, people, I think, met it with a great deal of skepticism. And of course that's being borne out. As you mentioned, if there is to be peace between us and the U.S. he said, says America needs to respect the Iranian people and acknowledge its mistakes at the same time. The Iranian government that exists now, at least the public face of that government. So the foreign minister, Abbas Arakchi, and the president, Massoud Pezeshkian, are really trying to sell this agreement to the public. Iraqi spokesman Ismail Bakai gives a weekly briefing. CBC given that strand, why should the United States believe that you will be able to sell this deal to the Iranian people? Thank you. Our people as a historic nation have demonstrated their unity, he said, and also trust their decision makers. So that's a measure of their desire for it to happen. Although you've also had a message from Mojtaba Khamenei, the new supreme leader, saying he didn't approve of the agreement. And so confusion is the name of the game. I should point out, since we've mentioned him a couple of times, the new supreme Leader has yet to appear in public. So he communicates through statements or messages read by other officials. I think they're in this position where and the foreign minister could potentially be the fall guys if the agreement doesn't go ahead. But I guess your question was about ordinary people. People are tired. People are tired and I think they want to believe that the agreement could restore order, could improve their economic situation. But again, also then you have that constituency of the opposition who were, you know, the opposite. Those protests were very brutally put down in January and we're still seeing some of the people accused of leading those demonstrations arrested. And some of them are facing execution, some have been executed. For people who are opposed to the regime, the fact that this agreement might go ahead is going to be a disappointment because it points potentially to no chance for them to change.

[B]

Yeah, this is a bit of an aside, but I wonder if I could ask you why it is that you think that the new Supreme Leader has not appeared in public.

[A]

Well, I mean he was apparently reportedly a number of news organizations have reported that he was injured quite badly in the same attack that killed his father. The real conspiracy theories serious you will, you could find some people who say is he actually alive? But there are others who say, well, he's basically just recuperating, recovering from this terrible attack or the injuries he sustained. I really don't know. It sounds a bit wizard of Oz ish, if you like to put it in an old fashioned Western kind of construction. But nobody knows.

[B]

Since the agreement, many experts have basically said that this is a victory for Iran.

[A]

Right.

[B]

For example, that Iran isn't being asked to give up parts of its military forces, that it's getting a lot of economic benefits up front before giving anything up, that it leaves the door open for possible fees to travel the Strait of Hormuz in two months. And the nuclear question, which was the stated reason the US Went to war, is largely being pushed to further kind of technical talks down the road. And I saw this weekend, you know, Iran was reiterating its kind of long standing promise to not make a nuclear weapon. But, but it is, is also doubling down on, on not wanting to give up what it sees as its right to enrich uranium. And just, you know, in the aftermath, when you were there speaking to people, was there a Sense on the ground that. That this was a kind of victory for. For the Iranian regime, for the government.

[A]

Yeah, I think a lot of people do. I think I, as I said earlier, that there is a sense of pride that I think many Iranians would say that, that the outside world, in the west in particular, expected Iran to crumble early on. People in the Middle east would say they're not surprised, that Iran and Iranians are extremely seasoned and skilled negotiators and that this is what they would have expected to happen. So I think many ordinary Iranians would see it as a success and Iranian analysts as well. If you look at what it looks like, what's going to happen is basically, Donald Trump is not going to get, potentially, he might get the same as sort of the old agreement, the old nuclear agreement that existed before he pulled out. And what other people would tell you on the ground, I mean, more than 3,000 people, Iranians, were killed in the U.S. israeli airstrikes, enormous damage to the country. We weren't allowed to film a lot of it because a lot of it was, you know, they were considered, we're told they were considered sensitive sites, police stations or things like that. But people also lost loved ones. People in the military, there is conscription in Iran, or people who, you know, simply happen to live in a building that was targeted, you know, for assassination, for, you know, somebody else lived in it for reasons unknown. People lost loved ones. And they ask, and many people ask, what was the point of this war?

[B]

Right?

[A]

And it happened. And a few months later, they're seeing potentially peace, but they are missing a mother, a father, a children. And of course, we all remember the dreadful attack on the school in Minab when more than 100 children were killed. Those scars are deep in the hearts of Iranians, and not just those who support the regime, but those who oppose it as well.

[B]

And then, as you've already talked about, this is a population that also went through that brutal crackdown at the beginning of the year with just so many protesters killed. And just when you speak to people there, what do they hope will happen in their country now?

[A]

Well, a lot of people talked about the economy. You know, you would meet people who would say, oh, our family has made a decision actually before the war, even before the protests, to, you know, inflation was so out of control, the government would blame it on sanctions, decades of sanctions. People were making decisions. They saying, we can't afford to eat meat anymore, so we're just going to choose vegetables when we're shopping, that kind of stuff, shopkeepers would talk about, you know, prices were rising so quickly that they would raise their prices in anticipation just not to fall behind the rate of inflation. So, you know, there's that in terms of people who support change, I mean, there was a lot of despair. Met a couple of young women, say 16, 17, talking about not really knowing what their future would be like. There's a period of calm and peace and then right after the war starts again, says Bahrain, a 17 year old who also points to economic woes and skyrocketing prices. We're still concerned about whether we, we're able to afford our ordinary lives now or in a week from now, she says. And a couple of these young women talked about their dreams for the future and there were the fact. And these were both, both these two women that I'm thinking about weren't wearing headscarves. They talked about the sacrifices that were made during the protests. You know, one woman used the word. She just said, we're just all kind of watching our dreams fade away. You know, look at us. We don't look at us and see our smiles and things like that. We're actually unhappy. Everyone in Iran is unhappy. One of said and said she had, she didn't feel like she had a lot left to live for. She had nothing left to lose. So she said she was going to live her life the way she wanted to live it and that's why she was not going to wear a headscarf.

[B]

I think you've been four times right to Iran on reporting trips and you mentioned that the last one was last year. Like what struck you the most this time around compared to your other trips besides sort of the physical destruction and the aftermath of the war?

[A]

It was the fact that so many women were going without headscarves. And it wasn't just in Tehran. We were in Tabriz, other cities. It was right across the board, more women were wearing, were driving scooters, which is not normal or not the norm. I should say that was the biggest change. The thing is that it's very hard to answer the question because there's no doubt that these past two wars and this one that began in February in particular, they are changing Iran. And it's very hard to predict what the outcome of it is going to be. I mean, I'd say that most people are expecting that the hardliners in a cast that is already sort of full of hardliners, the real hardliners, will come out on top on this and that once things normalize with the Americans, if they do that, potentially you'll have an even more restrictive regime in place. And so if I cast my mind back to say, before last year, I was there in 2009, which was another time where there were a lot of protests, a lot of optimism about potential change in direction, direction for Iran. And they called it the greed revolution. And those protests were put down as well. So I'd say, sadly, one of my lasting impressions on this trip is that the drive for reform or for hope, the reformers come up a bit in a cyclical way, but they are always put down and to the point where a lot of analysts would say there's no such thing as a reformer anymore in terms of the government, the corridors of power. Oh, I did speak to a couple of people who said that's not the case. Change will come. It's just how it comes. And then you get into another debate in terms of the opposition, does it come from the outside? Does it come from the inside? Is there the power, the strength of the protest movement to revive again? And then there are those people who say, what was Donald Trump doing saying he was going to change the regime? Because some people believed that that would on the opposition side, and I think on the reform side, just to give them their say as well, a lot of the people that we met, we went out to these night demonstrations that were pro government night demonstrations in Tehran. And they were happening sort of from April on. We are at what's known as a night demonstration in Tehran. People come out to chant their support for the government and in many cases, cases, their hatred for the United States, for Israel and for the bombing campaign that they have endured. But also, the closer that the United States and Iran got to a deal, the more unhappy the hardliners within that hardline movement were. You saw extraordinary scenes of people demonstrating against Abbas Arakchee, for example, the foreign minister calling him a traitor, even for contemplating negotiations with the Americans. And many, of course, many supporters of the Islamic Republic. They want to see revenge for the assassination of their, of their religious leader.

[B]

Margaret, this was fascinating. Thank you so much for this. Thank you for all of your work and thanks for making the time to do this with us.

[A]

Thank you. Thanks so much for having me.

[B]

All right, that is all for today. I'm Jamie Poisson. Thanks so much for listening. Talk to you tomorrow.

[A]

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