What a wild three weeks—it’s been nonstop, and not just for Lebanon. My take on the cabinet formation hasn’t changed, but there’s a clear disconnect between Nawaf Salam’s approach and the expectations of many who backed his appointment as a step toward real change. In this Monday’s episode, I’ll break down why we feel stuck, why it doesn’t have to be this way, and what Nawaf Salam and Joseph Aoun could do in the days leading up to the ceasefire extension deadline, Saad Hariri’s return, and Hassan Nasrallah’s long-delayed funeral.

The short version? Nawaf Salam is still acting like a judge. As a former president of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), his instincts are procedural—working behind closed doors, speaking rarely, and prioritizing due process over public engagement. But he’s not a judge anymore; he’s Lebanon’s PM-designate. And while his legal expertise is exactly why so many wanted him in this role—especially in a system dominated by a mafia-militia nexus of Hezbollah, banking elites, and everyone clinging to their corrupt spoils—his approach needs to shift. An interim communications and crisis team, similar to the one Joseph Aoun assembled, could help cut through the disinformation blitz designed to protect this entrenched coalition.

Because if Salam continues to operate in silence, his opponents will fill the void.

Judicial vs. Political Approach and the Current Challenges

A judge doesn’t weigh in on a case before a verdict. They don’t engage with lobbyists, political operatives, the press, or even advisors while making and justifying a decision. That restraint is a hallmark of a good, principled judge. But it’s also why judges don’t always transition smoothly into politics—especially not overnight. What’s off-limits for a judge is often essential for a politician. Take communication: keeping people informed, pushing back against smear campaigns, and responding to a volatile public mood—even when it’s not explicitly written into the rules and procedures that keep institutions running.

It’s no secret why Hezbollah fears a successful Nawaf Salam and Joseph Aoun era. It would be the political embodiment of their latest failure and the formalization of a new reality—one where Nasrallah, acting under the orders of Khamenei and Assad, no longer exclusively dictates the course of the country.

It’s just as clear why the traditional sectarian parties fear a successful Salam. Their power never came from bold ideas or popular policies but from an entrenched system of Ottoman-era corruption—one that turned citizens into commodities, bought and sold through “wastas” paid for with their own taxes. And as 2019 confirmed, even their personal savings weren’t off-limits in this unsustainable political Ponzi scheme.

What’s less obvious is why mouthpieces for Lebanon’s banking elite—like the Ghanem brothers on Sar El Wa2et—suddenly flipped from celebrating Nawaf Salam’s appointment to launching a frantic smear campaign. Their rhetoric feels like a rerun of their shameless fearmongering when the Thawra broke out, with George practically going on air daily to defend the banks, spinning the justified demands of citizens—who just want their stolen money back—into a supposed “plan for civil war.” It’s not even subtle propaganda. It’s the banking clan panicking, terrified that under Joseph Aoun and Nawaf Salam, they might finally be held accountable for what they did to all of us.

With such a relentless and self-serving elite—one that has zero regard for national interests or the rule of law—I still believe we can overcome this. But it won’t happen on its own. We have to put in the work and refuse to back down at the first sign of resistance from a ruling class that, for the first time, truly fears its time is up. And this time, Nasrallah isn’t there to shield them with invasions and assassinations, as he has done for decades against both Lebanese and Syrians who dared to demand a better future.

So, here are some practical tips for Nawaf Salam and those in his inner circle—several of whom, I know, read these posts and won’t take issue with a little public advice.

1- Break the Silence and Own the Narrative

The spread of disinformation and the grip of sectarian and corrupt networks pose major challenges. Salam’s meticulous, process-driven approach risks being seen as slow or disconnected in an environment where bad actors thrive on brinkmanship, betting on last-minute foreign intervention to bail them out.

But with shifting geopolitical dynamics, that safety net is no longer guaranteed—leaving the outcome uncertain for everyone. But also, makes change possible in a world busy with bigger problems than little old Lebanon.

Hire a communications and crisis management team—let them handle the messaging while you focus on what you do best: upholding the law without twisting it, as has been the norm for the past 40 years. A strong example is the team of advisors and communications experts Joseph Aoun assembled—an approach that can easily be adapted to fit your style and vision. And there’s no shortage of capable, willing Lebanese ready to step up and support this effort.

2- Urgency and Bold Moves

With the ceasefire expiring and the political climate heating up, there's little time for prolonged deliberation. A bold move could be the formation of a temporary crisis management team, allowing for quick, decisive action to address immediate concerns while maintaining a focus on long-term reforms.

The timing couldn’t be more critical. Saad Hariri is eyeing yet another comeback ahead of February 14, the anniversary of his father’s assassination by Hezbollah—fully aware that he, too, could be held accountable like the rest. Meanwhile, Nasrallah’s funeral on February 23 looms, and the ceasefire is set to expire just days before unless renewed. In this high-stakes moment, a cautious, judge-like approach won’t cut it. What’s needed now is a bold move by a prime minister with massive popular support.

3- A True Partnership between President and Prime Minister

President Joseph Aoun can play a crucial role in bridging the gap between Salam’s judicial mindset and Lebanon’s political realities. By promoting transparency and fostering collaboration, he can help Salam build the alliances needed to navigate this moment. This also marks a significant shift—unlike previous eras where the president and prime minister were often at odds or both subservient to Hezbollah. Together, Aoun and Salam represent something different: leaders with a proven track record of putting Lebanon’s interests first, rather than serving foreign patrons or sectarian zaims.

In these crazy times, a blend of judicial integrity and political agility is essential.

Salam’s challenge is to navigate this transition effectively, and with the right support from all of us and the right strategies, he can guide Lebanon toward a more stable future.

Do it Mr. Salam, don’t let us down!

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