History As It Happens: "Presidents vs. the Press"

Host: Martin Di Caro
Guest: Lindsay Chervinsky (Executive Director, George Washington Presidential Library)
Date: November 14, 2025

Main Theme & Purpose

This episode examines the contentious, intertwined history between U.S. presidents and the press. Host Martin Di Caro and historian Lindsay Chervinsky trace the evolution of presidential relationships with journalists—ranging from reliance and manipulation to outright hostility and censorship. They contextualize ongoing tensions, notably with Donald Trump, by exploring parallels from George Washington through Lincoln, Roosevelt, Nixon, and beyond. The discussion highlights how both the power of presidents and the press evolved, the role of technology and professionalization in journalism, and the consequences for democracy.

Key Discussion Points and Insights

The Enduring Tension Between Presidents and the Press

• Contextualizing Recent Hostility: Audio clips of Donald Trump lambasting “fake news,” echoing how modern presidents publicly disparage the press ([01:06–01:39]).
• Historical Pattern: Every president, since George Washington, has resented negative press coverage; this tension is foundational to the U.S. system ([02:13]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “I don't think there is a single president who has been thrilled with their press coverage all of the time. That is pretty much by design...we should expect some of that tension as an important characteristic of the system.” (02:13, 08:26)

The Press as the Fourth Estate

• Definition & Origins: The term originates from the pre-revolutionary social “estates” of France and Britain, with the press becoming an independent force in opposition politics, especially after the Glorious Revolution ([09:17]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “The press...started to be referred to as the fourth estate, as an important part of society and having an understood and accepted role in what the governing system should look like.” (09:17)

• Colonial & Revolutionary Context: American colonists embraced the partisan and oppositional role of the press, aligning themselves with the British Whig tradition ([11:19–12:25]).

Partisanship and Press in the Early Republic

• Open Partisanship: Newspapers were openly partisan and often scurrilous, fostering public engagement but lacking claims of objectivity ([16:11]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “…in the 1790s, everyone understood that the press was partisan. So there was no misconception about what they were getting...” (16:11)

• Alien and Sedition Acts: Adams’s era featured outright censorship and jailings of opposition editors ([17:24–19:55]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “…it is seen as a violation, and it was seen as such by people like Thomas Jefferson in the moment. But I think it's essential for us to not put our thinking about the First Amendment on the 1790s.” (19:55)

Presidents Manipulating and Managing the Press

• Andrew Jackson & Francis Blair:
  Jackson handpicked coverage with Blair, editor of the Democratic Party-aligned Washington Globe. The proximity and personal ties underscored the fusion of party, presidency, and press ([23:03–23:52]).
• Spoils System: Editors rewarded with government jobs; newspapers integral to party-building ([24:32]).

Presidential Censorship During War

• Lincoln’s Emergency Measures:
  Shut down opposition newspapers if they threatened the war effort or recruitment, especially in border states ([25:43–28:36]).

  • Chervinsky:

    “There are pro and con arguments...most people have kind of come down on the side of this was the biggest crisis in American history...there are going to be measures that are tolerated that are not otherwise.” (25:43)

• Wilson’s World War I Repression:
  Far more severe, with socialist presses shuttered, dissenters (like Eugene Debs) jailed, and broad laws (Sedition and Espionage Acts) stifling dissent ([29:28–32:39]).

  • Chervinsky:

    “…the repression was extreme. And what is important is it also continued long after the war was done. So there were massive raids, there were deportations…the Palmer Raids…this was the first Red Scare.” (31:53)

The Rise of Professional Journalism and New Technologies

• Late 19th Century Shift:
  The rise of photojournalism, radio, and eventually TV allowed presidents to bypass the traditional press ([32:59]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “The advent of things like the photograph and eventually television and radio allowed presidents to speak directly to the American people...” (32:59)

• Journalism Ethics:
  Progressive-era muckrakers and journalism schools professionalized the field, building trust in a “non-partisan” press—though this created new expectations and challenges ([32:59–34:11]).

Iconic Presidents and Their Media Strategies

• Teddy Roosevelt:
  First to court and choreograph media coverage; held daily press briefings, provided access, and used personal charisma for positive coverage ([34:11–35:55]).

  • Chervinsky:

    “…he would then tell them afterwards what they could actually publish and not publish, which today we usually have to say that up front. So he would say afterwards. But if they didn’t follow the rules then they wouldn’t be welcomed back.” (34:35)

  • [Memorable moment: Reporters timing tough questions for Roosevelt’s barber to create drama.] (35:55)

• FDR, JFK, and Omitted Scandals:
  Reporters withheld stories on FDR’s health and JFK’s affairs, reflecting a quid pro quo, sometimes motivated by camaraderie or the public’s adoration ([36:38–37:21]).

• Eleanor Roosevelt's Press Conferences:
  Created opportunities for female journalists barred from the main press room ([37:21–37:50]).

The Postwar Era: Vietnam, Watergate, and Increasing Antagonism

• Vietnam and Watergate:
  These crises ruptured public trust and fundamentally changed press-presidency relations ([38:38]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “Vietnam and, as you mentioned, Watergate are real turning points because there is a growing conviction…that the government were keeping secrets. It led to a real disintegration of public trust…” (38:38)

• LBJ’s Outrage at CBS:
  Private phone call where Johnson berates CBS for negative Vietnam coverage ([38:20]):
  • LBJ:

    “I hang my head in shame at y’all's performance, both NBC and CBS, and particularly Cronkite for his bitterness and his failure to be fair and objective.” (38:20)

• Nixon’s Hostility:
  Nixon escalated hostility, both publicly and privately, including targeted attacks and using federal power against the press ([40:14–41:20]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “...Nixon was really seen as the high watermark of hostility between the press and the presidency...he also tried to use things like the FBI and other legal mechanisms to undermine the press...” (40:22)

The Modern Challenge: Fragmented Media Landscape

• Partisanship and Hyper-Fragmentation:
  The proliferation of alternative media sources, influencers, and partisan outlets creates challenges for both citizens and historians in evaluating information ([41:56–42:53]).
  • Chervinsky:

    “That is a real problem because, you know, when I offer history, I don’t have a partisan agenda...But I can say what has happened before...But facts are now quite objectionable to a lot of people, depending on who's offering them and when.” (41:56)

Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• Chervinsky (On Presidents Needing the Press):

  “Presidents need the press...to make the most of their bully pulpit authority. Yet the tradition of the Fourth Estate calls for the press to hold authority accountable.” (04:01)

• On Lincoln’s Civil War Censorship:

  “If a newspaper was advocating or was trying to organize opposition to draft measures, those people would often be arrested and tried under military tribunals.” (25:43)

• On World War I Repression:

  “The Wilson administration basically destroyed the socialist movement in our country during that war.” (31:05)

• On the Changing Role of the Media:

  “The problem is we can't always distinguish who is who. And so I think that's the big difference.” (16:11)

Timestamps for Important Segments

• [01:06–01:39] – Trump and the “fake news” phenomenon, with contemporaneous audio clips.
• [02:13, 08:26] – Chervinsky on the inevitability of presidential press resentment.
• [09:17–11:19] – Origins of the term “Fourth Estate” and its colonial American adaptation.
• [16:11] – The openly partisan early American press.
• [17:24–19:55] – Alien and Sedition Acts, Adams, and early censorship.
• [23:03–23:52] – Andrew Jackson’s direct coordination with party editors.
• [25:43–28:36] – Lincoln’s press crackdowns during the Civil War.
• [29:28–32:39] – Wilson’s World War I era repression and use of the Espionage and Sedition Acts.
• [32:59–34:11] – Technological and ethical transformation of journalism; rise of professional standards.
• [34:11–35:55] – Theodore Roosevelt’s symbiotic and dramatic relationship with the press.
• [36:38–37:21] – Media complicity in not covering FDR's health/BY's personal scandals.
• [38:20] – LBJ's irate call to CBS president.
• [38:38–41:20] – The Vietnam/Watergate legacy: breakdown of trust and the new adversarial mode.
• [41:56–42:53] – Chervinsky on the complexities of the present-day partisan media landscape.

Closing Reflections

• Host Martin Di Caro and Lindsay Chervinsky agree that today’s press-presidency relationship—though uniquely challenging due to partisan fragmentation and social media—follows a historic pattern of tension, manipulation, and occasional suppression. While the means have evolved, the struggle over narrative control and accountability persists, and understanding this history is vital to grappling with current debates about truth, democracy, and freedom of expression.

For More

• Links to Lindsay Chervinsky’s essays about presidents and the press are available in the show notes.

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