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Chico Felitti (3:55)

Oh boy.

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Narrator (4:04)

From noiser and airship.

Lindsey Graham (4:06)

I'm Lindsey Graham and this is History.

Narrator (4:09)

Daily history is made every day on this podcast. Every day we tell the true stories of the people and events that shaped our world. Today is November 17, 1989. Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution begins. It's January 5, 1968 in Prague, almost two years before student protests will spark revolution in Czechoslovakia. The country's communist leader, Antonin Novotny stands before Czechoslovakia's Central Committee armed with a difficult task. Today he needs to identify and announce his successor. Since becoming president in 1957, Nowotny has faced opposition from virtually all sides. In the post war age, many people feel that Novotny hasn't done enough to bolster the country's economy. Over the years, he's refused to implement practically any reform, despite recommendations made by trusted economists. And with little change, the nation's industries have continued to flounder. There's also the matter of the Slovaks, who have been demanding more autonomy from the nation of Czechoslovakia for years. Nowotny hasn't satisfied these calls for sovereignty either, which has lost him even more support. Nor does Nowotny have much hope of building a base with the country's young adults. In 1968, college students across the country have only known Czechoslovakia as a Soviet controlled communist nation. They've grown up facing the restriction of personal freedoms, censorship of the press and many other roadblocks to free expression. Despite knowing much else, it's clear to them that something needs to change. And to young people, Nowotny's leadership and the Soviet controlled government in general have failed and continue to fail the people of Czechoslovakia. Without the prospect of a new generation's support, things don't look good for Nowotny. Unable to regain any of the trust he's lost over his decade of presidency, Novotny has little choice but to step down. But unfortunately, finding a successor proves a difficult task. Nowotny and the Central Committee can't seem to agree on the person who should take his place. Every time the President suggests a name, it's rejected and the process begins again. Frustrated and exhausted, Novotny finally offers up the name of his Slovak opponent, Alexander Dubek. After hours locked in a stalemate, this familiar name seems as good a choice as any. And Dubek is voted in unanimously by the Central Committee. Technically, Dubek isn't the President. He's the first secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. And since he was elected as a last minute choice, not much is expected of him. But Dubek doesn't see it that way. To him, this is an unexpected chance to enact some real change in his country. Unlike previous leadership, Dubcek doesn't want to uphold the status quo. And by April, virtually all major government roles have been peacefully transferred from more hardline communists to reformists, including the Prime Minister, the President and several vice premiers. That same month, the new government rolls out the crown jewel of their collective efforts, the action Plan. This program aims to correct the many failings of the previous government. It includes major reforms to Czechoslovakian industry, changes to the country's constitution explicitly supporting the civil rights of its citizens, and it grants more autonomy to Slovakia. Dubek's administration even starts considering a future where the Communist Party doesn't control the courts. A division of power that would be unprecedented. Dubek calls this new vision socialism with a face. And for the people of Czechoslovakia, it's exactly the progressive change they're looking for. By June, new political parties emerge that hadn't existed in the country since World War II. Some people even start talking about the idea of turning Czechoslovakia into a full democracy and shedding communism completely. But this catches the attention of the Soviets. Up until this point, the Soviet Union has been watching Czechoslovakia's political changes from afar. But eliminating communism in the country is a step too far. And all of a sudden Dubek's so called socialism with a face and feels more like a threat to the Soviets. And it needs to be shut down. On August 20, Soviet forces invade Czechoslovakia, abducting Dubek and several other reformist officials and taking them back to Moscow. Suddenly, the country that was enjoying a liberal reformation is under the control of the Soviet army. For the next seven days, Czechoslovakians continue to declare their allegiance to Dubek and resist the occupation in creative, nonviolent ways, like removing street signs so Soviet soldiers get lost. But it's no use. On August 27, Alexander Dubek finally returns to Czechoslovakia to tell his people that the progressives have lost, and from now on, the country will be run by the Soviet occupation under the control of hardline Communists. After only eight months, the period of liberalization that would become known as the Prague Spring will have ended, destroying the progress Dubek's government made. In some ways, the country will be back to where it was before. But for Czechoslovakians, this will mark the beginning of a long fight, and they won't be ready to give up just yet.

Lindsey Graham (9:36)

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Narrator (11:25)

It's January 16, 1969 in Prague, Czechoslovakia, 20 year old university student Jan Pollak weaves his way through the bustling crowds in Wenceslas Square. He's headed to the National Museum, a huge palatial building at the very end of the promenade. It's a busy Thursday and Jan easily blends in with everyone else. Nobody seems to pay him any mind as he crosses the street and begins walking up the stone steps of the museum. At the top, Jan has a clear view of the square as it stretches out in front of him. He sees countless Czechoslovakians going about their day, socializing and strolling down the street. It's as normal a day as any, but Jan is about to change that. He quietly removes his coat, setting it aside on a railing. Then he pulls a bottle of gasoline out of his briefcase. Quickly he douses himself, soaking his clothes from head to toe. Then he lights a match and sets himself on fire. Within seconds, those around Yan erupt in panic. People rush to him, flinging their jackets onto his body in an effort to put out the flames. They succeed, but not in time. Jan's entire body is scorched. An ambulance arrives and the young man is rushed off to hospital. Nobody knows why Jan would do this, or whether he will survive his injuries. But within the day, Jan regains consciousness, much to the shock of doctors caring for him. He sustained burns on over 80% of his body, and it's unlikely that he'll survive for more than a few days. But from his bed, he has enough energy to speak and explain why he did what he did. In a voice barely above a whisper, Jan says that he wants the Czechoslovakian people to wake up to the oppression they are facing. The memory of last year's failed Prague Spring is still fresh in the minds of young people in the country, including Jan. Experiencing the Soviet crackdown left him demoralized, and he feels that an apathetic pallor has settled over the people of Czechoslovakia. To Jan, setting himself on fire was a way of jolting the public into action. The police find a note that Jan had written before going to Wenceslas Square, which repeats the points he makes from his hospital bed. And for the next few days, Jan continues talking to anyone who visits him, declaring the need for the Czechoslovakian people to take action against the Soviet occupation and fight for their rights. But three days after setting himself ablaze, Jan dies from his injuries. Jan's death is treated as a horrible tragedy. Across the country, the site of his self immolation becomes a memorial space piled high with flyers and candles lit for his memory. Other student activists protest the occupation in their own way, conducting a hunger strike for several days on the steps of the National Museum. And all throughout the country, the resistance movement continues to grow, though it has to be done secretly. In the years following Jan Pollak's death, the communist leadership cracks down even harder. Not just in Czechoslovakia, but in many communist controlled countries. But the harder the Soviets push for control, the more the underground resistance swells. In January of 1989, demonstrators plan an event called Pollack Week in which people are encouraged to gather in Wenceslas Square to memorialize Jan and to protest the ongoing occupation. Nearly 5,000 people show up on the first day. It's the biggest anti occupation gathering since the Prague Spring. The event is a peaceful one, but there's a charge to the air. For the first time in 50 years, Czechoslovakians are taking to the streets to protest the occupation, unafraid of the consequences. There's real energy behind this movement and many start to think it's time for something big. Against the constant threat of violence from the Soviet regime, the anti occupation movement has been staunch in its non violent tactics. Soon those beliefs will be put to the test. In a few months, the fight for a free Czechoslovakia will reach its climax as regular citizens face off against the full force of the Soviet regime. But they will prove that the strength of the people can and will prevail.

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Narrator (16:42)

It's November 17, 1989, the day the Velvet Revolution will begin. 53 year old resistance leader Vaclav Havel marches toward Wenceslas Square, chanting along with a growing crowd of protesters, many of them students. He and countless other radicals have been working toward this day for what feels like forever. And now it's finally here. The moment when Czechoslovakians band together to rid their country of slavery. Soviet occupation But Vaclav, like everyone else at the demonstration, knows that the Soviet Union won't go quietly. It's just a matter of time before the police show up. And sure enough, as Vaclav approaches the square, armed law enforcement descend on the crowd. Police officers grab protesters and beat them senseless. Other demonstrators are dragged away and tossed into police cars. Vaclav isn't spared. At some point in the pandemonium, the police arrest him too. And for the Soviet occupiers, the capture of Vaclav Havel is a major victory. Vaclav is well known as the leader of the Civic Forum, a coalition of opposition movements in Czechoslovakia. He's practically the face of the resistance and now the Soviets have him behind bars. While Vaclav sits in jail, a propagandist newspaper tries to paint his arrest as the death knell of the protest movement. Their angle is that the resistance will be powerless with its leaders leader under arrest. But the people of Czechoslovakia quickly prove to the Soviets that their movement is much bigger than one man. In the days following Vaclav's arrest, demonstrators call for a country wide workers strike along with daily demonstrations. Industry grinds to a halt and the city streets are overrun with people demanding an end to the Soviet occupation. Demonstrators make it clear to leadership that they will not return to work until the Soviets step down. And this tactic eventually works. On November 28, nearly two weeks after the first mass protest, the Soviet Union cedes power. The communists agree to a coalition government with the newly freed Vaclav Havel serving as interim president. With this, the resistance movement has won and the Czechoslovakian people have wrested back control of their country and managed to do it without violence. Vaclav Havel will be re elected in 1990 in the country's first ever open election. He'll maintain his position until the so called Velvet divorce when Czechoslovakia is separated into Slovakia and the Czech Republic. But Even then, from 1993 until 2003, Vaclav Havel will continue serving as President of the newly formed Czech Republic. The Velvet Revolution, so named because of its nonviolent nature, will become a worldwide symbol of resistance to oppression. Its spirit will live on in ongoing forms of protest in the region and for years to come. Young people will still gather in Wenceslaus Square to call for change in a myriad of forms. The fight for a better future will continue, but the current generation has the Velvet Revolution to thank for paving the way on November 17, 1989.

Lindsey Graham (19:47)

Next on History Daily November 18, 1928, Walt Disney's short film Steamboat Willie hits.

Narrator (19:54)

Theaters and the world is introduced to Mickey Mouse for the first time. From Noiser and Airship. This is History Daily. Hosted, edited and executive produced by me, Lindsey Graham Audio editing by Mohammed Shahzib Sound design by Misha Stanton Music by Lindsey Graham this episode is written and researched by Georgia Hampton. Executive producers are Alexandra Curry Buckner for Airship and Pascal Hughes for Noiser.

Chico Felitti (20:32)

Everyone has that friend who seems kind of perfect for Patty. That friend was Desiree. Until one day I texted her and.

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She was not getting the text. So I went to Instagram. She has no Instagram anymore. And Facebook. No Facebook anymore.

Chico Felitti (20:48)

Desiree was gone. And there was one person who knew the answer.

Narrator (20:53)

I am a spiritual person. A magical person, a witch.

Chico Felitti (20:58)

A gorgeous Brazilian influencer called Kat Torres. But who was hiding a secret from Wondery. Based on my smash hit podcast from Brazil comes a new series, Don't Cross Cat, about a search that led me to a mystery in a Texas suburb.

Narrator (21:15)

I'm calling to check on the two missing Brazilian girl. Maybe get some undercover crew there. The family are freaking out. They are lost.

Chico Felitti (21:23)

I'm Chico Felitti. You can listen to Don't Cross Cat on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts.