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With VRBoCare, help is always ready before, during and after your stay. We've planned for the plot twists, so support is always available because a great trip starts with peace of mind.
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It's Dec. 17, 2010, in City Bou Zid, a small town in central Tunisia on the north coast of Africa. It's a busy morning. Traffic chokes the dusty roads as throngs of people shuffle along the town's narrow sidewalks. In the central square, A policewoman and two of her deputies surround a 26 year old street peddler. His name is Mohamed Bouazizi. He's a familiar face to many in town. Every day, the young man rolls a car to Fruit and Vegetables through the streets selling produce. And every day the police come looking for him. Corruption is rife in Tunisia and local officials are always harassing street vendors like Bouazizi for bribes. But today, the young peddler doesn't have the money to pay them off. So the police officers search his cart, looking for anything valuable. The policewoman soon finds the electronic scales he uses to price his fruit. Bouazizi pleads with her. He needs the scales to do his job. He has a family that relies on him. But the policewoman doesn't listen. When Bouazizi tries to take back the scales, she slaps him across the face. Immediately her deputies take hold of Bouazizi. Two men begin punching him hard in the stomach, then throw him to the ground and upend his cart. Behind him, fruit and vegetables spill over the dusty stones. Then the police officers stride away to find another street seller to hassle. As Bouazizi picks himself up and dusts off his clothes, he notices people staring at him. Some look down on him with pity, others laugh. He trembles with shame and humiliation. He leaves his cart and his scattered goods behind and marches off in the direction of a local government facility to lodge a complaint. But no one there will listen. They won't even open the gates to let him inside. Consumed with shame and anger, he hurries away to a nearby gas station. There, Bouazizi buys a can of gasoline and heads back towards the government building. He marches out into the middle of the street, bringing traffic to a standstill. His eyes, raw with tears, are fixed on the government building in front of him. He lifts the can of gasoline above his head and screams, how do you expect me to live? Then Bouazizi empties the gasoline over his head and and pulls a lighter out of his pocket. Bouazizi will die in the hospital, almost three weeks later. But by the time his life ends, his desperate act of self sacrifice and protest will have inspired a movement that will spread throughout Tunisia and all across the region. Finally, the movement known as the Arab Spring will reach Egypt, where it will topple a powerful president on February 11, 2011. I've discovered that I get a lot of good ideas from my live show. Right as I'm falling asleep, tucked in bed, lights out, warm and snug. That's when my brain decides to solve a problem or come up with something new. But have I been getting out of bed to jot these ideas down? No, I have not. And I know I've lost some good ones. So I've put a little pen and paper in the bathroom. This way I can creep out of bed without turning on a light or reaching for my phone. Because the only thing worse than losing an idea is is waking up my wife. Well, there may be something worse waiting to buy your tickets to the show in Dallas and realizing they're sold out. We've not sold out yet, but they are going fast, so buy yours today. Or to be the first to know when we announce new dates, go to historydailylive.com to register for details. That's historydailylive.com.
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This is the story of the one. As the purchasing manager at a manufacturing plant, she knows the only thing more important than having the right safety gear is having it there when you need it. That's why she partners with Grainger for auto reordering so her team members can count on her to have cut resistant gloves on hand and each shift can run safely and efficiently. Call 1-800-GRAINGER clickgrainger.com or just stop by Grainger for the ones who get it done.
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This is the story of the one as an H Vac technician, he and his digital multimeter are in high demand, so when a noisy office H Vac turns out to be a failing blower motor, he doesn't break a sweat. With Grainger's easy to use website and product information, he selects the product he needs to keep everything humming right along. Call 1-800-GRAINGER clickranger.com or just stop by Granger for the ones who get it done.
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From noiser and airship I'm lindsey graham and this is history. Daily. History is made every day on this podcast. Every day, we tell the true stories of the people and events that shaped our world. Today is February 11, 2011 the Egyptian Revolution. It's October 6, 1981, almost 30 years before Mohamed Bouazizi takes his life in protest in Cairo. Hosni Mubarak, the 53 year old Vice president of Egypt, watches a military parade. Beside him on the large, raised viewing platform is Egypt's President Anwar Sadat, who sits with various other government officials, military chiefs and foreign diplomats. A band plays as soldiers file past in uniform, saluting the president and his guests. Trucks and jeeps follow behind, towing artillery in display of Egyptian military might. This annual parade is meant to commemorate Egypt's victory over Israel in the Yom Kippur War, or Ramadan War of 1973. Egypt and Israel have long been enemies, having fought four wars over the past decades. But since the end of the 1973 conflict, relations between the two longtime foes have largely improved, thanks in part to President Sadat's overtures for peace. Two years ago, he signed a treaty with Israel that formally ended the conflict between the two nations and saw Egypt become the first Arab nation to formally recognize the Israeli state. The peace efforts won Sadat a Nobel Prize, but they outraged many hardline Islamists who consider Israel their sworn enemy. These hardliners view the treaty with Israel as a betrayal of all Muslims, and many extremists across the Middle east have been plotting against President Sadat ever since. But today, Sadat is not worried about extremists, and neither is his vice president, Hosni Mubarak. They're celebrating Egypt's past with a parade and trying to enjoy the spectacle. But then A squadron of Egyptian Air Force jets roars over the parade ground. The dignitaries on the platform crane their necks to see trails of colored smoke streaming behind the plains. They hardly notice when one of the trucks in the parade comes to a stop. Vice President Mubarak looks down to see a group of Egyptian soldiers climb out of the truck holding AK47 rifles. But still, Mubarak isn't worried. He assumes it's all part of the show. He watches with delight as one of the soldiers, a lieutenant, approaches the platform. President Sadat isn't concerned either. He stands to receive the lieutenant's salute. But Sadat's eyes flash with shock when the lieutenant pulls out three grenades and tosses them at the platform. As the explosions rip through the air, the rest of the soldiers from the truck open fire and spray the presidential platform with bullets. Officials and dignitaries scramble to escape, and Vice President Mubarak is able to throw himself onto the ground. After he finds cover, he. He peers out to see the president lying on the ground, covered in blood. The attack lasts just two minutes, but by the time the assassins run out of ammunition, 39 guests at the parade have been shot, 11 of them fatally, including President Sadat. But Vice President Hosni Mubarak survives. And eight days after the attack, he is sworn in as Egypt's new president. It's December 1992. More than 11 years have passed since the assassination. In Cairo, a young soldier and his squad move through a sprawling shanty town. This slum has been claimed by Muslim extremists. They say it's no longer part of Egypt. It's now an independent Islamic republic. As a result, this soldier and 14,000 others just like him have been sent into this bleak port poor neighborhood to take it back by force. This mission is one of the biggest security operations in modern Egyptian history and President Mubarak's latest effort to keep a firm grip on power. Since Anwar Sadat's assassination more than a decade ago, President Mubarak has maintained an official state of emergency in the country. Normal laws in Egypt are suspended. The media is censored, protest is banned, and the police and security forces and have the right to detain people indefinitely without trial. These sweeping powers have helped Mubarak stay in power, and they've helped him wage a war against Muslim extremists. But they've done little to help the Egyptian people out of the economic malaise gripping the nation. The majority of the Egyptian population lives in poverty. There's chronic unemployment and inflation. Meanwhile, President Mubarak and his cronies siphon billions of dollars away to personal accounts. Overseas, the corruption in government has led to widespread discontent, especially in Egypt's slums. These impoverished communities are fertile recruiting grounds for extremist groups which are springing up all across the country. Mubarak reacts to this growing insurgency by clamping down. As part of his effort to defeat extremism, Mubarak has sent his soldiers to reclaim this slum and drive the extremists out. And for five days, the young soldier and thousands of other Egyptian security forces swept sweep through the Cairo neighborhood. Going street by street and house by house. They detain more than 600 suspects believed to be involved with extremist activities. But the operation will not quell the discord simmering in Egypt. The harder the President tightens his grip, the louder the cries of the people become. And soon the anger will give way to open protests that will upend the political balance in Egypt and drive Mubarak from power. It's September 7, 2005, a little over five years before the Egyptian revolution. On a city street in Cairo, an old man gets in line outside a voting station. This old man knows it's a historic election, the first multi candidate presidential contest in Egyptian history. President Mubarak's previous four electoral victories were simple referendums. People could vote on whether to extend his term in office, yes or no. But domestic campaigners and foreign allies like the United States put pressure on Mubarak to open up the election process. Now, finally, the authoritarian Egyptian president has given his people a real choice, or at least the illusion of one. In reality, the rules over who can stand for president are so restrictive that they exclude any credible opposition. Soon the old man reaches the front of the line. After he's handed a ballot, he dips his finger in a pot of red indelible ink, a security measure designed to stop people from voting more than once. With his ballot in hand, the old man steps into one of the voting booths. There are 10 names to choose from. He's heard of most of these candidates. But as the old man's pencil hovers over the ballot, he remembers a joke he's heard many times. One about a young man who dares to vote against the government. On his way home from the polling station, the young man starts to have regrets. If the authorities find out how he's voted, he and his family are sure to be punished. So the young man hurries back and speaks to the policeman in charge of the polling station. He says, I'm sorry, but I think I made a mistake. On my paper ballot. The policeman replies, yes, you did. But don't worry, we spotted your mistake and have already corrected it. As he recalls the joke, the old man grins. He scans down the list of candidates and casts his vote for Mubarak. Then the old man shuffles out of the voting booth, thinking, better the devil you know than the devil you don't. Then he deposits his ballot in the box, nods to the watching police officer and heads out into the hustle and bustle of the Cairo streets. In Egypt, very few doubt that Mubarak will win. And when the ballots are counted, the long serving president has won more than 88% of the vote. His grip on power appears absolute. But his regime will not go on forever. A revolution is coming, and in the end, Mubarak will be toppled by an Arab spring. Foreign It's February 10, 2011. More than five years have passed since Mubarak won a fifth term in office, but his once unassailable regime is teetering on the brink of collapse. A vast crowd fills Tahrir Square in central Cairo. Hundreds of thousands of people have gathered to protest Mubarak's never ending rule. Among them is a young Egyptian photographer. She moves through the crowd, snapping pictures of the protesters. It's an eclectic group. She sees sullen young men out of work, middle aged parents who can't afford to feed their families, and older men and women who've decided that enough is enough. There's an atmosphere of jubilation in the square. People dance and sing under fluttering banners and Egyptian flags. The crowd is excited because Mubarak is about to make a statement, and rumors abound that he will be resigning. Eight weeks ago, a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest of the state of affairs in his country. In response, the Arab world convulsed. Bouazizi's death inspired protests against government corruption and oppression that began in his hometown and spread all across Tunisia. Unable to resist these public demands for change, the the Tunisian government collapsed, and the fall of the regime in Tunisia gave hope to other activists across the region. On January 25, anti government protests erupted in Egypt. Organized through social media. Tens of thousands of people descended on Tahrir Square in central Cairo. Mubarak's regime tried to disperse the crowds. They shut down the Internet and imposed a curfew. And when that didn't work, they unleashed pro regime thugs and launched random attacks on protesters. They deployed snipers on the roofs of buildings to fire on the crowd. Dozens died and hundreds more were Injured. But the people kept coming, and now it seems their victory numbers at hand. Just then, the young photographer sees a crowd of protesters rushing to a nearby tent where small television is tuned to the state's network. As she fights her way through the crowd to get a better view of the screen, one of the protesters yells to be quiet as he turns up the volume as high as it will go. Then the familiar voice of Hosni Mubarak echoes out as the photographer listens to Mubarak make his statement. She struggles to hear over the noisy crowd, but she gathers just enough to get the gist. The old president is not resigning. Instead, he promises reform and says something about a transition period.
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Period.
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But the rest of his words are lost in a howl of anger that ripples across Tahrir Square. The photographer grabs her camera and begins snapping pictures of the angry protesters who start to chant. The people want the fall of the regime. The people want the fall of the regime. Soon these protesters will get what they want. The following day, Mubarak's deputy, Omar Suleiman, appears on state television. He tells Egypt that their president of almost 30 years has resigned and that a military council is now in charge of the country. The news is greeted with jubilation. Fireworks erupt in the sky over Cairo as people dance through the streets and celebrate long into the night. But the fall of Hosni Mubarak will not lead to peace in Egypt. Instead, it will unleash years of chaos and bring into power a new government which is even more problematic than the last. It's February 11, 2011, at the Presidential palace in Cairo, Egypt. Soldiers usher Hosni Mubarak across the grounds of the palace towards a waiting helicopter. Beyond the walls of the Cross compound, protesters pack the streets. The 82 year old can hear them chanting angry slogans. Mubarak has finally given them what they wanted and resigned. It wasn't Mubarak's decision. Until the previous day, he remained defiant, insisting he would continue as president until the next election. He promised there would be a transition to true democracy. But the people didn't believe him. And his limited concessions weren't enough for the hundreds of thousands of people gathered in Cairo and across the country. Soon the military chiefs stepped in. They made it clear to Mubarak that they could no longer support him. And the wily old president knew the game was up. Now Mubarak and his family are fleeing Cairo under guard by the soldiers whose loyalty he long commanded. The deposed president and his family clamber into the waiting helicopter as it lifts off into the sky. The Mubarak stares down at the heaving streets that surround the palace. He can't hear the chants now above the roar of the helicopter, but he can still read the countless banners which curse his name. Mubarak will be taken to a presidential palace outside the capital and placed under house arrest by the military. He will eventually return to Cairo, but only to face trial on charges of corruption and the premeditated killing of peaceful protesters. After six years in detention, he will be released in 2017 and die three years later at the age of 91. Despite the celebrations that greeted Mubarak's resignation in 2011, the tensions that led to the Egyptian revolution do not vanish with the old president. In the first presidential election after Mubarak's resignation, a member of the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood is elected to power. But violent protests break out against the new president, and the following year the military enacts a coup to remove him. In 2013, the head of the Egyptian armed forces, Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, runs for president and wins 96% of the vote, a clear indication the election was fixed. His regime proves even more severe than Mubarak's leading one human rights organization to call Egypt an open air prison. In the end, the Arab Spring did not live up to the hopes of the thousands who took to the streets, but it remains a monument to the power of protest. However long they are oppressed, a people can still find the courage and determination to defeat a tyrant, as they did on February 11, 2011. Next on History Daily February 12, 1947 Christian Dior unveils his debut clothing collection, helping Paris regain its position as the capital of the fashion world. From Noiser and Airship, this is History Daily Hosted, edited and executive produced by me, Lindsey Graham Audio editing by Molly Bachelor Music and sound design by Lindsey Graham. This episode is written and researched by William Simpson. Executive producers are Stephen Walters for Airship and Pascal Hughes for Noiser.