The Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam

Summary

History Daily: The Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam

Episode Title: The Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam
Release Date: November 15, 2024
Host: Lindsay Graham
Produced by: Airship | Noiser | Wondery

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Introduction

In this compelling episode of History Daily, host Lindsay Graham delves into one of the most significant movements in American history—the Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam. Released on November 15, 2024, this episode provides a detailed exploration of the events leading up to the massive anti-war protests of 1969, the organizational efforts behind them, and their lasting impact on American society and politics.

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Background: The Vietnam War and Growing Dissent

By 1968, the Vietnam War had entrenched itself deeply into American society, causing widespread frustration and dissent. The conflict, a proxy battleground in the Cold War between the Communist-dominated North Vietnam and the U.S.-supported South Vietnam, was marred by brutal guerrilla tactics employed by the Viet Cong. These tactics not only made the war difficult to fight but also eroded public support as each new report highlighted the war's grim realities.

The American public's sentiment grew increasingly negative as media coverage revealed the harsh truths of the war, including atrocities committed by U.S. forces. This widespread disillusionment set the stage for the rise of the anti-war movement, culminating in the organization of large-scale protests aimed at ending the conflict.

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The My Lai Massacre: A Turning Point

One of the darkest chapters of the Vietnam War, the My Lai Massacre, occurred on March 16, 1968. U.S. Army Lieutenant William Calley and his men entered the South Vietnamese village of My Lai under the guise of eliminating Viet Cong fighters. However, instead of encountering enemy combatants, they found a village populated by women and children.

Despite the absence of any combatants, Lieutenant Calley ordered his men to "open fire," leading to the brutal killing of hundreds of innocent villagers, including livestock burning, home destruction, and the rape of women. This heinous act, initially covered up by the military, eventually came to light and shocked the American public, fueling further opposition to the war.

Notable Quote:

Lt. William Calley (Narration at 00:20): "With no Viet Cong fighters in sight, we proceeded with our mission, resulting in the tragic loss of innocent lives."

The revelation of the My Lai Massacre intensified the anti-war movement, galvanizing activists to push harder for an end to U.S. involvement in Vietnam.

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Organizing the Moratorium: Sam Brown and Jerome Grossman

Amid the growing anti-war sentiment, two key figures emerge in this narrative: Sam Brown, a 25-year-old graduate student in ethics at Harvard Divinity School, and Jerome Grossman, a 52-year-old campaign director from Eugene McCarthy's presidential campaign. Both men share a common goal—ending the Vietnam War—but approach it from different perspectives.

The Birth of the Moratorium

In April 1969, Jerome Grossman visits Sam Brown with a pivotal idea to mobilize nationwide opposition to the war. Recognizing the need for a more organized and widespread protest, Jerome proposes organizing a massive nationwide strike. However, Sam expresses concerns that the term "strike" might alienate moderates who oppose the war but are put off by aggressive terminology.

Notable Quote:

Sam Brown (at 04:06): "The idea of a strike might be too radical for the average American. Even the word 'strike' implies aggressiveness, and that might put off the many moderates who oppose the war."

To overcome this challenge, Sam suggests rebranding the protest as a "moratorium," a term that retains the essence of the protest without the confrontational connotations. Jerome quickly adopts this terminology, recognizing its potential to garner broader support.

Planning and Execution

With the concept of the moratorium in place, Sam and Jerome set ambitious goals for their movement. They plan to launch the first moratorium in mid-October 1969, aiming to create a decentralized network of branches across the country. This structure would facilitate widespread participation and ensure effective communication and coordination among activists.

Sam's expertise in organizing and his ability to connect with everyday people become crucial in mobilizing a diverse demographic. Their strategy focuses on inclusivity, ensuring that white and blue-collar workers, alongside college students, can unite in their opposition to the war.

Notable Quote:

Jerome Grossman (at 07:00): "We need to organize a massive nationwide strike to show President Nixon that the majority of the American public is against the war."

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The First Moratorium: October 15, 1969

On October 15, 1969, Sam Brown and Jerome Grossman's efforts culminate in the first Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam. The event marks a significant milestone in the anti-war movement, drawing hundreds of thousands of participants nationwide. Washington, D.C., hosts a quarter of a million people, showcasing the movement's expansive reach.

Highlights of the October Moratorium

• Broad Support: The protest attracts a wide array of participants, including both young activists and older citizens, highlighting the widespread disapproval of the war.
• Diverse Participation: White and blue-collar workers march alongside college students, symbolizing a united front against the conflict.
• Strategic Messaging: Slogans such as "Stop the Atrocity" and "Imperialism is the Real Enemy" resonate with the crowd, emphasizing the movement's moral and political stance.

The success of the first moratorium demonstrates the effectiveness of Sam and Jerome's organizational strategies, setting the stage for an even larger second event.

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President Nixon's Response: A Hardline Stance

Despite the overwhelming participation in the moratorium, President Richard Nixon initially remains unyielding in his approach to the Vietnam War. He portrays the anti-war protesters as a "vocal minority" and emphasizes the importance of winning the war over yielding to public pressure.

Notable Quote:

President Richard Nixon (at 13:10): "If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society."

Nixon's administration adopts a strategy of Vietnamization, aiming to transfer combat roles to South Vietnamese forces while maintaining American military support. This approach is intended to reduce U.S. involvement without visibly conceding to the demands of the anti-war movement.

Sam Brown's Frustration

Listening to Nixon's televised speech, Sam Brown feels disheartened and skeptical of the administration's commitment to de-escalation. He interprets Nixon's reassurances as superficial, doubting that the president will take meaningful action to end the war.

Notable Quote:

Sam Brown (at 13:45): "I don't have faith that Nixon truly plans to de-escalate the situation."

Despite Nixon's dismissal of the protesters' influence, Sam remains resolute, believing that the upcoming second moratorium can further pressure the administration to change its stance.

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Planning the Second Moratorium: November 15, 1969

Buoyed by the success of the first event, Sam and Jerome turn their attention to organizing the second and larger moratorium set for November 15, 1969. Their goal is to surpass the turnout of the initial protest by mobilizing over a million participants nationwide.

Strategic Enhancements

• Increased Outreach: Leveraging their extensive network of volunteers and supporters, Sam plans to expand the movement's reach.
• Targeted Campaigns: Fundraising drives and targeted advertising aim to engage Americans from diverse political and socioeconomic backgrounds.
• Inclusive Messaging: The movement continues to emphasize unity across different demographics, ensuring that the protest appeals to a broad audience.

Sam's leadership and organizational skills are pivotal in scaling up the movement, ensuring that the second moratorium has the infrastructure and support necessary for unprecedented participation.

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The Second Moratorium: A Historic Demonstration

On November 15, 1969, the second Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam unfolds as the largest protest in U.S. history up to that point. Over half a million people rally in Washington, D.C., with more than a million participating in cities across the nation.

Key Features of the Second Moratorium

• Massive Turnout: Washington, D.C. alone attracts over half a million participants, with widespread demonstrations in other major cities.
• Unified Demographics: Participants include individuals from all walks of life, reflecting the widespread opposition to the war.
• Symbolic Gestures: Protesters carry a mix of American flags, peace signs, and, controversially, a few Viet Cong flags—a decision that sparks discussions on free speech and the movement's stance.

Notable Quote:

Protesters (at 18:09): "Stop the Atrocity and Imperialism is the Real Enemy."

Impact and Legacy

While the second moratorium does not immediately end the Vietnam War, it significantly broadens the base of the anti-war movement. The sheer scale of the protests challenges President Nixon's perception of the movement as a vocal minority, demonstrating that opposition to the war spans a substantial portion of the American populace.

The Unfolding Aftermath

Shortly before the November moratorium, the revelation of the My Lai Massacre and the attempted military cover-up further erode public support for the war. This scandal intensifies the anti-war movement, leading to even greater mobilization and setting the stage for Nixon's eventual decision to withdraw U.S. forces in 1973, three years after the moratorium.

Notable Quote:

Sam Brown (at 15:25): "Nixon might think he's won over middle America, but they can prove him wrong with their next upcoming moratorium."

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Conclusion: A Catalyst for Change

The Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam stands as a testament to the power of organized protest and the impact of grassroots movements on national policy. While the war continued for several more years, the moratoriums played a crucial role in uniting diverse segments of American society against the conflict and influencing public opinion.

The efforts of leaders like Sam Brown and Jerome Grossman not only contributed to the eventual end of the Vietnam War but also left a lasting legacy on how large-scale protests can shape political discourse. Future generations of activists draw inspiration from the moratoriums, recognizing the importance of sustained and inclusive movements in effecting change.

Notable Quote:

Narrator (at 18:09): "The moratorium effort widened the base of those who stood against the Vietnam War in the United States."

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Upcoming Episode

Stay tuned for the next episode of History Daily, where Lindsay Graham explores the debut of Mickey Mouse in Walt Disney's iconic animated film, Steamboat Willie, released on November 18, 1928.

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Credits:
Hosted, edited, and executive produced by Lindsey Graham
Audio Editing by Molly Bach
Sound Design by Misha Stanton
Music by Lindsey Graham
Episode written and researched by Brandon Burke
Executive Producers: Stephen Walters (Airship) and Pascal Hughes (Noiser)

Transcript

[Lindsey Graham]

There are more ways than ever to listen to History Daily ad free. Listen with Wondry plus in the Wondery.

[Sam Brown]

App as a member of Noiser plus.

[Lindsey Graham]

At noiser.com or in Apple Podcasts. Or you can get all of History Daily plus other fantastic history [e-mail] It's.

[Sam Brown]

March 16, 1968, at 7:30am in South Vietnam. U.S. army Lt. William Calley and his men ride in a helicopter one mile from a South Vietnamese village known as My Lai. Other choppers filled with soldiers follow closely behind. Soon they begin their descent towards an open field. As the helicopters touch down, Lieutenant Kelly and his men rush out, guns in hand, and get in formation. The soldiers were briefed on their mission the day before, but Lieutenant Calley takes a moment to remind them of their goal. Over the roar of the helicopter's blades, he tells them that in the village there are Viet Cong enemy fighters. Their objective is to move in and take them out. His men nod, and Lieutenant Calley turns toward My Lai. Then he leads his men in a brisk jog across the large field between them and the village. As he approaches, Lt. Calley sees the thatched roofs of the local homes. He begins to scan for Viet Cong fighters, but he doesn't see any men of fighting age. The only people that he can see are women and children, and at the sight of American troops, these innocent villagers begin to flee. Lt. Calley knows that Viet Cong fighters often pose as civilians to avoid detection. He's been informed that anyone in the village is a viet Cong ally. Lt. Calley glances from his men to the fleeing villagers. His men look to him, waiting for an order. Then Calley raises his rifle and tells his men to open fire. In 1968, war is raging in the divided country of Vietnam between a Communist dominated north and a US Supported South. But America's efforts have been hampered by the guerrilla tactics of the Viet Cong, a group of pro Communist resistance fighters who resent the U.S. presence in the region. And by 1968, many American citizens are growing increasingly bitter towards the war as each new report of the fighting illustrates the ugly reality in Vietnam. One of the worst reports concerns the actions of Lt. William Calley and the men of Sea Company on March 16, 1968. When Calley and his men arrived at the My Lai village, they didn't find a single Viet Cong fighter. But nonetheless they killed livestock, burned homes and raped women, and they rounded up and executed hundreds of innocent Vietnamese. In the aftermath of the My Lai massacre, as this tragic event will come to be known, the army attempts to cover up the horrifying facts, but eventually the truth will be revealed to the American public. Many more will join the already growing anti war movement, resulting in one of the largest and most impactful public demonstrations in US history on November 15, 1969.

[Lindsey Graham]

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[Sam Brown]

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[Lindsey Graham]

History Daily is sponsored by Audible. What would you do if your most famous work, the one that put you on the map, was both outrageously popular, quoted everywhere, but reviled by some by being simplistic, reductive, too commercialized? Well, if you're Malcolm Gladwell, you write a rebuttal sequel Revenge of the Tipping Overstories, Super Spreaders, and the Rise of Social Engineering. I'm listening to it on Audible because I find there's more to imagine.

[Sam Brown]

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[Lindsey Graham]

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[Sam Brown]

From Noiser and Airship, I'm Lindsey Graham and this is History Daily. History is made every day on this podcast. Every day, we tell the true stories of the people and events that shaped our world. Today is November 15, 1969 the moratorium to end the war in Vietnam. It's April 1969 in Boston, Massachusetts. 25 year old Sam Brown is in his apartment making dinner. He's a graduate student in ethics at the Harvard Divinity School and he's tired from a long day of lectures. As he sautes some vegetables in a pan, he hears a knock at the door. He turns the stove down, wipes his hands and walks to see who's there. When he opens the door, he finds 52 year old Jerome Grossman. The two men know each other well. They both worked for the presidential campaign of a man named Eugene McCarthy, a senator from Minnesota. Jerome was director of Senator McCarthy's campaign and Sam was the student leader. Both men supported McCarthy because of his desire to end the war in Vietnam. McCarthy wasn't selected as the Democratic candidate for president, but many who worked on his failed campaign stayed in touch. Jerome apologizes for showing up uninvited, but Sam tells him he's welcome anytime and ushers the old man inside. As they walk into the living room, Sam tells Jerome that he's almost finished cooking dinner and asks if he would like to join him. Jerome accepts and thanks Sam for his generosity. Ten minutes later, the two men are eating at Sam's dining table. As Jerome takes a bite, he tells Sam that he didn't come by just to say hello. He has an idea. An idea for something big that might bring an end to the war in Vietnam. Something that involves putting pressure on the White House. President Richard Nixon has been in office for a few months now. His predecessor, Lyndon B. Johnson, was very unpopular by the end of his term, mainly due to his handling of the Vietnam War. Nixon has been critical of Johnson's actions related to Vietnam, but the way Jerome sees it, Nixon has been in office long enough to make some major changes, yet his administration has handled the war much the same as Johnson. Jerome tells Sam that he wants to organize a massive nationwide strike. If enough people join in and march in the streets instead of going to work, Nixon will have to wake up to the reality that the majority of the American public is against the war. Sam chews a bite of food while he thinks about Jerome's idea. He knows that the anti war movement is often written off as just a bunch of college kids and hippies. He likes the idea of taking the protests off college campuses and into the streets, but he wonders if this is the way to get a bigger chunk of the public involved. Sam tells Jerome that he feels the idea of a strike might be too radical for the average American. Even the word strike implies aggressiveness, and that might put off the many moderates who oppose the war. Jerome nods thoughtfully and asks Sam what he thinks they should call it instead. Sam scratches his chin, thinking, and then wonders aloud, what about calling it a moratorium? In substance, the protest would be the same, but it will sound a lot less threatening. Jerome is immediately sold. He thanks Sam for the great idea, but he didn't come here today for branding advice. He came because he needs Sam's help. Sam is from a small town in Iowa. He's great at connecting with everyday people, the exact demographic Jerome is hoping to inspire and activate against the war. Jerome also knows Sam is graduating in about a month and likely looking for his next opportunity. So Jerome pushes his plate aside and leans forward in his chair. Then he asks Sam if he'd be willing to move to Washington. And help him organize the moratorium. Sam doesn't need much convincing. He is an expert organizer and he's passionate about doing his part to end the war. His answer is, of course, yes. After a brief discussion, Sam and Jerome decide on mid October as the perfect time for the event. Once he's in Washington, Sam will set up a base of operations. He'll establish branches all over the country to call as many people as possible, asking for their participation. And he will raise funds to run ads targeted at Americans of all ages and political persuasions. In the end, the moratorium will be a huge success. With almost a million citizens taking part across the country. The event will put pressure on Richard Nixon and eventually force the embattled president to act.

[Lindsey Graham]

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[Sam Brown]

It's November 3, 1969, a month after the first Moratorium event. Sam Brown is in the Washington, D.C. headquarters for Jerome's organization, officially known as the Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam. Rows of volunteers sit with telephones coordinating with anti war organizations across the nation. But Sam himself isn't manning a phone. He's standing in a small office watching President Nixon give a televised speech about his plans for Vietnam. Just weeks ago, on October 15th, Sam and his organizers successfully launched their first moratorium. Hundreds of thousands of people gathered in city centers nationwide, including a quarter of a million people in Washington. Senators and activists gave speeches and protesters marched the streets calling for peace. Sam's strategy to reach people of all ages, political and socioeconomic backgrounds was successful. White and blue collar workers marched alongside college kids, showing that the anti war movement enjoyed broad support. The event was so successful that Sam and his team are planning a second moratorium set to take place on November 15, and they want it to be even bigger than the first. But despite the gains they've made, President Nixon has largely ignored the anti war movement, saying that he won't be affected by policy made in the streets. Nixon hasn't responded to any demands for peace until now. Today, two weeks before the second moratorium is planned, President Nixon is finally holding a press conference to respond to the growing anti war pressure and to outline his policy in Vietnam. As Nixon makes his case, Sam turns up the volume.

[Richard Nixon]

There were some who urged that I end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office, but I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my administration and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation and on the future of peace and freedom in America and in the world.

[Sam Brown]

Hearing Nixon's voice on the office television, more organizers begin to gather around to watch the speech with Sam. They listen as the President tells the nation that he wants peace, but on America's terms. He says the former President Johnson was wrong to Americanize the war by sending troops. Instead, Nixon wants to pursue a policy of Vietnamization by training South Vietnamese soldiers to defend themselves. Hearing this, Sam shakes his head with frustration. He doesn't have faith that Nixon truly plans to de escalate the situation. Nixon is known for his hardline stance against communism, and Sam believes Nixon won't bring any American forces home if he feels like North Vietnam's communist government is poised to take control in the South. Sam watches the tv, discouraged, and sees Nixon look directly into the camera and give his closing statements.

[Richard Nixon]

A few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading loos in Vietnam. Bring the boys home. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society. And so tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat, because let us understand, North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.

[Sam Brown]

The room falls silent as Sam switches the television off. He turns to the volunteers that have gathered around. Some look disheartened, so Sam tells them that Nixon might think he's won over middle America, but they can prove Nixon wrong with their next upcoming moratorium. Nixon labeled the anti war movement a vocal minority, and if the American public believes that, Sam knows they won't turn out to march. So Sam encourages all the organizers around him to get back to work, to get the message out and to get people into the streets. A week after his speech, Nixon's approval rating will climb to the highest point in his presidency so far. But then, less than a week before the November 15th moratorium, journalists will break the news of the My Lai massacre and the subsequent cover up to the public. Countless Americans will be shocked by the horrific actions of the military. And the anti war movement will grow larger than Sam could ever have anticipated. Anticipated.

[Jerome Grossman]

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[Sam Brown]

It's November 15, 1969, near the White House in Washington, DC. Sam Brown stands on a hill looking out at the enormous crowd of protesters marching through the streets. People of all ages and backgrounds walk together carrying posters with slogans like Stop the Atrocity and Imperialism is the Real Enemy. Sam can see dozens of American flags as well as flags emblazoned with peace signs. He notices a few Viet Cong flags in the crowd as well. He doesn't want to give anyone the impression that he or his organization supports communism, but he also doesn't want to silence their right to free speech. He decides not to take them down. After all, those are just a few flags in a huge sea of people. Sam can tell that the turnout is even bigger than the first moratorium a month earlier, although it's hard to tell the exact number. He allows himself a triumphant smile as he looks out at the event. He's poured months of hard work into organizing. As he thinks back to all the phone calls and fundraising drives, the protesters chant and wave their signs in the direction of the White House. Sam wonders if President Nixon is inside watching the coverage of the moratorium himself. For the rest of the day, the anti war protesters will occupy the streets of Washington. They'll gather in front of government buildings and sing songs like John Lennon's Give Peace a Chance. The second moratorium to end the war in Vietnam is the largest demonstration in US History up to that point, with over half a million people participating in DC Alone and over a million more marching in other cities across the nation. But despite the efforts of Sam Brown and other leaders in the anti war movement, the massive protests will not bring an immediate end to the war. Even in the face of public opposition Nixon will keep troops in Vietnam for three more years before finally withdrawing in 1973. Still, there's no doubt that the moratorium effort widened the base of those who stood against the Vietnam War in the United States. And future generations of activists will be inspired by the protests of the anti war movement, the largest of which was the second Moratorium to end the war in Vietnam, taking place on November 15, 1969. Next on History Daily November 18, 1928 Mickey Mouse makes his big screen debut in Walt Disney's short animated film Steamboat Willie from Noiser and Airship. This Is History Daily Hosted, edited and executive produced by me, Lindsey Graham Audio editing by Molly Bach Sound design by Misha Stanton Music by Lindsey Graham. This episode is written and researched by Brandon Burke. Executive producers are Stephen Walters for Airship and Pascal Hughes for Noiser.

[Narrator]

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