Loading summary
Transcript147 lines
- [00:00]
Andrew Sage
This is an iHeart podcast.
- [00:02]
Better Picks Advertiser
Guaranteed Human Want to score when your favorite player does well, you can't unless you download Better Picks. Who's giving away a free $10? Download the Better app, pick more or less on your favorite player's stats, watch the games and win some cash. It's that simple. Must be 21 or older. In a jurisdiction where Better Picks operates, terms and conditions block Better Picks Sports just got better.
- [00:20]
Trainer Games Advertiser
10 athletes will face the toughest job interview in fitness that will push past physical and mental breaking points. You are the fittest of fit. Only one of you will leave here with an IFIT contract for $250,000.
- [00:39]
Andrew Sage
This is where mindset comes in.
- [00:41]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Someone will be eliminated.
- [00:43]
Valpak Advertiser
Pressure is coming down.
- [00:46]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
Trainer Games on Prime Video January 8th. Watch the trailer on trainergames.com it's the.
- [00:50]
Valpak Advertiser
Most wonderful time of the year, and Valpak is here to make it even better. This month as you sip through holiday mail, don't miss the blue Valpak envelope. From dining to holiday shopping, there's a slate full of savings in your mailbox, plus a chance to instantly win $100. That's right, you can find $100 Christmas cash inside. Want to save even more money on what you love? Go to valpak.com for local coupons and offers. It pays to open Valpak. No purchase necessary for instant win. Voip prohibited prices are randomly inserted. See specially marked Valpak envelopes for details.
- [01:22]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
The world's best ski and snowboard athletes are chasing medals. Now you can follow their every move. Join Insider, the official US Ski and snowboard fan loyalty program, and get premium viewing at cup ski events, exclusive athlete meetups, discounts from brands you love, and a custom welcome gift mailed direct to your doorstep. This winter, show your support as they race for the podium. Head to insider.usski and snowboard.org and join.
- [01:49]
James
Today.
- [01:53]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Call Zone Media.
- [01:57]
Andrew Sage
Hello and welcome to It Could Happen Here. I'm Andrew Sage, your host, and I'm joined by James.
- [02:04]
James
Again, excited to be here again. Enjoyed our last episode.
- [02:07]
Andrew Sage
Yes, another host of It Could Happen Here. There are two of us. So James is American British or British American, depending on how we want to order that.
- [02:21]
James
Yeah, yeah.
- [02:22]
Andrew Sage
And I'm Trinidadian, as you may or may not be able to tell, but in Trinidad there are actually a lot of Grenadians and descendants of Grenadians between our islands. There's been a lot of population exchange, mostly in one direction, but we're here to talk about a notable point in the history for My neighbouring island, Grenada. If you missed part one, you should go and give it a listen. The gist is that after drawn out efforts to gain independence, Grenada finally did so in 1974. But unfortunately, under the rule of Eric Gehry, an oppressive fixture of politics, that the people wanted out. The underdog, the New Dual movement, led by Maurice Bishop, pulled off a bloodless coup while Geary was at a UN meeting in New York. And thus the People's Revolutionary government was formed. Led by Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, they managed to stay in power from 1979 to 1983. So today we're talking about what they did in that time and what happened next, including the infamous US invasion that is so often a footnote of history and its aftermath on the people of Grenada that lasts up to this day. Once again, the research for this episode leans on Revolution and Invasion by Patsy Lewis et al, along with None Shall Escape by Joseph Edwards, AKA Fundy. So, fresh off the victory of the New Jewel movement, the temperature of the populace was varied but excited. You had people who had genuine revolutionary aspirations, people who were passionately anti imperialist, and then the people who just wanted better healthcare and education and didn't really care where or who it came from. And on that note, I would say that it's something that often flies under the radar or escapes awareness in the discourse, because the most passionate, the most invested, the most prominent voices are all that we tend to hear. The vast majority of people pretty much go with the flow. Yeah, you know, they keep their heads down, their focus tends to be on their immediate needs, their immediate interests. And you have the ideologues in every camp and of every persuasion who are aiming to push the country in a particular direction. But at least at this point in time, there was an ambivalence towards the how, the political, how much of the population. They just needed to see the results. And for a lot of people in the present day, the change, the revolution, whatever you want to call it, isn't going to come from an ideological transformation, well worded argument or arrangement of, you know, prose. It's going to come from a lived experience where their life has improved in some way, in some form or fashion, by action, by a project that actually puts the change into practice. And so that's really what the New Jewel movement had been about from the beginning, being part of the community, being part of the people, taking part in, you know, supporting them, which is why they had the popular mandate. And then once they got into power, all of their efforts were focused on, indeed trying to actually put into place an alternative for all the flaws that it may have had. And I'll get to that shortly. And that they did, you know, they organized a Center for Popular Education, they organised teacher training and sought to make secondary schools and colleges more accessible to people. They introduced maternity leave for women.
- [06:11]
James
Yes.
- [06:11]
Andrew Sage
Although notably, party members who were women were pressured to come back to work immediately after having children. So, again, we'll get to those flaws.
- [06:23]
James
Yeah.
- [06:24]
Andrew Sage
There was still inequality in pay between men and women, but the New Jewel movement did make efforts to mandate equal pay and to engage in some changes toward addressing the inequality between men and women in the country. However, a revolution was still needed within the revolution, as it has tended to be across these revolutions. You know, across these years, usual stuff. Women were still doing the most of their housework and both sexes were expected to take part in political engagement. So you had women in the party, in the New Jewel movement, but it was a sort of an expectation of equality in some respects, like, yeah, come out to work even though you just had children, because everybody else is coming out to work. And yet it was like, oh, yeah, y' all can keep on doing the housework, we're not gonna take on our load there.
- [07:21]
James
Yep, it's. It's funny, I finished my book recently, but I have a chapter on gender, and this is a communist militant in Spain who was fighting at the front line. But also they were saddled with that double burden, Right, because women were expected to be the ones amongst, especially amongst the Communists, who cooked and cleaned in addition to fighting. But she has this famous line where she says, I didn't join the military to die with a dishcloth in my.
- [07:48]
Andrew Sage
Hand, which is great.
- [07:52]
James
Yeah, it's a good one. I like it a lot.
- [07:55]
Andrew Sage
Yeah, yeah. But flaws with engaging with gender aside, there were, of course, other things the New Jewel Movement was doing that was positive. You know, they encouraged agricultural diversification and local food production, moving away from that sort of exclusive or near exclusive dependence on nutmeg production that had defined the colonial period. You know, they got rid of the old Westminster style parliamentary system in favour of a one party system with some elements of mass democracy. Now, the degree to which that democracy actually empowered people is debatable. But there were, you know, efforts on the record. You know, they organised public meetings to discuss the national budget, they set up workers and youth and women's and farmers organizations. And unfortunately, even though Bishop was influenced by Clar James, he continued to pursue the sort of hierarchical leadership common in Caribbean politics. And so even with these Alternative organizations, you had that kind of hierarchy. But I think that is to be expected from any movement besides anarchism.
- [09:09]
James
Yeah.
- [09:10]
Andrew Sage
So I can't say I'm surprised. They closed the independent newspaper Torchlight after an article highlighting a Rastafarian protest against lack of representation in government. So there were efforts to ensure that Grenada moved towards secularism, but freedom of the press was not something that was particularly high in terms of priorities. And there were still prejudices against religious groups and movements like the Rastafarians that had yet to be addressed. You know, these things aren't dealt with overnight, but I think when all you have is a hammer, everything can sort of look like a nail. Yeah, they didn't do anything too drastic in the economic sphere. For the most part. They left people's private businesses alone. They implemented some state enterprises and they implemented some cooperative enterprises. So a fairly standard mixed economy. A mixed economy that can to varying extent to be found throughout the Caribbean, whether they had a revolution or not. But they did establish cooperative and friendly relations with Cuba, which was a real thorn on the side of the United States.
- [10:30]
James
Yeah, they didn't like them.
- [10:31]
Andrew Sage
And now this is, I would say, from 1979 to 1980. So their first two years in power, people were nervous sighted. You know, they were hopeful of the genuine decolonisation and positive change taking place. But the excitement part of the Nova sightment started to die down by 1981. The People's Revolutionary Government PRG, became increasingly militaristic as time went on. They organized militias and armed people. They were essentially preparing for a Gehry counter coup, but also potential CIA involvement. The police were replaced with military personnel. And I think this is the trap that a lot of these projects end up falling into. This concern about the enemy within and the enemy without leads these revolutionaries to cannibalize themselves. You know, the revolutionary potential and excitement gets curtailed because there's so much fear dominating that some enemy is going to attack, some violence is going to take place that they need to prepare for. And so you over, you militarize and you militarize and you steer the course of the project away from its original intentions to a point where it's not even recognizable to the people who initiated it. Yeah, you know, I'm not saying that they weren't right to be wary of US intervention. History has demonstrated as much. But it was something that the people of the country were becoming increasingly concerned about because it's a small country and it's uncommon. You know, it's strange, it's Unusual. It's unnerving to see militias marching down your street. Now, the New Jewel Movement was starting to become more focused on establishing a vanguard corps. The more they oriented themselves toward Marxism, Leninism. So like I mentioned before, they were making this shift away from the sort of popular mass democracy that people like Claire James was talking about. The more they read and they studied the works of Marxism, Leninism. And there were people within the party who became more and more convinced. Again, remember, they are in positions of power this point in time. So you're in positions of power and you're reading theoretical justifications for why you need to be in power. You know, you'll stand by those theoretical justifications because it lines up with your interests, your self interests to, you know, further your position of power and the continuation of your role as an authority, as a leader. And so this vanguard core that they were pursuing, it ended up creating a hierarchy of in group and out group. You had the people who were in the vanguard, the people who were out the vanguard, who didn't get picked, who didn't make the cut, you know, who felt snubbed. And this was facilitating. It was fostering this. An air of secrecy that people in the country were beginning to resent and lose trust in. Because imagine you're going from this sort of popular engagement with the people as you, you know, take part in these efforts to push Gary out of power. Then you have this sort of secrecy, you have this sort of militarism that is starting to remind people a bit of the exact Gary government that they wanted out. Then two major events took place. In 1981, there was a bombing under the stage of a rally that killed some youths, and there was a car ambushing as well. Both of these incidents were blamed on counter revolutionaries in the country. That famous buzzword, that famous catchphrase, that famous justification for any and every response.
- [14:26]
James
Yeah.
- [14:27]
Andrew Sage
So it further pushed the country and really the whole society into this culture of suspicion and repression and also resentment for the New Jewel Movement. The New Jewel Movement wasn't responsible for the bombings, but you can imagine people were probably saying when they were at the parlor by the grocery store, you know, out by the bar down the street, they're saying, you know, at least they didn't have any bombings under Gary. You know, at least they didn't have these car ambushes under Gary. Gary wasn't nice, but we didn't have terrorist attacks. And the sort of transparency and engagement people were accustomed to was starting to evaporate. The New Jewel Movement was starting to be seen by some as a secret society. And if your society is already small. Right. Just about 100,000 people.
- [15:19]
James
Yeah.
- [15:19]
Andrew Sage
Having a secret society within that small society where everybody knows everybody, that's not good. Especially when the revolution is so new, so nascent, you need people's trust. And especially as well, because people were not ideologically for Marxism, Leninism, most of them, that is, they weren't ideologically full Marxism lenders and they weren't ideologically new jewel movement advocates. They just wanted Eric Gary out and they wanted improvements in living conditions.
- [15:51]
James
Yeah.
- [15:51]
Andrew Sage
They didn't have a particular political ideology they were committed to. And in this time, you know, the Caribbean is part of the rest of the world. The Caribbean is paying attention, has to pay attention to what's happening in the rest of the world and especially with their northern neighbor, the United States of America. And it's very infamous at that point in time. We're talking late 70s, early 80s Cold War rhetoric that people are getting in the media. The American media was still very, and continues to be very prominent in terms of what Caribbean people consume. Because we are English speaking, the Americans are English speaking and they have far more resources. So their media comes to us. And a lot of the narratives that Caribbean people get come in at least in part from American narratives. So these Cold War era narratives about communism as a scare word was something that had yet to be addressed through actual demonstration of what communism could actually be for people. You know, people weren't won over on communism yet. It was still unfamiliar. And in this time you really needed people who were open, who were accommodating, who were showing people what it meant in practice, who were sort of disarming these notions that could serve as obstacles towards people's buy in into the struggle. I'm seeing this as a non Marxist lennist. I'm putting myself in those shoes. If I'm trying to get people invested in this, convinced of this, that sort of secrecy, it doesn't push things in a positive trajectory.
- [17:26]
James
Yeah. It's easy for the population to perceive that you've replaced one elite with another elite.
- [17:31]
Andrew Sage
Right.
- [17:32]
James
Especially in postcolonial movements when we do this.
- [17:35]
Andrew Sage
Exactly.
- [17:37]
James
It's a transparent one for one, you know.
- [17:39]
Andrew Sage
Yeah. I mean, not to say that people didn't see the differences.
- [17:42]
James
No, yes, correct.
- [17:43]
Andrew Sage
They weren't aware of the nuances. They could tell the difference between an Eric Garry and a Maurice Bishop. They can tell the difference between, you know, one form of politics and another. It's not that they were just ready to turn court Immediately. I mean, some of them still had the fresh wounds of the trauma being inflicted by Eric Gary.
- [18:02]
James
Yeah.
- [18:02]
Andrew Sage
But it's because of that trauma that they were also sensitive to the potential of new traumas.
- [18:08]
James
Yeah.
- [18:08]
Andrew Sage
Call it paranoia, call it earnest and. And Right. Thinking, suspicion. But they were. They were wary of what was taking place.
- [18:18]
James
Yeah.
- [18:19]
Andrew Sage
And you know, it didn't help. It didn't help that. Okay. So you know how some people, they read like one or two theory books and they start walking around like their head is three times bigger than it is. They start walking around this kind of inflated sense of self importance.
- [18:36]
James
Yes. I'm very familiar with that kind of person.
- [18:39]
Andrew Sage
Yeah. Unfortunately, that's exactly what started taking place among some members of the party. They're reading all these books, all these thick books from Russia and Germany and Marx and Lenin and all these people, and they're starting to carry themselves in a particular way.
- [18:57]
James
Yeah.
- [18:57]
Andrew Sage
With a level of arrogance and know it allness. And, you know, and this is worsened in a society where, remember, we are fresh out of colonialism. You know, none of our independent nations are even 100 years old yet. Much of the population still remember that colonial period.
- [19:17]
James
Yeah.
- [19:18]
Andrew Sage
And much of the population, like I mentioned before, needed changes to the education system because they didn't have educational opportunities. So you had this vast educational inequality. Right. And then you have this new jewel movement and some of its members are talking to you like you're stupid.
- [19:35]
James
Yeah.
- [19:36]
Andrew Sage
Because you didn't get to go to primary school, you didn't read all the thick books that they read, or you didn't get to go to secondary school, or you didn't get to go to university. And so you don't know all the big words and you haven't read all the thick texts that they have read. And it could rub people the wrong way.
- [19:51]
James
Yeah. Yes.
- [19:53]
Andrew Sage
Right.
- [19:54]
James
Yeah. There can be too much theory. I think there often is too much theory, especially when it creates this idea that reading is what distinguishes one as a revolutionary, as opposed to doing or just knowing and caring. And it's a downfall of many movements.
- [20:15]
Andrew Sage
Indeed. I think if you're coming from the background that some of these new Jew Movement members were coming from, you need to put in that extra effort not to dumb things down, per se. You still want to respect people's intelligence, but you have to be aware of the dynamic. It's something that I myself have to work on, you know, because I think there's a sort of curse of knowledge where you read so much that you take for granted what you know, you know, you read to a point where you almost forget that this is not common knowledge. Or this word may be unfamiliar to a lot of people and you really have to be cognizant of it, especially as you're approaching people and make sure you're talking to them in their language. They don't feel as though you're carrying yourself too big for your britches.
- [21:01]
James
Yeah, definitely. Like the people who write the thick books can't be lior. Like milieu. You know, they can't be there. I've used a stupid word that. Like, if those are the people with whom you're sort of conversing in your head and then you begin to. To speak in that language to people who aren't familiar with it. It just sounds weird.
- [21:20]
Andrew Sage
Yeah.
- [21:21]
James
Like it. It's. Yeah. As you say, you get too big for your bridges and you sound pompous if you're not careful.
- [21:28]
Andrew Sage
Exactly. Exactly. Want to score when your favorite player does?
- [21:37]
Better Picks Advertiser
Well, you can't unless you download Better Picks.
- [21:40]
Andrew Sage
Who is giving away a free $10?
- [21:41]
Better Picks Advertiser
Download the Better app, pick more or.
- [21:43]
Andrew Sage
Less on player stats, watch the games and win some cash.
- [21:45]
Better Picks Advertiser
It's that simple. Must be 21 or older.
- [21:47]
Andrew Sage
In a jurisdiction where Better Picks operates, terms and conditions apply.
- [21:49]
Better Picks Advertiser
Better Picks sports just got better.
- [21:52]
Trainer Games Advertiser
10 athletes will face the toughest job interview in fitness that will push past physical and mental breaking points. You are the fittest of the fit. Only one of you will leave here with an IFIT contract for $250,000.
- [22:11]
Andrew Sage
This is where mindset comes in.
- [22:12]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Someone will be eliminated.
- [22:15]
Valpak Advertiser
Pressure is coming down.
- [22:17]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
Trainer Games on Prime Video January 8th. Watch the trailer on trainergames.com it's the.
- [22:22]
Valpak Advertiser
Most wonderful time of the year, and Valpak is here to make it even better. This month, as you sip through holiday mail, don't miss the blue Valpak envelope. From dining to holiday shopping, there's a slate full of savings in your mailbox. Plus a chance to instantly win $100. That's right. You can find $100 Christmas cash inside. Wanna save even more money on what you love? Go to valpak.com for local coupons and offers. It pays to open Valpak. No purchase necessary for instant win. Voip prohibited prices are randomly inserted. See specially marked Valpak envelopes for details.
- [22:53]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
The world's best ski and snowboard athletes are chasing medals now. You can follow their every insider, the official US Ski and snowboard fan loyalty program, and get premium viewing at World cup ski events. Exclusive athlete meetups, discounts from Brands you love and a custom welcome gift mailed direct to your doorstep this winter. Show your support as they race for the podium. Head to insider.usski and snowboard.org and join today.
- [23:27]
Andrew Sage
And so for the, you know, big shot lawyer. Okay, I'm a little tongue. And she kind of, as I say this for big shot lawyers like Maurice Bishop and big shot economics lecturers like Bernard Cord and some of the other folks that had been part of the core of the party, they had to approach the people in a particular way. And they were successful in doing so under Eric Gehry and as they were part of the opposition. But things were shifted also. At the turn of the 80s we had a lot of moves against suspected counter revolutionaries. Imprisonment without trial. So imagine again people thinking this is What Mongoose Gang 2.0.
- [24:05]
James
Yeah.
- [24:05]
Andrew Sage
The fear was starting to overtake the society was starting to become cannibalizing, as I said. So by the time we get to 1983, we find ourselves with a people bereft of the early days of hope in a house divided which famously cannot stand. Unbeknownst to the public, there were tensions between Maurice Bishop and Bernard Cord since at least 1982. And Cord wasn't even part of the central committee of the neutral movement anymore for a while. But within the vanguard, the party members still preferred Caud to Bishop. Caud was seen as more intellectually equipped to lead with his knowledge of theory. They started calling Bishop egotistic and counter revolutionary. I have to say I love the double edged sword of these kind of willy nilly thought terminating cliches because they can be used by you and then they could be used against you in a snap of your fingers.
- [25:03]
James
Yeah, it goes back to your thing about hammers and nails that you mentioned before.
- [25:08]
Andrew Sage
Indeed. So eventually the party decided to bring Cord on as co leader with Bishop originally. Bishop agreed, but this started to create tensions. Things managed decently, but after a while Bishop was starting to push back against the co leadership arrangement and the party started seeing it as him favouring his own ascendancy over the collective unity. And so then he went to Germany. He left the country on a trip. Don't worry, there wasn't another coup this time. At least not yet. But he went to Germany on a trip, came back. There was not a welcome party for him. Womp, womp. Things were coming to a head. The party did not have his back anymore. He could feel it. But he did know that the people still had his back. Remember, he knows he's charismatic, he knows people Love him. And so all of a sudden, this is in 1983, by the way. A rumor was swirling that Cord wanted to kill Bishop. Yes, it's a dangerous rumor. You know, it shatters this facade of a united front that had carried the revolution, that carried the government for so long. But since most people loved Bishop, as he rightfully assumed, in fact, they were on a first name basis with him.
- [26:21]
James
That's cool.
- [26:22]
Andrew Sage
They weren't saying Prime Minister Bishop, your honorable Prime Minister Bishop. It was, hey, Maurice. Like that boy, Maurice.
- [26:30]
James
Yeah, that's always a good sign. Like, it's one of the positive marks of the. Of the revolution in Rojava, right, Is that everyone is a friend and everyone's referred to generally by their first name. And it's always kind of, yeah, I've seen enough, read enough about, you know, revolution, supposing a revolutionary hierarchy. So that's always a good sign, I feel like.
- [26:52]
Andrew Sage
Yeah. So meanwhile, you had Cord, who people didn't have the same kind of relationship with, you know, as far as they're concerned, he's an enemy now because of that rumor.
- [27:07]
James
Yeah.
- [27:08]
Andrew Sage
And the party actually suspected that it was Bishop that started the rumor. In fact, his own personal bodyguards suspected it, but Bishop himself denied it. Whether he did or did not start the rumor, we don't know. But the party was insulted by his movements and put him under house arrest. What?
- [27:29]
James
What?
- [27:30]
Andrew Sage
You can't see James right now, but he just did this shocked facial expression.
- [27:35]
James
Yeah, like a shocked Pikachu.
- [27:37]
Andrew Sage
And that's how the people were feeling it. Like what? A prime minister arrested? You could do that. That's the thing.
- [27:44]
James
Yeah.
- [27:45]
Andrew Sage
So you see, the vanguard with all its secrecy at this point in time was operating on information that was not made available to the people. And the people were pissed at the party now. Yeah, the cracks in this political arrangement with essentially a secret society on top were starting to show the people, generally speaking, regardless of what the party wanted, wanted Maurice Bishop. They wanted their boy Maurice. But the party was not interested in what people wanted. The day is 19th of October, 1983. The Pro Maurice Bishop, usual movement leaders, government ministers, and a mass demonstration of people rolled up to Bishop's house to set him free. There were guards, of course, assigned to keep him in house arrest. But those guards stood down. They refused to shoot at the people. So the crowd of people walked to Fort Rupert. Now, Fort Rupert wasn't always Fort Rupert. Used to be Fort George. In fact, after the revolution ended, it again became known as Fort George. But Fort Rupert was named Fort Rupert. After Maurice Bishop's father, who was killed by Eric Garry, as you may recall. So they get there, but the majority of the New Jewel Movement, who were, like I said, backers of Bernard Cord, were at another fort nearby. Then, boom. Three armored trucks pull up from the fort of Cord to Rupert's fort, Fort Rupert. They start firing into the crowd. People running all over the place. Whole bunch of people died, Whole bunch of people scattered. This event is a trauma for Grenadians even to this day, by the way.
- [29:34]
James
Yeah.
- [29:35]
Andrew Sage
So the Cord loyalists pull up and line up Bishop, Unison Whiteman, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Norris Bean, who was the Minister of Health, was actually not part of the neutral movement. And Jacqueline Kreft, who was the Minister of Education. They lined them up against the wall and shot them. Summary execution. Others, including trade unionists, businessmen and high schoolers, were also killed at Fort Rupert. Right after this, the military curfew was announced on radio. Grenadians were told to lock their doors. Violators of curfew were to be shot on sight. A couple of days later, as people mourned their dead, the news came that the United States will invade Grenada. If this was a HBO series, I feel like that would be the end of the penultimate episode. So just to give you a bit of context on the U.S. position, the United States did not like the way that Cuba and the Soviets and Grenada were becoming close, even though Grenada was technically non aligned, like much of the world was trying to stay out of the hairs of the US and the USSR in their Cold War. Yeah, but Grenada and the Grenadians represented a serious risk. They were black. That's a big risk. They were English speaking. They were English speaking black people. Close to the border of the United States of America as African Americans were engaged in their own struggle for liberation in the US As Henriette Bishop noted. I mean, that's the threat that there could be communication, collaboration between these groups, a demonstration of an alternative close to the United States with ease of communication with the United States. So the United States invasion was always a potential outcome. But here it was flexing power in its sphere, in its backyard. The party rounded up a bunch of people to join them in defending the revolution. But most people were traumatized. They ran and they hid wherever they could. Some, regardless of whether they liked the New Jewel movement at that point in time or not, stood ready to defend their island from invasion. But many more were hidden and scared. And there were also others who, out of revenge for the revolution that betrayed them, betrayed the revolution by expressing their support for the invasion. Now me personally, that's something I would never do. I don't care how much I disagree with any government that I'm under. I wouldn't co sign the invasion of my country by an empire. But I can understand the reasoning or the emotional position that some people were in at that point. So the US's claim, by the way, for their invasion was that they were there to rescue American students who were in Grenada. So they're there to rescue these students from these, these commies.
- [32:56]
James
Perfect.
- [32:57]
Andrew Sage
American students weren't under any actual threat. Obviously nobody was mining them or threatening them or anything. But they always have to have some kind of story, right?
- [33:08]
James
Yeah.
- [33:09]
Andrew Sage
So. 25th of October 1983, America's boots land on the ground, joined later by the military personnel of Barbados and Jamaica. There were more deaths, mostly in Grenadians, but also some Cubans who were there working on the new international airport. An airport that later became known as Maurice Bishop International Airport. An airport that just over a month ago the United States requested to use for its military operations in the region. The United States kept the media out of the island for two days after the invasion. They were sure to curate an image of the communist threat. They wanted to paint a picture for the media to tell a story back at home about how, yeah, they were actually preparing to work with the Soviets as a staging ground to attack the United States. So this invasion was the first overt, as opposed to covert use of force since Vietnam. The party in power at the time needed an easy win. So party members, this is neutral movement. Party members were imprisoned, an interim government was established by Grenadians living abroad, and the revolution was over.
- [34:42]
Better Picks Advertiser
Not everyone can be good at fantasy football and at better. We understand that. That's why we're giving you $10 for free just for signing up. Download the Better app. Pick more or less on player stats, watch the games and win some cash. It's that simple. Better picks available in 33 states, including Texas, California and Georgia. Download the Better app today. That's better. B E T R and get a free $10. No deposit necessary. Must be 21 or older in a jurisdiction where Better Picks operates in terms of conditions apply. Better Picks sports just got better.
- [35:12]
Trainer Games Advertiser
10 athletes will face the toughest job interview in fitness that will push past physical and mental breaking points. You are the fittest of the fit. Only one of you will leave here with an IFIT contract worth $250,000.
- [35:31]
Andrew Sage
This is where mindset comes comes in.
- [35:32]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Someone will be eliminated.
- [35:35]
Valpak Advertiser
Pressure is coming down.
- [35:37]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
Trainer Games on Prime Video January 8th. Watch the trailer on trainergames.com your ticket.
- [35:42]
Andrew Sage
To big Savings is that big blue.
- [35:44]
Better Picks Advertiser
Envelope in your mailbox. Valpak it's brimming with deals from big.
- [35:48]
Andrew Sage
Name brands and your favorite local spots, dining services, stuff you're already buying, all for less. And you could score $100 or other instant prizes just for opening it. Or save even faster with mobile coupons.
- [36:03]
Better Picks Advertiser
You can use right now@valpak.com Valpak there's.
- [36:07]
Andrew Sage
Definitely something in it for you.
- [36:12]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
The world's best ski and snowboard athletes are chasing medals now. You can follow their every move. Join Insider, the official US Ski and snowboard fan loyalty program, and get premium viewing at World cup ski events, exclusive athlete meetups, discounts from brands you love, and a custom welcome gift mailed direct to your doorstep this winter. Show your support as they race for the podium. Head to insider.usski and snowboard.org and join today.
- [36:46]
Andrew Sage
Let's talk Aftermath the fall of the New Jewel movement and the People's revolutionary government of Grenada led to the disintegration of the Workers Party of Jamaica. It nearly destroyed Caricom, the Caribbean community, as a united bloc, as Jamaica and Trinidad sided with the US in their invasion while countries like Trinidad stood against the invasion. That was a split in Caricom that took years to recover from. And I think most crucially, the fall of the New Jewel movement led to the death in all but name of the Caribbean left from distrust, from infighting and from this resolute enforcement of the new colonial model. For all the flaws that the revolution had, it was a representation of an alternative that something else could be done besides business as usual. And that alternative first felt in fighting and then its fate was sealed by a belligerent invasion. Yeah. And so the Caribbean left not say it's actually entirely dead. There are still figures from that era. There are still people who carry progressive or revolutionary politics. But its Haiti, its golden age, is no more. And that is in part as a result of that U.S. invasion. And within Grenada, the bodies of those killed were never found. In some cases, the families of those killed or of the party members may even still be divided to this day. You could imagine how they must feel, the sort of social and political divisions that came out of that kind of action. Who sided with Cord, who sided with Bishop, who sided with the US who stood against, who brought whose actions were responsible for the US Coming? If the revolution never happened, then the US Wouldn't have come. These people wouldn't be dead. Blame game, accusations, political conflicts. Yeah, all of that. You know, it's very easy to breeze over the deaths of people in historical events as just numbers. That's just statistics. You know, it doesn't even click, you know, because I think, I don't think our brains can fully handle that much trauma at once. So we, we compartmentalize it in a way. We package it.
- [39:19]
James
Yeah.
- [39:19]
Andrew Sage
In something that's a bit more digestible. When you hear figures of, you know, even just two people dead, that's two people, two entire human beings with lives, interests, passions, relationships, connections, future snuffed out. And in a country like Grenada, from a small country, hundred thousand people, and I mean, I'm from Trinidad, right, which has a population of about 1.4 million people. And it still feels like, you know, somebody who knows somebody. The networks are so tight and it's even tighter knit, network wise in a Grenada or a Tobago, you know, we're talking neighbors, relatives split into sides, cousin blaming cousin, friend killing friend. A decolonization never fully began and never fully completed. There are social splits on the perspective on what took place. You had the bishop was good crowd. The bishop was bad crowd. The bishop was bad, but the revolution was good crowd. The revolution was bad, but bishop was good crowd. You get all sorts of interpretations of these kinds of traumatic historical events.
- [40:35]
James
Yeah.
- [40:37]
Andrew Sage
And the outcome to this day is, you know, fair, unhealed, open wounds. The youth, the passionate radical youth of yesteryear keeping their heads down and out of politics. Today, unfortunately, very little has been done in Grenada to deal with the traumas of the invasion, besides an attempted Truth and Reconciliation Commission which failed miserably due to a couple different obstacles. An unwillingness to reconcile among some the continued incarceration of certain individuals. Unrecovered remains anger towards entire sectors of the population at the execution of Bishop and others. And so in the ends that followed, there's been a subdued political consciousness among much of the population. They have risen to the challenge of the US Inviting themselves to set up shop in Maurice Bishop International Airport. There were many actions taking place in Grenada to speak up and to stand against that intervention. But for the most part, the populace has been disengaged from the sort of radical passion that you saw in that time period. And it didn't help, of course, that pretty much right after the revolution, you had a series of natural disasters. In September of 2004, after being hurricane free for 49 years, the island was hit by Hurricane ivan, a Category 3 hurricane that resulted in 39 deaths and the damage or destruction to 90% of the island's homes. In 2005, which is the following year, Hurricane Emily, a Category 1 hurricane, struck the island and killed a person. And 2024, Hurricane Beryl struck the island of Kariaku. And so we're already dealing with the environmental instability of being a Caribbean island. But now you also have to deal with the political and social instability of such a dramatic incident. Before we close, I do want to get into some of the critiques that I had of this project. You know, I'm not the type of person to look at these historical moments, no matter my allegiance to the espoused politics of the people in them, and want to paint them in a narrow or simplistic brush. You know, I think I see that tendency across all groups.
- [43:05]
James
Yeah, definitely.
- [43:06]
Andrew Sage
You know, so the Marxist Lennist will talk about these revolutions in a very fawning and agitating way. Then you also have the anarchists who talk about, you know, the Spanish Civil War. They talk about the Paris Commune, or they talk about these different projects as if they were. As if they weren't serious flaws in their structure and their analysis and their methodology is worth addressing. You know, it's very easy for nostalgia to take over.
- [43:33]
James
Yeah, definitely. Like something I think about a lot. Like, I translated a piece for the Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness zine a few months ago, maybe even a year ago now, now, by an anarchist fighter who'd fought in the international group of the Daruti column, who went by several names, Charles Riddle with his birth name. But he has this whole thing about how anarchists tend to write hagiographies, which is the life of a saint. Right. They've tried to make the Spanish Civil War into these exemplary, saintly people, as opposed to actually looking at the mistakes people made. And his stance is that, like, his friends died for nothing. If we don't learn anything, and so if we don't acknowledge the very real compromises and mistakes and failures, then they have been defeated. Right. And they all died for nothing. But if at least we can learn from it, then at least there's something we can take going forward, which is something I always thought was a great way of phrasing, something kind of like quite an admirable way of. Of looking at something that he himself participated in. And it was obviously a defining and very traumatic experience of his life.
- [44:42]
Andrew Sage
Yeah, it's something that I rallied against, that sort of great man approach to history.
- [44:48]
James
Yeah.
- [44:50]
Andrew Sage
But I suppose that brings me to my first critique, which is something that plagues Grenada Both before, during and after its revolution. When you have a political culture dependent on a maximum leader or a personality cult or just a grouping around her personality, whether that's Bishop or Gary or Cord for one, it's a continuation of the colonial politics of the British in that sort of governor position. And it also, I think leads to a contempt towards common people. Whether it starts out that way or not, it eventually makes its way into that direction. I still see personality politics rear in its ugly head in Trinidad, even though we've been independent for even longer, you know, 1962 as opposed to Grenada's 1974. But the result of that kind of politics is, you know, ideological and policy splits are either non existent or secondary to personality, loyalties, familial ties and in some cases ethnic loyalty. The United National Congress, the unc, the party in power in Trinidad right now, party responsible for our current position, is a personality cult led by current Prime Minister Tamapa's abecessor. And she's only one of many examples of this sort of party first leader, first approach to politics that we see in the region, a baggage that we see in the region. I know with radical politics it's sad because you expect to do away with that kind of stuff. But the revolution in my view, had a lack of decolonization away from the authoritarian tendencies of colonial rule. That I think is why there was such an appeal in Leninist thought and rule to begin with, because it's a lot easier to approach. You know, it doesn't unpack the psychology of colonialism or unpack how Gehry's rule may have shaped their own approach to politics, that another politics might, that another anti politics might. And so they carried on this elitist, authoritarian, personality based politics, you know, despite having a youthful beginning. Bishop was 29 when he started a mutual movement, which is the same age that Gary was when he got into politics. I know one could make a movie of the mirrors and their histories. But despite his youthful beginning, the youth carried on the mistakes of their forebearers. They betrayed the excitement of people power that people had for the revolution, just as they betrayed the excitement of people power that people had for independence. And they continued a consciousness of deference to hierarchy. Again, I don't want to draw one to one comparisons between Gary and Bishop. I recognize their stark differences in their politics and in their engagement with the people of Grenada. They were not the same, but in some ways they did rhyme. I would wrap up, I suppose, with Bundy's sort of critique of Grenada's Revolution, which is what I just echoed, this continued consciousness of a deference to hierarchy. A genuine revolution depends on people taking direct responsibility, not waiting for leaders or stages of development, not waiting on guidance, being empowered themselves. That sort of tired Leninist gradualism and bureaucratic control gets regular people no closer to actually having a sense of autonomy and control over their lives. And as Fundy emphasizes, especially in small Caribbean societies, participatory local self managed systems are entirely feasible. In closing, Fundee suggested that Grenada's revolution failed because it moved away from this principle of immediate collective self management and deliberately chose hierarchy. And from that hierarchy came a sense of eroding trust, came a sense of secrecy, became a sense of secret societies. And I created a culture of secrecy opposed to transparency that led to its downfall. As I mentioned, it was gossip, a rumor of somebody trying to kill Bishop that got this ball rolling. So today I want to appeal directly to Caribbean radicals of all stripes to learn, to earnestly learn from the Canadian revolution. On appeal not just to Caribbean radicals, but to radicals all across the world, all across our listenership. It is critical in times when the means of intervention and the means of disruption and division and co optation are more powerful than ever, that you engage in the sort of dissipation of leadership, that you engage in grassroots and dispersed empowerment, that you maintain an anti authoritarian ethos that cannot be co opted by a charismatic power. But you take an approach to organization that does not lend itself to the vulnerabilities of hierarchy, that you consider moving like Mycorza, that you take on networks and free associations rather than the sort of X marks to spot bullseye, centralized parties and the power struggles that ensue from them, from that thirst for power that led to so many downfalls of the revolutionary imagination. Before we wrap up, I just want to ask James if you have any thoughts.
- [50:53]
James
No, I think that's very eloquent the way you said it. We have to build systems and ways of organizing relating to one another that don't allow this to happen. Right. We have to be very conscious, like you say, of where it has happened. And I think the only way that we understand the value of that is through studying history. But studying it from a place, like you were saying, death is a statistic or a number until it's a person. And I think if we can study history from a place of empathy, I guess, and solidarity rather than this would never happen to me. Or like you said, oversimplifying in a way that I think doesn't help. And sometimes I think we do it to kind of absolve ourselves from similarity, to think like, oh, how close could I be to this? It's one of the things I don't like about academic history, that if we are people who are interested in making the world better, then we have to learn from all the other people all over the world who tried to make the world better, and especially from the ones who didn't succeed. Yeah, because we don't want to do that again.
- [52:05]
Andrew Sage
Exactly. And the times, they are changing.
- [52:09]
James
Yes, indeed.
- [52:11]
Andrew Sage
We have to approach that with our due diligence. You know, the strategies that were more relevant or more practical in particular context may not be relevant or practical in your context.
- [52:23]
James
Yeah, very much so.
- [52:25]
Andrew Sage
All right.
- [52:26]
James
Yeah, that was great.
- [52:28]
Andrew Sage
Thank you, Andrew, to all our listeners. Thank you so much for tuning in. I hope that you can look at our region with clearer eyes and vigilance in the ways that history repeats and rhymes. Until next time, all power to all the people. Peace. It Could Happen.
- [52:52]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Here is a production of Cool Zone Media.
- [52:54]
Andrew Sage
For more podcasts from Cool Zone Media.
- [52:56]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Visit our website, coolzonemedia.com or check us.
- [52:59]
Andrew Sage
Out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.
- [53:04]
Trainer Games Advertiser
You can now find sources for It.
- [53:05]
Andrew Sage
Could Happen here, listed directly in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.
- [53:10]
Better Picks Advertiser
Do you like free money? Well, today's your lucky day. Better Picks is offering a free $10 just for signing up. Download the Better app, pick more or less on your favorite player's stats, watch the games, and win some cash. It's that simple. Better picks available in 33 states, including Texas, California and Georgia. Download the Better app today. That's better. B E T R and get a free $10. No deposit necessary. Must be 21. In a jurisdiction where Better Picks operates, terms of conditions apply. Better Picks sports just got better.
- [53:40]
Trainer Games Advertiser
10 athletes will face the toughest job interview in fitness that will push past physical and mental breaking points. You are the fittest of the fit. Only one of you will leave here with an IFIT contract for $250,000.
- [53:59]
Andrew Sage
This is where mindset comes in.
- [54:00]
Trainer Games Advertiser
Someone will be eliminated.
- [54:03]
Valpak Advertiser
Pressure is coming down.
- [54:05]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
Trainer Games on Prime Video January 8th. Watch the trailer on trainergames.com it's the.
- [54:10]
Valpak Advertiser
Most wonderful time of the year, and Valpak is here to make it even better. This month, as you sip through holiday mail, don't miss the blue Valpak envelope. From dining to holiday shopping, there's a sleigh full of savings in your mailbox, plus a chance to instantly win $100. That's right, you can find $100 Christmas cash inside. Want to save even more money on what you love? Go to valpak.com for local coupons and offers. It pays to open Valpak. No purchase necessary for instant Win voip We're prohibited. Prices are randomly inserted. See specially marked Valpak envelopes for details.
- [54:41]
US Ski and Snowboard Insider Advertiser
The world's best ski and snowboard athletes are chasing medals. Now you can follow their every move. Join Insider, the official US Ski and Snowboard Fan local loyalty program, and get premium viewing at World cup ski events, exclusive athlete meetups, discounts from brands you love, and a custom welcome gift mailed direct to your doorstep. This winter, show your support as they race for the podium. Head to Insider, usski and snowboard.org and join today.
- [55:10]
Andrew Sage
This is an iHeart podcast. Guaranteed Human.