The Globalization of Resistance with Andrew

Summary

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It Could Happen Here – "The Globalization of Resistance with Andrew"

Date: June 10, 2026
Host: Andrew Sage (Andrewism)
Guest/Co-host: Garrison Davis
Main Theme:
A rich historical examination of how, in the late 19th century, global resistance networks arose by appropriating the tools and infrastructure of empire. The episode highlights the interconnectedness of anti-colonial, anarchist, and socialist movements from Spain to Cuba and the Philippines, showing how suppression often sowed the seeds for future uprisings.

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Overview

The episode focuses on the “globalization of resistance,” using research from historian Benedict Anderson and real-life stories of political dissidents and revolutionaries. The discussion traces a network of anarchists, liberals, and anti-imperialists across Europe and the colonies, revealing how state oppression inadvertently connected and radicalized those it intended to silence.

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Key Discussion Points and Insights

1. Appropriating Imperial Tools for Resistance

• Andrew Sage opens by reframing globalization—not as just trade and movement of capital, but as an interconnected resistance network in the late 19th century.
• Quote:

  “There was another kind of globalization emerging… a network of ideas, outlaws and revolutionaries would emerge to challenge the empires of the time.” (01:21, Andrew Sage)

• The episode explores how the infrastructure—press, transport, communication—built for empire became tools of international dissent.

2. The Montjuich Affair and International Solidarity

• The narrative starts with the 1896 Corpus Christi bombing in Barcelona, leading to the arrest of over 300 suspected anarchists including Fernando Taerida Del Marmol, a Cuban advocate for “anarchism without adjectives.”
• Taerida’s imprisonment and subsequent release (aided by influential contacts) becomes fuel for international protest via radical press and sympathetic intellectuals in Paris.
• The repression in the Spanish colonies (Cuba, Puerto Rico, Philippines) is connected with metropolitan repression, reframed by exiled intellectuals and periodicals.
• Quote:

  “He demonstrated that repression in the Spanish provinces was not an isolated domestic issue, but a fundamental characteristic of Spanish colonial policy.” (03:18, Andrew Sage)

• Influential allies like art critic Philippe Fignon and journalist-politician Georges Clemenceau help spread the narrative internationally.

3. Infrastructure of Dissent: Radical Press and Networks

• The radical press, interconnected labor organizations and alliances (liberal, socialist, Freemason, anarchist, anti-imperialist) enable global resistance and awareness.
• Even infamous events like the Dreyfus Affair (1894-1899)—a miscarriage of justice weaponized by anti-Semitic sentiment—are covered as nodes in the global network, amplified by the radical press.
• Quote:

  “A literal place of repression became a place that connected people across multiple countries.” (31:05, Andrew Sage)

4. Assassination of Canovas and Escalation of Crisis

• The Italian anarchist Michele Angiolillo assassinates Spanish PM Canovas in 1897, motivated by the torture and execution of anarchists and anti-colonialists under Canovas' regime.
• Angiolillo's act, and his speech at trial, are cited as both revenge and revolutionary justice:

  “I have rid Spain, Europe and the entire world of him. That is why I am no assassin, but rather an executioner.” (09:58, Angiolillo via Andrew Sage)

• The assassination triggers instability, accelerating the end of Spain’s colonial empire, as Cuba, Philippines, and Puerto Rico are soon seized by the US (1898).

5. The Philippine Node: Isabelo de los Reyes and Labor Organizing

• Isabelo de los Reyes, a Filipino journalist imprisoned for his political writings, is exposed to anarchist and socialist ideas while in Spanish jails.
• Even amid personal tragedy (he misses his wife's funeral during imprisonment), he absorbs methods of labor organizing and radical thought.
• Upon return to the Philippines—armed with the works of Kropotkin, Darwin, Marx, Voltaire—de los Reyes begins organizing printers and workers in Manila.
• He leverages his personal connection to the Ilocano-speaking working class, spreading class consciousness and founding the Union Obrera Democratica, the country’s first labor federation:

  “You get a little bit of everybody involved when you do that, rather than strictly focusing on just one plane of struggle and connection.” (27:23, Andrew Sage)

• Despite renewed repression from American authorities, the seeds of resistance persist—feeding future labor and guerrilla movements.

6. Transforming Repression into Connection

• The imperial infrastructure—intended for military, administrative, and economic control—creates new forms of international solidarity, especially as activists utilize exile, prisons, and the radical press for networking.
• De los Reyes is later called “the father of the Philippine labor movement" and “the father of Filipino socialism,” though he never brands himself as an anarchist.
• The cyclical nature of collaboration, betrayal, and reform is discussed through the political careers and moral complexities of figures like de los Reyes and Aguinaldo.
• The recurring theme: Repression by empire often produces its own gravediggers, as networks of resistance blossom inside the same mechanisms meant to destroy them.

---

Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• On revolutionary networking:

  “The same infrastructure that empires use to extend their reach… is the same infrastructure that radicals can use to fight. Even prison was used as a site of connection.”
  (31:00, Andrew Sage)

• On Angiolillo’s justification:

  “Canovas personified in their most repugnant forms religious ferocity, military cruelty, the implacability of the judiciary, the tyranny of power and the greed of the possessing classes. I have rid Spain, Europe and the entire world of him. That is why I am no assassin, but rather an executioner.”
  (09:58, Angiolillo via Andrew Sage)

• On the sheer historical momentum of the era:

  “Every time that I've done an episode with you about, like the late 1800s to early 1900s, it's always stuff like this. Like, history really has such a momentum during this period. It's unbelievable.”
  (21:02, Joe Jonas [host's co-host])

• On adapting the master's tools:

  “Turns out very, very often the master's tools actually are used to dismantle the master's house… I think part of our job is adapting and moving as empire and capital adapts and moves to the flow of history.”
  (32:53, Joe Jonas and Andrew Sage)

---

Timestamps for Important Segments

• [01:21] – Introduction to “globalization of resistance;” rethinking globalization as revolutionary infrastructure
• [03:00-05:40] – The Montjuich Affair: Taerida Del Marmol’s story and the power of radical periodicals
• [07:54-10:40] – The Dreyfus Affair and mechanics of international radical solidarity
• [11:42-13:42] – Assassination of Canovas; narrative of revenge and accelerating colonial crisis
• [15:15-19:53] – Isabelo de los Reyes’ experience: from Spanish prison to returning revolutionary
• [21:02-22:25] – The role of literature, migration, and printmaking in spreading radical ideas
• [26:48-28:40] – Building the first Filipino labor federation and cross-class organizing
• [30:28-32:19] – De los Reyes’ legacy, religious reform, and reflections on the lessons of resistance

---

Episode Conclusion

Andrew Sage wraps up with the thesis that attempts at imperial control not only provoke opposition but also unintentionally construct the very global connections and frameworks for resistance. The episode ends on the reminder that resistance is dialectical—master’s tools can, and do, become weapons against empire.

Final words:

“Globalization was not a one-way imposition. We could potentially adopt the empire's tools to fight back and to network our resistance.” (31:46, Andrew Sage)
“All power to all the people, peace.” (33:11, Andrew Sage)

---

Transcript

[Joe Jonas]

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[George Taveras]

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[George Taveras]

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[Joe Jonas]

Hey, guys, it's us, the Jonas Brothers. I'm Joe. I'm Kevin.

[Andrew Sage]

And I'm Nick. And guess what?

[Joe Jonas]

We created our own podcast called hey Jonas.

[George Taveras]

We invented a podcast.

[Joe Jonas]

Well, we didn't invent it. We. We just contributed to it. First people to do podcasts.

[Andrew Sage]

We get to ask other people questions

[Joe Jonas]

because we're sick and tired of being asked questions. Well, sick and tired is a strong way to put it, but, you know, tired and sick. Tired and sick. Listen to hey Jonas on the iHeartRadio

[Andrew Sage]

app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcast. Just listen.

[Joe Jonas]

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[Andrew Sage]

When we think of globalization, we often think of Trade and late 20th century technological interconnection and the movement of capital. But there was another kind of globalization emerging in the late 19th century, and that was the globalization of resistance. In the closing decades of the 1800s, a network of ideas, outlaws and revolutionaries would emerge to challenge the empires of the time. Welcome to It Could Happen here. I'm Andrew sage, Andrewism on YouTube, and I'm joined again by Garrison Davis.

[Joe Jonas]

Hello.

[Andrew Sage]

Welcome again. And in this episode, using the research of historian Benedict Anderson in Chapter 5 of the Age of Globalization, I want to look at this period in history where the tools of empire were appropriated by the very people the empire sought to suppress. To link anarchist prisoners in Montreuich to intellectuals in Paris, to agitators in Cuba, to nationalists in the Philippines. Now, the story doesn't actually begin in Montriz prison in Barcelona, Spain, but our narrative begins there. Following the June 7, 1896 bombing in Corpus Christi, 300 people were imprisoned in a wave of Spanish state repression. Among those caught in the crackdown was Fernando Taerida Del Marmol, a Cuban creole whose background connected him to both Metropole and colony. His imprisonment was a direct consequence of the state's attempt to suppress the burgeoning anarchist movement in Catalonia. But it would only end up fuelling the movement, thanks to the efforts of the radical international press. Torrido was a maths teacher, which actually helped him out when he got arrested because a young lieutenant Worden, recognized his former teacher and managed to sound the alarm of his incarceration. Teredo also happened to be the cousin of a conservative senator who used his influence to ensure toread his release. But Tereda didn't let these privileges cause him to forget his less privileged fellow prisoners, because he immediately upon release, went to Paris, the city of duality, a city that was both the central capital of colonial power and a premier global hub for political dissent. So there in Paris, Tarita gained access to La Revue Blanche, a very popular periodical of the era. He'd been a recognised writer from before his imprisonment, as he'd popularly advocated for anarchism without adjectives. And he had gotten into a back and forth about workers, associations and bureaucracy and propaganda of the deed with a certain Jean Grave, who was another popular French anarchist of the period. So in La Revue Blanche, Tereda published his personal brutal experience of imprisonment and contextualised it as a broader political indictment by connecting the gruesome suppression of dissent in Barcelona with to the exact same mechanisms being deployed in the Spanish colonies of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. Thus he demonstrated that repression in the Spanish provinces was not an isolated domestic issue, but a fundamental characteristic of Spanish colonial policy. And this narrative was taken up and amplified by the efforts of Philie Fignon and Georges Clementiao. Philippe Fignon was an influential art critic and prominent anarchist intellectual who who helped frame the struggle against Spanish repression as a significant moral crisis. He also wrote strongly against French imperialism and revanchist nationalism. And Georges Clementiao was a radical journalist and politician, considered a formidable figure in the defence of political prisoners, as he had the capacity to mobilise public opinion around issues of justice and state authority. So together these figures helped ensure that the grievances of Tereda and the Spanish prisoners were integrated into the global conversation. Now, historian Benedict Anderson situates these events within the long 19th century, which had a lot of high profile political violence, specifically anarchist bombings and targeted assassinations, which prompted a corresponding escalation in state power through much more stringent legal frameworks and surveillance apparatuses. Parallel to the rise of anti terror legislation was the emergence of a new structured infrastructure of dissent consisting of labour organisations and radical press, which served as a vital node in the global network, capable of circulating revolutionary ideas and coordinating resistance across borders. In addition to the Montjuich affair, the Dreyfus affair would also be amplified by this network. The Dreyfus affair was an incident in French history where in 1894 a certain Alfred Dreyfus, who was a Jewish captain in the French army, was accused of treason, alleged to have passed sensitive military documents to the German intelligence services. The evidence against him was largely based on forged documents and a high degree of anti Semitic prejudice. Sir Dreyfus was convicted, stripped of his rank and sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's Island. But the radical press began calling this out, especially when evidence surfaced suggesting that the actual spy was another officer, Ferdinand Wolfson Esterhazy. But the French military high command had covered it up, suppressing evidence, manipulating court proceedings and intimidating witnesses to ensure that Dreyfus remained convicted. A pivotal moment in the affair was the publication of non radical Emile Zola's open letter J' accuse in the newspaper le Roi in 1898, as Zola used the power of the press to directly challenge the military high command after the real culprit was acquitted the day after his trial began. This landed Zola in jail for libel, where he eventually got out on a plea deal. But it also earned him the tenuous respect of some critical left wing intellectuals. Meanwhile, Tarida had already left Paris for Belgium, then London, where he made use of his contacts around the world to create a coalition of liberals, Freemasons, socialists, anarchists, anti imperialists and anti clericals against the Spanish government and especially against Prime Minister Antonio Canovas del Castillo, the conservative who was the chief architect of the brutal repression of Spanish anarchists, socialists and labor activists. Domestically, his aim was to ensure the stability of the Spanish monarchy amidst growing pressures of anarchism, labor unrest, colonial rebellion and American aggression. On August 9, 1897, the Italian anarchist Michel Angiolillo assassinated Canovas. Angiolilo was a real monarchy hater. He had travelled to Barcelona under a fake name and was working as a freelance printer when the Corpus Christi bombing occurred. The city was put under martial law and his anarchist friends were incarcerated in Montriche. After hearing about how they were being tortured, he fled for Paris, was expelled to Belgium, then moved to London, where Tereda's agitation against the Canovas regime was at full strength. He continued to work as a printer and engaged in activism in London for some time, where people asked who would avenge those tortured and murdered by the Spanish state, including the recently executed Jose Rizal, who was a Filipino nationalist. So after hearing this, Anguillilo was like, okay, bet. And he makes his way back to continental Europe with a pistol his pocket. In France he meets Dr. Ramon Betances, who is a Puerto Rican physician and revolutionary who sought the independence of Puerto Rico and the dismantling of Spanish colonial authority in the Antilles. He spent his life country hopping, helping the sick and fleeing Spanish spies. And although he wasn't an anarchist, he was connected with a lot of anarchists, particularly French and Italian anarchists. Through the heterogeneous front against the Spanish state, against imperialism and monarchical tyranny, the European anarchists and socialists found a natural ally in the anti colonial movement he was part of as the liberation of Puerto Rico and Cuba would represent a vital blow against the same imperialist structures they were fighting to dismantle in Europe. Now Betantzis claims he redirected the target of Angiolillo's planned assassination from the Spanish queen regent and infant son to the prime minister. But Benedict Anderson calls this narrative into question because there doesn't seem to be any corroborating evidence. Anyway, so Angiolillo gets to Madrid, he learns Canovas location, he stalks him for a bit and then he shoots him dead with the pistol he brought from London. In his trial, Angiolillo defends himself with reference to Montjuich and Cuba and the Philippines and says Canuvas personified in their most repugnant forms religious ferocity, military cruelty, the implacability of the judiciary, the tyranny of power and the greed of the possessing classes. I have rid Spain, Europe and the entire world of him. That is why I am no assassin, but rather an executioner. End quote.

[Joe Jonas]

That does go pretty hard.

[Andrew Sage]

It does go hard.

[Joe Jonas]

When is this? Is this late 1800s or the early 1900s?

[Andrew Sage]

Late 1800s.

[Joe Jonas]

Late 1800s. Okay, yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

So after his rousing speech, he was then himself executed at just 26 years old. Now, beyond being a symptom of imperial crisis, Canovas assassination functioned as an accelerant. By removing such a central figure of the political machinery of Spain in the midst of its war against the US Angiolilo's act triggered the volatility that would culminate in the loss of Spain's final colonial possessions. In 1898, Cuba, the Philippines and Puerto Rico were in the hands of the United States. And the bullets that killed Canovas just kept going well into the decades to come.

[George Taveras]

This is George Taveras and Sam Taggart from Stratio lab. Okay, picture it. Your apartment after a Saturday workout. The gym bag, the couch, maybe even the car. Mi amor. It's a full bella of odors, and not the glamorous kind.

[Sam Taggart]

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[George Taveras]

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[Sam Taggart]

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[George Taveras]

Because home should smell like you. Fabulous. Fresh, unforgettable.

[Sam Taggart]

Febreze is a proud sponsor of the Elton John Impact Awards, honoring those who have helped shape a more inclusive and compassionate world with their artistry, advocacy, and unwavering commitment to equality.

[George Taveras]

You won't want to miss the Elton John Impact awards podcast, available June 1st on the iHeartRadio app. And everywhere podcasts are heard.

[Joe Jonas]

Number one hits, millions of records sold awards, sold out tours.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

You think the Jonas Brothers are satisfied?

[Joe Jonas]

Nope. It's podcast time.

[Andrew Sage]

We get to ask other people questions

[Joe Jonas]

because we're sick and tired of being asked questions. A Jonas is available now, and their first guest is a big one, Paul Rudd.

[Andrew Sage]

You know, Steve Carell is a great singer. Didn't he tell you not to audition at the office or something?

[George Taveras]

I told him, whoa, we were filming Anchorman.

[Andrew Sage]

Clearly, I was the idiot.

[George Taveras]

Thank God he didn't listen to me, right?

[Joe Jonas]

Listen to hey, Jonas on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

[Fab Five Freddy]

June is Black Music Month. And on the Drink Champs podcast, we're speaking with the hottest names in the culture, like Swae Lee.

[Andrew Sage]

Do you realize how legendary you are? I appreciate it. I'd be seeing it, but I'm like, man, I still got like, so much more to do. Like Prince, he dropped like 30 albums. We dropped like five. Right now. That's the rate we gotta be going.

[George Taveras]

Y. That's a good attitude.

[Fab Five Freddy]

You also hear stories from industry legends and hip hop pioneers like Fab five Freddy.

[Andrew Sage]

I directed one of Nas's early videos.

[George Taveras]

Which one?

[Andrew Sage]

One Love.

[Joe Jonas]

Wow.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Yes.

[Andrew Sage]

I literally filmed in his apartment in Queensbridge. His moms was still up in that apartment. Nas was just beginning to take off. His pops used to live near me in Harlem. His dad introduced him to a whole lot of, you know, conscious stuff, and he made a young prodigy.

[Fab Five Freddy]

No matter the era, Drink Champs brings you the biggest names and the most unfiltered conversations. Listen to Drink Champs from the Black Effect Podcast Network on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Happy Pride from the Outspoken Podcast Network. All month long and all year round, we're celebrating being loud, proud, and always original. It's me, Brandon Kyle Goodman, host of the podcast tell me Something Messy. Check out my show for unfiltered takes on dating, relationships, and adulting.

[Andrew Sage]

The more you get comfortable with someone, the more their real self comes out. They're gonna be gross.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

What's the grossest thing about a man burping?

[Andrew Sage]

Shut it down.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

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[Andrew Sage]

Wait, so Luke was the father? Yeah.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

And Vader was turned by RuPaul?

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah, well, somebody turned into some old, old, old witch.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

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[Andrew Sage]

Now, speaking of the Philippines, we can turn now to that pacific node of the movement Network. Isabella de los Reyes was a moderate liberal of his time, somewhat privileged as a businessman, publisher, and journalist. But he wasn't afraid to advocate strongly against Spanish colonial rule and was arrested in connection to the Philippine Revolution of 1896 as part of a broader oppression against rebels, intellectuals, and activists. The revolution had begun prematurely after the Spanish authorities discovered their plot, and so many of the revolutionaries were imprisoned as a result. Now, while imprisoned, Isabello had to deal with the death of his wife and was unable to attend her funeral or do anything for their children. Naturally, after an experience like that, he would be pissed at the colonial injustices that he and his people suffered at the hands of the government and at the hands of the religious orders. He demanded political reform and was met with relocation, first to a Barcelona municipal jail and then to the infamous Montuish. While in Spain, he met several brave anarchists who had been imprisoned for various crimes, crimes including advocating for Cuban independence, protesting trials by Military courts and opening secular schools. Gasp. For children, which, I mean, it was. It was Catholic Spain at that point in time. Yeah, so that was like the worst thing you could possibly do. There were some anarchists who were in jail for assassinations, but I mean, come on, what's a little assassination between friends?

[Joe Jonas]

I mean, yeah, assassination and opening a school, I think is the same level of danger to the state at this point.

[Andrew Sage]

Indeed. And these dangerous criminals demonstrated a level of solidarity that really inspired Isabella. And while in prison, he also got access to anarchist literature and was able to take part in discussions with anarchists where he learned about their rejection of state authority, colonial domination and class hierarchy. Now, in this exile period, I don't think he ever became an anarchist. And I mean, late in his life even served as a senator. But he was profoundly influenced by the anarchists and did come to admire them for decades to come. Eventually, following the assassination of Canovas and the change in government in 1898, Isabello was freedom. He then moved to Madrid and started a fortnightly publication, Filipinas Anti Europa, an anti imperialist critique with particular focus on the growing American empire. And it's funny because after Spain lost their colonies to the us, all of a sudden, public opinion in Spain started to become sympathetic to the Filipino fight. It was like, oh, now we could start to feel bad for y'. All. You know, the Americans embarrassed us, so now we have some sympathy for your plight. And so Isabella criticized America's claim to be liberating the Philippines and Cuba as hypocrisy by pointing to the regular occurrence of lynchings and racist institutions within the us. And he also criticised the Filipino elite for their willingness to collaborate with the new colonial rulers. The Philippine Revolution was basically over by 1901, as a key leader named Emilio Aguinaldo was captured and had to swear allegiance to the us. By the way, Aguinaldo would also prove to be a collaborator later in his life as he worked with the Japanese occupiers of the Philippines during World War II. So it's a pattern of behavior for that guy, anyway. So after the end of the Revolution, Isabella decided to finally return to the Philippines to reunite with the six children he had with his first wife, who he hadn't seen in years, and to continue the struggle. Also, when he was in Spain, he got married. Isabella arrived in Manila with the works of Thomas Aquinas, Voltaire, Herd, Joseph Proudhon, Charles Darwin, Karl Marx, Peter Kropotkin and Erico Malatesta. He might have been the first person to bring the works of some of these thinkers to the Philippines. And I think we kind of understate that. Luck of the draw, I suppose, when we talk about the movement of ideas in the 19th and 20th centuries, you know, they didn't have the Internet. They didn't have the anarchist library.

[Joe Jonas]

It takes a lot of work. Yeah, yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

They didn't have all these accessible means of learning about these ideas. So if you didn't happen to know somebody who could bring in that kind of literature for you. Well, first of all, you wouldn't even know that literature existed unless somebody told you about it.

[Joe Jonas]

Yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

The access to information was severely limited. And so fortunately, Isabella brought these ideas to Philippines, and he was the first to do so in his time. But as we'll soon see, the history of the Philippines could have gone on a slightly different trajectory if he had not brought in that literature, learned about those ideas, started engaging and agitating on that basis based on, you know, his experiences. I mean, he. He ended up in a Spanish prison, of all places. So the Spanish empire that imprisoned him ended up sowing the seeds for rebellion in their former territory later on, as

[Joe Jonas]

it happens, a not uncommon turn of events, actually.

[Andrew Sage]

Indeed. So Isabella pulls up in Manila, and his reputation as an anti imperialist preceded him. He was labeled a dangerous anarchist. And it really didn't help that the US President McKinley had literally been shot to death by an anarchist just a month prior.

[Joe Jonas]

This. This whole period of time is just wild. Every time that I've done an episode with you about, like the late 1800s to early to early 1900s, it's always. It's always stuff like this. It's like.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah.

[Joe Jonas]

An unbelievable collection of happenings. Like, like history really has such a momentum during this period. Like, it's, it's. It's unbelievable.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah. I just. I really enjoy drawing those connections. Cause, I mean, he came to Manila with all these organizational plans. He was gonna start a party, he was gonna launch a newspaper. But as he pulls up and he. He realizes he's literally on a list.

[Joe Jonas]

Yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

You know, he kind of had to scrap those ideas and pull back a bit.

[Joe Jonas]

And like, Lenin's doing the same stuff like in Germany and Russia during the same time. Like, everyone. Everyone. Like everyone understands the mission.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah, yeah.

[Joe Jonas]

Everyone knows what has to happen.

[Andrew Sage]

And this is like before the standardization of passports.

[Joe Jonas]

Yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

This is before the global visa system. And so people are literally just moving around.

[Joe Jonas]

Yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

I mean, I always marvel at the fact that Erico Malatesta was like. He was getting active in Egypt at one point. He pulled up in Brazil. You know, everybody has to come to Brazil eventually. He was everywhere. Right. And these ideas were everywhere too, as a result of the movement of people bringing these books, bringing these ideas, get involved in conversation. It also helped, of course, that a lot of anarchists were printmakers.

[Joe Jonas]

Still are still.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah. Many such cases.

[George Taveras]

This is George Taveras and Sam Taggart from Stradiolab. Okay, picture it. Your apartment after a Saturday workout. The gym bag, the couch, maybe even the car. Mi amor. It's a full novella of odors, and not the glamorous kind.

[Sam Taggart]

That's where Fabrizio Febreze comes in. Boost, spray, spritz, plug or clip. It doesn't just mask odors, it fights them, honey.

[George Taveras]

Want long lasting scent you can control? Try Febreze Plug Scent Booster today. With the adjustable intensity dial, you can control the scent to match your mood. Plus, thanks to its Fade defy technology, your home stays first day fresh for up to 50 days.

[Sam Taggart]

Need a quick car rescue? Clip a Febreze car vent clip and map your ride to freshness. And don't forget the fabric refresher. While you can't cram that cushion in the washer, you can top off every pillow fluff with a spritz of fabric refresher.

[George Taveras]

Because home should smell like you. Fabulous. Fresh. Unforgettable.

[Sam Taggart]

Febreze is a proud sponsor of the Elton John Impact Awards, honoring those who have helped shape a more inclusive and compassionate world with their artistry, advocacy, and unwavering commitment to equality.

[George Taveras]

You won't want to miss the Elton John Impact awards podcast, available June 1 on the iHeartRadio app. And everywhere podcasts are heard.

[Joe Jonas]

Hey, it's us, the Jonas Brothers. And guess what? We have some big news. What's the news? Huge news. We created our own podcast called hey Jonas. We invented a podcast. Well, we didn't invent it. We. We just contributed to first people to do podcasts. Pretty. Yeah, pretty wide range of podcasts, but this one's extra special. So how did we. How do we actually come up with

[Andrew Sage]

the name hey Jonas?

[Joe Jonas]

Guys, I honestly don't remember.

[Andrew Sage]

I think it was on a call about what we should call it and,

[Joe Jonas]

well, we were thinking. I'm originally calling it one of the early names of our band before Jonas Brothers. This is how you guys remember it going down? Yes, I have a very different memory of this. We were talking about a thing a bit for the podcast where people could

[Andrew Sage]

call in and say, hey, Jonas.

[Joe Jonas]

And then I wrote down on my little notepad, hey, Jonas. And Offered it up as a potential title for the podcast, but thanks for remembering that.

[Andrew Sage]

Guys, listen to hey Jonas on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Just listen.

[Joe Jonas]

We don't care where you hear it.

[Fab Five Freddy]

June is Black Music Month, and on the Drink Champs podcast, we're speaking with the hottest names in the culture, like Swae Le.

[Andrew Sage]

Do you realize how legendary you are? I appreciate that I be seeing it, but I'm like, man, I still got, like, so much more to do. Like Prince, he dropped like, 30 albums. We dropped like five right now. That's the rate we gotta be going.

[George Taveras]

Yep, that's a good attitude.

[Fab Five Freddy]

You'll also hear stories from industry legends and hip hop pioneers like Fab five Freddy.

[Andrew Sage]

I directed one of Nas's early videos.

[George Taveras]

Which one?

[Andrew Sage]

One Love.

[George Taveras]

Wow.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Yes.

[Andrew Sage]

I literally filmed in his apartment in Queensbridge. His moms were still up in that apartment. Nas was just beginning to take off. His pops used to live near me in Harlem. His dad introduced him to a whole lot of, you know, conscious stuff, and he made a young prodigy.

[Fab Five Freddy]

No matter the era, Drink Champs brings you the biggest names and the most unfiltered conversations. Listen to Drink Champs from the Black Effect Podcast Network on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcast.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Happy Pride from the Outspoken Podcast Network. All month long and all year round, we're celebrating being loud, proud, and always original. It's me, Brandon Kyle Goodman, host of the podcast tell me something messy. Check out my show for unfiltered takes on dating, relationships, and adulting.

[Andrew Sage]

The more you get comfortable with someone, the more their real self comes out. They're gonna be gross.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

What's the grossest thing about a man burping?

[Andrew Sage]

Shut it down.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Listen to High key for the best pop culture takes. And there are no girls on the Internet. For all your tech news for your favorite celebrity Kiki's, check out outlaws with T.S. madison. Wait, so Luke was the Darna Vader?

[George Taveras]

Yeah.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

And Vader was turned by RuPaul.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah, well, somebody turned him some old, old, old witch.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Learn to love yourself unapologetically with BFF Black Fat Femme, and start your day with intention with waking up with Ryan coming in July. Celebrate Pride with the Outspoken Network on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Open your free iHeartRadio app. Search Pride and listen now.

[Andrew Sage]

So Isabello switched strategies. In his words, he took advantage of the occasion to put into practice the good ideas that he had learned from the anarchists of Barcelona, who were imprisoned with him in the infamous fortress of Montuish. So he started organising the working class in Manila. He had the benefit of actually being able to speak the language of the swathes of workers in Manila, because he happened to come from the same region of the vastly linguistically diverse Philippines that they did. He was from the Ilocos region of the island of Luzon and he natively spoke the Ilocano language. Like many of the workers that had migrated to Milan. Though he was technically part of the intelligentsia, Isabello had a connection to the roots, you know, to the people, the streets. And so he began by organizing the printers, of course, and helping them with their strikes. And from there, the efforts very quickly snowballed, far quicker than the elites could have anticipated, into a cross industry worker federation called the Union Obrera Democratica, the first of its kind in the entire country. The federation was flexible and loosely structured, which made it quite suited to undertaking various strike actions. But beyond demonstrations and strikes, Isabella also incorporated a little local flavor because the union was also involved in festivals and theatre and music events. So it was a combination of worker and non worker based organization. You get a little bit of everybody involved when you do that, rather than strictly focusing on just one plane of struggle and connection. Eventually, however, the Americans got their act together and met this movement with surveillance, arrest and trials. And though they couldn't legally justify keeping him in jail for very long, they did throw Isabelo back into jail for a short period. Now, the Wilca federation would eventually collapse, but the ideas remained. And those ideas fed directly into various labour organizations, socialist parties and guerrilla movements going forward. As for Isabello, his second wife, the one he married in Spain, died and two years later he married again to an 18 year old Isabella, married and was widowed three times. He actually outlived all of his wives and had a grand total of 27 children.

[Joe Jonas]

Jesus Christ.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah. I have no comments on what kind of father he may have been, but that's just.

[Joe Jonas]

I mean, yeah, you can, you can kind of assume based on those numbers, but yeah, that is what it is.

[Andrew Sage]

And the fact that he was, he was in Spain, got married in Spain, had six children back home who had lost their mother. Yeah, I mean, he wasn't in Spain by choice. Right. But yeah, you know, he was middle class, he may have had family back at home taking care of his children, but still, that's rough. Yeah, that is rough. So later on in his life, like I mentioned before, he got into electoral politics on the municipal level and the Senate level. And he also in his life got to work in religious reform, eventually founding the Aglipayan Church, which was the first ever Filipino independent Catholic Christian church.

[Joe Jonas]

Yeah, I was, I was wondering because like you, you mentioned he brought over Thomas Aquinas.

[Andrew Sage]

Yeah, yeah, he was very critical of the religious orders, the, the Spanish Catholic religious orders. But yeah, he ended up forming an independent Catholic church, so a Catholic church that is not associated with Rome.

[Joe Jonas]

Hmm. You, you said he didn't identify as an anarchist. Did he identify as like a socialist? Like what, what, what, what kind of was his, like, self defined politics, like, around, around this point? And like when he started running for office on the municipal level, I didn't

[Andrew Sage]

see how he defined himself. I think he considered himself to be a patriot, you know, patriot. Somebody who was pro labor. I don't know that he assigned himself necessarily the title of anarchist or liberal or anything like that.

[Joe Jonas]

Yeah.

[Andrew Sage]

He has, however, been called the father of the Philippine labor movement and the father of Filipino socialism. But what do we take from all of this? You know, the empire might globalize, trade might globalize, capital might globalize, various forms of suppression, but it inadvertently globalizes resistance. The same infrastructure that empires use to extend their reach across their claimed territories is the same infrastructure that radicals can use to fight. You know, even prison was used as a site of connection. A literal place of repression became a place that connected people across multiple countries. I think the lesson that I take away from this kind of narrative I've spun here between the Cuban Creole Fernando Turida, the Puerto Rican doctor Ramon Betances, the Italian Michelangelo, and the Filipino Isabelo de los Reyes, is that the globalization was not a one way imposition. We could potentially adopt the empire's tools to fight back and to network our resistance.

[Joe Jonas]

People who are doing resistance, but on the other side of the political spectrum do this same thing. Like the formation of ISIS in prisons because of how we imprisoned Al Qaeda members is a pretty key example of this. Yeah, this is a very common thing. Like, it turns out very, very often the master's tools actually are used to dismantle the master's house. That phrase still has some like, I think metaphorical uses, but in a sort of like literalist sense. I occasionally push back on it because, yeah, it does view movement as a one way thing. It has like, no dialectical analysis. And I think part of our job is like adapting and moving as empire and capital adapts and moves to the

[Andrew Sage]

flow of history 100%. And with that, as always, all power to all the people, peace.

[Joe Jonas]

It Could Happen Here is a production of Cool Zone Media. For more podcasts from Cool Zone Media, Visit our website coolzone media.com or check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts or wherever you listen to podcasts. You can now find sources for It Could Happen here listed directly in Episode Descriptions. Thanks for listening. Number one hits, Millions of records sold Awards Sold out tours. You think the Jonas Brothers are satisfied? Nope. It's podcast time.

[Andrew Sage]

We get to ask other people questions

[Joe Jonas]

because we're sick and tired of being asked questions.

[Brandon Kyle Goodman]

Hey Jonas is available now and their

[Joe Jonas]

first guest is a big one, Paul Rudd.

[Andrew Sage]

You know Steve Carell is a great singer. Let me tell you not to audition

[Joe Jonas]

the Office or something.

[George Taveras]

I told him we were filming Anchorman.

[Andrew Sage]

Clearly I was the idiot.

[George Taveras]

Thank God he didn't listen to me right?

[Joe Jonas]

Listen to hey Jonas on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts. This is an iHeart podcast. Guaranteed Human.