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This is Jocko, podcast number 525 with Echo Charles and me, Jocko Willink. Good evening, Echo. So we are picking up from the Last episode, episode 524. We are continuing on with the book Soldiers and Soldiering by ultra Bar ultra bard Archibald Wavel or Wavell. If you haven't listened to 524 yet and go start there, go back, listen to it, it'll give you a little more background. Field Marshal Wavell was a combat experienced leader in multiple wars on multiple fronts. He was also a military historian. He's a writer and you can get the rest of his bio in that last episode. But some of what he wrote was captured in this book, Soldiers and Soldiering. So we are picking up where we left off on the last podcast. So let's get back to the book. Here we go. As you are aware, the relations between soldiers and statesmen, and by the way, this section is called the Soldier and the Statesman. And really what it could be called when you read it could be called the Soldier and the politician, which obviously has its own little drama wrapped around it. As you are aware, the relations between soldiers and statesmen were not too happy in the late war. Broadly speaking, the politician charged the soldier with narrowness of outlook and, and professional pedantry, while the soldier was inclined to ascribe many of his difficulties to political interference. And pedantry is like the rigid following of rules. So, you know, the politicians, like, you have to do this thing right here, and. And then the soldiers going, yeah, well, how are we supposed to get our job done when we're being so tightly controlled by the politicians? But it goes on to say here, political generals are anathema to the British military tradition, which means detested by the British military tradition. Like the political year about, oh, that guy's a politician. It was a negative thing, which is a weird thing, by the way, because let's face it, if you're a general or an admiral, you better be able to politically maneuver to get things done, otherwise you're not gonna be able to get anything done, because it's all done through political maneuvering. But of course, it's an, it's a derogatory term sale. That guy's just a politician right yet. And it goes on to say here, yet. Most of the best British commanders had political experience. Cromwell was for many years a member of Parliament before he took to soldiering. Marlborough, of whom we have just spoken, had far more experience of political intrigue than of military service. When he began his career, his career As a general, Wellington had been a member of both Irish and British parliaments. So you're talking about these leaders. They're a bunch of politicians. The relations. Fast forward a little bit. The relations of that great and wise man, Lincoln. He's talking about President Lincoln with his generals are well worth study having after many trials found a man whom he trusted in Grant. So Lincoln fired a bunch of generals before he landed on Grant, who got the job done. He left him to fight his campaigns without interference. I'm going to read to you an extract from a letter written by Lincoln to one of his generals. I think will show you his quality. And so this is a letter from Abraham Lincoln to Joseph Hooker fighting Joe Hooker, who was, who lost the battle at Chancellorsville. He was replaced by Meade, who won the battle of Gettysburg. Hooker was like a brash kind of boozer type guy. And there's a story that, that hookers, like prostitutes, are called hookers because of this guy, because he had like a band of hookers of prostitutes that, that went with him when he rolled. Okay, so again, and, and as I research that our boy, our boy JD has, you know, he's told me that story a bunch of times, like hookers. You know what I mean? So, but as I researched it more deeply, I. It may or may not be true. Okay, there, there, there, there is usage of the word hookers to describe prostitutes prior to this. But he definitely popularized it, or I should say, it looks like he definitely prop. Popularized it. So this is Abraham Lincoln. He's going to give command of the army of the Potomac to Hooker. And here's what he said. I have placed you at the head of the army of the Potomac. Of course, I've done this upon what appears to me sufficient reason. And yet I think it is best for you to know that there are some things in regard to which I am not quite satisfied with you. That's pretty. This is like just in the clear. Yeah, this is. You're the President of the United States and you, you've got a guy, you're trying to get somebody to win this war for you, and it's not been happening. And so now you got to roll the dice on this guy. So you're like, hey, this is what I like and this is what I don't like. I believe you to be a brave and skillful soldier, which of course I like. I also believe you do not mix politics with your profession, in which you are right. You have confidence in yourself, which is a valuable, if not indispensable Quality. So he's coming out of the gate. Three positives. You are ambitious, which within reasonable bounds, does good rather than harm. Another positive. Now it's about to shift a little bit. I think that during General Burnside's command of the army, you have taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted him as much as you could. In which you did a great, great wrong to the country and to a most meritorious and honorable brother officer. So when, when Burnside was leading the army, our boy Hooker, like, did interviews and disparaged him and said, yeah, Burnside doesn't know what he's doing. That type of thing. We see that American politics all the time going on From Lincoln. I have heard in such a way as to believe it of you. You're recently saying that both the army and the government now needed a dictator. Of course, it was not for this, but in spite of it that I have given you command. So he didn't agree with him. And I'm giving you this job, even though I don't. It's despite the fact that you said that only those generals who gain success can set up as dictators. What I now ask of you is military success. And I will risk the dictatorship. So he's like, hey, if you win, you could become a dictator. And I'm willing to take that risk because we need to win. The government will support you to the utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor less than is done and will do for all commanders. I much fear that the spirit which you have decided to infuse into the army of criticizing their commander and withholding confidence from him will now turn upon you. Dude, Lincoln, just straight to the point. Yeah, you talked a bunch of about Burnside, and now you got to be ready because people are going to talk about you. I shall assist you as far as I can to put it down. So even though you did that, I'm going to try and help you out. And I'm not going to put up with any of this disparaging of you. Neither you nor Napoleon, if he were alive again, could get any good out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it. So you talk so much about Burnside that it wouldn't matter if it was Napoleon. He couldn't have been successful. And now, beware of rashness. Beware of rashness. But with energy and sleepless vigilance. Vigilance. Go forward and give us victories. Pretty good letter, man. Strong. We probably need to dive into some more of our boy Abraham Lincoln. Fast forward a little bit. He Says, doesn't that strike you as the letter that only a great man and wise man could have written? Lincoln did not find in Fighting Joe Hooker the general he wanted because he eventually got fired. It was a less. It was Ulysses S. Grant whom he eventually selected as commander in chief. And then he trusted him through thick and thin, though he. Grant suffered many reverses and had often very heavy casualties. To a critic. To a critic who alleged that Grant drank, Lincoln replied by asking him to ascertain the brand of whiskey so he could send a case to some of the other generals. Your boy Grant's a drunk. Oh, what's he drinking? Let's send it to some of the other generals. This recalls the reply of George II to one of his ministers who described Wolf, who took Quebec as mad, quote, I wish to heavens he would bite some of my other generals. Oh, those are good. Fast forward a little bit. That brings me back to the point I tried to make in my first lecture. This is what we covered on the first podcast, that it is knowledge of the mechanics of war, not the principles of strategy, that distinguishes a good leader from a bad. And when he talks about the mechanics of war, he's talking about logistics. Basically, he's talking about logistics. Interchangeability between the statesman and the soldier passed. Passed forever, I fear. In the last century, the Germans professionalized the trade of war, and modern inventions by increasing its technicalities. Have specialized. Is much the same with politics, professionalized by democracy. So it used to be you could get what you could kind of be both. Because war was like, hey, we got swords, we got bow and arrows. I can understand that. We got politics, which is politics. You got to go interact with other people. But then all of a sudden, we got all these aircraft, we got ships, we got tanks, we got different weapons, we got artillery. You got to learn. That becomes a trade. And then you got politics, which becomes all this, you know, who you know, and networking and all stuff. And they both became too big, and so they became specialized. No longer can one man hope to exercise both callings, though both are branches of the same craft. The governance of men and the ordering of human affairs. So it doesn't matter if you're a politician and it doesn't matter if you're a general. It doesn't matter if you're the commanding officer or the CEO of a company or you're in charge of your family. What are you doing? You got the governance of man and the ordinary of human affairs. That's what we're doing. That's leadership by the way and acquiring proficiency in his branch. The politician has many advantages over the soldier. He is always in the field while the soldiers opportunities of practicing his trade in peace are few and artificial. So politician, every time they roll out, they're. They're doing politics, they're doing a press conference, they're meeting with so and so, they're going to the thing. But you know, as a soldier you only get to practice war in war. Otherwise just practice. And this practice is few and it's artificial, it's fake, you're not really killing anybody. The politician who has to persuade and confute must keep an open and flexible mind. Accustomed to criticism and argument. The mind of a soldier who commands and obeys without question is apt to be fixed, drilled and attached to definite rules. I will not take the comparison further. That each should understand the other better is essential for the conduct of modern war. So we get the politicians. It's actually saying this in a positive way. The politicians have an open mind. They can take criticism, they can adjust what their beliefs are. Whereas the soldier, they're like fixed and not changing their mind. And they're attached to the rules. And each one of them could learn a little bit from the other. Right. We want to be, we want to be able to be both those things when I have an open mind. But we got to also know how to execute the thing. But how is this knowledge to be acquired? The only keys are a thoughtful study of the past. That's why we're doing this podcast right now. That's why we're reviewing this book. A receptive mind in the present and when the occasion comes, a patient understanding of each other's difficulties. So understanding what makes it challenging. The soldier is apt to disregard or underrate the statesman, the statesman's difficulties. So you know, the, the soldiers like what is wrong. Why don't they just give us the money? We only just give us the thing. Why don't they give us the go ahead? Why don't they give us the execute order? Why can't they change the rules for us? We don't understand how complicated it can be. I remember one of our present politicians giving an apt illustration of this tendency. He instanced a soldier's impatience at the slow slowness of a statesman to implement some political measure which was agreed to be essential, say compulsory, compulsory service. If you agree it has to be done, why not do it at once? Says the soldier. The politician might retort thus, when you come to a river, when you come to a river line defended by the enemy. Which you must cross to reach the objective. Do you assault it forthwith? Of course not. The soldier will reply. It is essential to reconnoiter, to group the artillery, to construct bridges, to draw the enemy's attention away from the point of crossing, and so on. Just so says the politician, so must I. Prepare the public opinion, anticipate objections, drop a measure for which will be fair to all classes, arrange for the medical examination of men liable, decide on exemptions and so forth. So each one of these, the politician goes, why don't you just go, Go assault the targets. Like, bro, we got things we got to figure out.
