B (42:04)
Oh, it's a huge, huge loss. I had Rob Bonta, the attorney general from California, on the Intersection, my Tuesday night show here on the Midas Touch Network. And I, he was very pithy, which I love about Rob Ag Bonta when he briefs our audience. I said, what do you think this decision means in terms of all the other National Guard cases, including yours in Oregon and California? He says they're dead. He said, he said this should kill all of them because this is what. And now we know why they were taking a month and a half to render this decision. Didn't take a month and a half to write the four pages of the majority decision, 6 to 3, the concurrence for Kavanaugh. That reads like a dissent. I want to focus on that in a minute. And the, and the Alito written dissent joined by Gorsuch and Thomas and taken a month and a half to do that. Takes a month and a half to do a hundred page decision about presidential immunity, not this. So why? Because they weren't rushed. Because they knew they, they had the votes early on with the caucus. They knew that they had the votes to approve of what the judges were doing on the ground in the lower courts. So they weren't concerned when the 9th Circuit a week ago said, yeah, you can't have, you know, the LA National Guard or, or, or Charles Breyer, the senior judge in San Francisco, got the troops off the ground in la and that they weren't concerned because they knew they were going to be finding that regular forces means the military. Now, here's the problem. The problem is this invites a Donald Trump's use of the Insurrection act, which is one of the Limited exceptions to the Posse Combatant Act. See, the way our government works it is he's not the commander in chief on domestic soil, so to speak. He has to get a delegation of authority from Congress to use to nationalize, federalize the National Guard to the state militia and to use these kind of troops. So you have to look to statutes and delegations of authority. Posse Combata Sack says you can't, don't, don't look to the military for domestic law enforcement. So that's out. Insurrection act says, oh, you got an insurrection. The big I word that was so. That was so. What's the word I'm looking for? That was so scary that even the Biden's Department of Justice didn't use it for prosecuting the 1600 or so insurrectionists that attacked the Capitol. Remember, they the highest charge was seditious conspiracy, not insurrection, even though we all call it an insurrection. They call it a mob or a rebellion or whatever. But these have defined terms, or they're becoming defined terms within these various statutes. So when they asked the question for further briefing, what are the regular forces? There was a split immediately. Some courts, some courts argued that regular forces meant the military. U.S. military, like the army, combined with local law enforcement and federal security officers that like patrol ice, right, there's a security team there. Some said, no, it's only the armed forces and you have to look to them first if you can and you don't violate the Posse Comitatus act before you call for backup and go cross sovereignty lines and snatch the National Guard away from the governor. Which makes sense given how our country was cobbled together in federalism between state power and federal government power and the 10th amendment of the Constitution. And the Federalist Papers that are always get cited. I never thought I'd seen Federalist Papers cited so much in the last year in court cases like, well, it's Alexander Hamilton said, or as you know, Marbury versus Madison. I've never thought we'd see Marbury versus Madison as much as we have one of the leading cases from 1807, no less. So here they said they went down that road. They said, okay, we know Trump did not use the military before he grabbed the National Guard. Does he have to? And they concluded he does. And if he can, if he can't, then he, then he can go to the National Guard. Because the Posse Combata block certain things. Things. Alito's all up in arms in his dissent, frothing at the mouth because, well, of course there's an exception to the Posse Combatantus Act. It's 10 USC 12, 4 06, which says if there's an invasion or a rebellion or you can't execute the laws without the regular forces or with regular forces is not enough. There you go. You can use the National Guard. And six out of the nine said, no, you're wrong, Alito. That's not what that means. There has to still be a delegation from Congress and there still has to be that analysis. Kavanaugh raises the specter in his, in his concurrence, which I had to read twice because I thought it was a dissent. But he, in his footnote, he talks about the Insurrection act, and maybe this will now lead to more army and less National Guard being called up on the streets of America. So we got that to worry about. The other thing I didn't like about Kavanaugh's decision, remember, this is. Now when I say remember, it's really for our audience to get a handle on where we are in the procedure. We're not at the substance of this case. The question was that the 7th Circuit properly block the deployment of the National Guard in their analysis that 12406 had been violated. Subsection three, yes or no. And the court said, yeah, we're not at the merits yet, which was full briefing and oral argument, and we'll get there another time. But yeah, go ahead. Don't let the National Guard be used by Donald Trump under this formula that he's been using. It's wrong. And they wanted to tell him it's wrong now. But there's still going to be a substantive case a year from now or whenever. And Kavanaugh, even if he leaves, it may still just be a 5 to 4 decision with Amy Coney Barrett sliding over with Justice Roberts to form the six, with Kavanaugh to form the six person block. Here's what Kavanaugh says, which pissed the shit out of me. That's a, that's a legal term. Undefined. He said. He starts trolling the American people and rewriting history about January 6th. So he says, well, the court's legal interpretation is on page five of his dissent, as I understand it could lead to potentially significant implications for future crises. I'm like, all right, go ahead, consider a hypothetical. I'm like, you got me. Go. Suppose a mob rapidly gathers outside the US Courthouse in Philadelphia. So now we're just substituting the Capitol and now a federal courthouse for this doomsday scenario in response to an unpopular decision or to influence the outcome of a pending matter. Oh, you Mean to try to stop the certification of an election. Okay, go ahead. Suppose also that the mob is threatening to storm the courthouse Capitol and attack the federal judges, the legislators and their staff. And to damage or burn down the building. Check, check, check. Thereby preventing the execution of federal law. Suppose further, the US Military cannot readily mobilize to deploy to the site in time. Or the commander in chief is sitting at a dining room table watching the Capitol burn, not authorizing the National Guard nor the army to protect the Capitol. There's the rewrite of history about this particular president. President. Suppose further, the US Military cannot readily mobilize to deploy. That the local police and federal security officers are outnumbered. Oh, you mean like the Metro Police and the Capitol Police who couldn't hold the line, who are outmatched. And the president wants to federalize the National Guard units to protect the courthouse. Unlike what Donald Trump did, which we know from the January 6th Committee, under the court's order, even in those circumstances, he couldn't federalize. So, see, Democrats, that's. We're just gonna have another Jan.6 again, and then you'll want the National Guard with some president of yours, and you won't have it. Why is this necessary, this analysis? Ben, in the middle of his concurrence, where he has to show his. I'm gonna answer the question. Where he's gonna show is he's gotta show his bona fides and his fidelity and loyalty to the fearless leader Donald Trump, in the middle of his joining the majority against Donald Trump.