← London Real
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- [00:01]
A
If the political class don't get a grip of the problem quickly, the steps required are going to get ever more drastic. It's already the 11th hour and 59th minute. There isn't a war going on. But the threats we face are no less than the ones we faced in 1939. We've got to stop this stupidity. We've got to start deregulating, cutting taxes, promoting our small and medium sized businesses. None of this is being done by the Labour Party and sadly, none of that was done by the Conservative Party either. How are you going to expect a criminal justice system to work if at the heart of the Pakistani rape gangs is the protective blanket our institutions have put round? We need a revolution to save the country.
- [00:42]
B
I honestly don't see how it reverses. I don't see a Trump of Europe.
- [00:46]
A
There's no hope of a Trumpian kind of path. But what I'm really hoping for is that the centre of gravity of acceptable political discourse continues to move in favour of a sovereign, proud, prosperous United Kingdom. And I think Advance UK is going to surprise people with how well it does.
- [01:04]
B
When did you partner up with Tommy and what is your relationship with Tommy?
- [01:08]
A
Like many others, I saw Tommy as the Voldemort of politics as well, the bad boy of everything. And Tommy Robinson's incarceration was a manifestation of how this country's gone wrong. It was clear that he was put in prison for political reasons and therefore it was worth calling it out. We sort of came to know more of each other through that way. And I'm delighted that he's joined the party and I'm delighted that he supports the party.
- [01:33]
B
I've spoken to a lot of people over the years, Ben, but really enjoyed it. You clearly are a man on a mission with real sincere purpose.
- [01:41]
A
What matters to me is that the next government is pro British and stands by principle, not expediency, and will deliver this country from the perils in which it finds itself. And I'll stand bloody until either I prevail, we prevail, or I fall on the battlefield.
- [02:03]
B
Foreign Hey, I know investing in crypto is scary. It takes a real leap of faith because there are so many scams, rug pulls and bad actors out there. It's a dangerous business, which is why 95% of people lose all their money. Well, that's why I created the London Real Investment Club, so you can access the hottest deals on the planet and use the crypto full market to create the generational wealth that you deserve. Join my team of over 100 people from around the world that are making millions of dollars behind the scenes investing in blockchain, AI, web, three games, DeFi, Bitcoin and more. Don't miss out. Click the link below to book a call with one of my team now. But hurry, this bull market will end soon. I know investing crypto can be scary. That's why you got to join the investor club. Pull the trigger. Let's the world is changing. Inspiration is everywhere. It has never been so easy to connect, share and bring people together. We're learning from others and finding the best in ourselves. Challenging our beliefs, sharing our vulnerability. Overcoming our fears. Transforming ourselves so we can transform the world. How far can we go? This is London Real. I am Brian Rose. My guest today is. This is London Real. I am Brian Rose. My guest today is Ben Habib, the politician, businessman and leader of the new political party advance uk. You were elected as a member of the European Parliament in 2019, where you became a vocal supporter of Brexit and a fierce critic of the EU's grip on British sovereignty. Today with Advance UK, you're challenging the two party system and calling for real change on issues from immigration and, and free speech to economic reform. As a successful property investor and entrepreneur, you bring a business perspective to politics, warning that Britain will dangerously decline unless it confronts uncontrolled immigration, government failure and the silencing of dissent. Two weeks ago, you were the only politician who took part in the March on London political rally alongside Tommy Robinson, a massive event that sparked controversy and debate about free speech, protest rights and the future of British democracy. Ben, welcome to London Real.
- [05:00]
A
Well, thank you very much for having me on, Brian. It's a pleasure to be here. And I was just saying earlier what a wonderful studio you've got and this backdrop of these terrific 19th century looking union flags. Union Jacks, actually. They look like. They look like they've come off the back of a ship, don't they?
- [05:16]
B
Yeah, We've had these for 10 years now, you know, flying them proudly here.
- [05:22]
A
They're great.
- [05:23]
B
I never saw anything wrong with that. In fact, a lot of people know these flags because they've seen this show. The show's been watched over a billion times.
- [05:33]
A
So I've had people come in a billion times.
- [05:34]
B
A billion times.
- [05:35]
A
Yeah.
- [05:35]
B
So I've had people that come in and they're like, I know this show because the flags, the black, the backdrop and it's called London Real because when I started this show I knew that. I believe London is one of the greatest brand names in the World and one of the greatest cities in the world. And even though I was born in America, you know, this city is just given me everything. You know, I've always had tremendous success here. And it's really a city I love and really care about, you know, as. I guess as do you.
- [06:07]
A
Yeah, and me, I mean, I came to England in 1979, went to boarding school, then went to university, and I came to London in 1987 as a graduate recruit at what was then called Sherson Lehman Brothers, but you'll know it as Lehman Brothers. And I remember being quite in awe of London, almost overwhelmed by London when I first came at the age of 22. And then I had a three month stint in New York. And coming back to London was like coming to a village. And I've absolutely adored London ever since.
- [06:41]
B
That's fascinating because I had the same experience I was in New York after college. I went to mit, got an engineering degree, went to Wall street for four years. And when I came to London, I was like, phew, you can breathe. This is a suburb. Yeah. And so I've been, you know, indoctrinated to the extreme and so I could operate here, you know, freely. And, you know, you've got the Hampstead Heath, you can jump in the pond and it's.
- [07:04]
A
I know when I came back from, I lived in Manhattan for those three months and you can't even see the sky really because of all the tall buildings. And if you want to go for a run on the pavement, you're dodging people all the time. And I came to London, thought, wow, we're so lucky to have London.
- [07:19]
B
And yet I have tourists that come here and they say this place is so intense I can barely handle it. And I'm like, really?
- [07:26]
A
So.
- [07:26]
B
Yeah, I know, I know what you mean. And so many people come to London and they just compliment, you know, maybe how used to be. But friendly people and, you know, it's still, you know, one of the great metropolises, but we can talk about where London is along that way. You know, I had this burning question that I'm trying to get my head around when I saw you on stage on that protest with Tommy. And I had Tommy in here a few weeks ago.
- [07:50]
A
I saw. Yeah.
- [07:51]
B
And I had an amazing conversation with Tommy and it's the first time I spoke to Tommy, even though he's been on my radar for a long time. And one of the crazy things is, Ben, is that I'm in the media business and yet I still have media biases towards people which is crazy because if anyone should know that the media never portrays someone correctly, it would be someone in this business. And yet still people walk into the studio and I have all these preconceived notions about them because of the headlines that I've read. And yet almost always when I sit there and talk to them for a couple hours and what's that old proverb? Walk a mile in a man's shoes, I realize why they're the person that they are. And that really helps a lot to understand why they feel that way and the journey they've been on. And that's what I got from Tommy. And so I wanted to have you here, but when I saw you on that stage, I said, here is Ben Habib.
- [08:42]
A
Right?
- [08:42]
B
And as you said, you were born in Pakistan, you didn't move to Britain until you were 14, your father's Muslim, and you're on stage with Tommy Robinson, a British nationalist who in some way shape or form believes the plight of England is due to Muslim rape gangs.
- [08:58]
A
Right?
- [08:58]
B
And I'm sitting there thinking these are two opposites and yet you're getting on like a house on fire and the crowd is cheering for you. So Ben, please explain to me this conundrum.
- [09:09]
A
So I'm. My dad is Pakistani and he is Muslim. My mother is English, blue eyed blonde from Eiselworth and her father fought in World War I and my great grandfather was a vicar. So I have two different sides from which I was born. And I was born in Karachi in 1965, which was post imperial India, if you like, Pakistani side of India, but post imperial India with the tailwinds of, of British Empire still, you know, going through the streets of Karachi. And so we grew up with a very anglicized, you know, in a very anglicized way. And the school I went to in Karachi, which was the Karachi Grammar School, was a school set up by the British when they were there. It taught an English syllabus. It was the, it was the time in history when we actually had pride in the United Kingdom across the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth was relatively new back in 1960 through to 79. And the British, the sense of our former British rulers was a positive one. Everyone was proud of the fact that, you know, we were part of the Commonwealth and that Pakistan had had an imperial British past. And just like in the United Kingdom, our history is being rewritten. It has been rewritten in Pakistan too. So I find that Pakistanis whom I grew up with and were very pro the west when I was a child, less pro the west now. But there's been a form of indoctrination taking place, particularly in the Muslim world. And we can talk about Islam if you'd like to, but particularly in the Muslim world. And the other thing, you know, about the sort of period in which I was born was that Islam was going through a kind of enlightened period. I'm sure you're familiar, Brian, with photographs of Iran, Tehran, Baghdad, Beirut, Karachi, Islamabad from that era, 1950s and 60s. All the women have their hair open, they're all wearing skirts and dresses.
- [11:16]
B
They're cosmopolitan.
- [11:17]
A
Cosmopolitan. And Islam has regressed. We've jumped straight into Islam, but Islam has regressed since then. And when I left Karachi in 1979, it was still relatively enlightened form of Muslim practice. But during the 80s, Wahhabism, this more fundamentalist form of Islam, which, by the way, I think Islam has a tendency to head back towards. Every time it gets enlightened, it gets yanked back to fundamentalism. You know, this Wahhabi fundamentalist form of Islam was exported out of Saudi Arabia with petrodollars and so on. And we seem to have taken some of the worst forms of that into the United Kingdom. And. And Tommy Robinson, to give him his due. You know, many of us are Johnny come lately to waking up to what's been going on. And as a working class, this is how I understand it as a working class lad in Luton. And I remember going through luton in the 1980s and thinking, this looks like downtown Karachi, really back in the 80s, because I used to go through Luton. I was at Cambridge University. My parents lived. My parents had a house in Berkhamstead. So I used to take the A505 through Luton. And I used to think this place looks like downtown Karachi in certain places. So I can see what Tommy Robinson grew up with. And if you, you know, if you're experiencing a foreign culture, a culture that is proselytizing, which is muscular, which doesn't hold itself to itself and is very fundamental and unforgiving in its ideology. You're going to feel that coming into your community. And so someone like Tommy Robinson, I'm sure he's not alone in having experienced it, would have seen it much earlier than I did. I was in the ivory towers of Cambridge, then Lehman Brothers in the city, living in comfortable suburbs, and not even suburbs, central London. And so as I was saying to you, Brian, before I came on, I've been on a journey and I think Tommy Robinson has been on a journey ahead of many of us. And he's been made the Voldemort of British politics. For some reason, as you rightly point out, the media can grab someone and they can mold him into this person they wish him to be. Look, he's no saint as far as I can see. You know, he comes from Luton, he's working class, he's got tattoos, he's. But he's a straight talking, straight shooter from what my experience of him is. And they've turned him into the Voldemort of politics. He is the bad boy of everything. And, you know, I think if he's been on a journey, it's not for me to opine on his journey, but I think the journey he's been on is himself trying to understand how the hell did this country go from what I was born into to where it is now. How the hell did it get here? You know, we all ask ourselves that question. And getting to the answer of that question, by the way, I think is a critically important step because if you can't answer the question, it manifests itself in anger and you want to hit out at whatever it is that's caused this. But if you can get to the root causes of the problem, and this is where politicians need to really exercise their focus, get to the root causes of these problems, be brave in revealing what the root causes of these problems are. How did the United Kingdom become as it is now, precisely, and therefore what are the solutions? And that is our job. You know, there were what, well over half a million people who came to that march, Some say a million. I know many people tried to come to the rally and couldn't make it and had to go back on train. There were two and a half million people watching. Now that, let's say there were 3,4 million people interested in what was happening on the 13th of September. If the politicians only response to that is these are a bunch of lunatics who are far right troublemakers, nationalists and so on, if that's their reaction, then those people will feel vilified. They'll feel that the political class who should represent them have turned their backs on them. There'll be no route for those people to give effect to the changes they wish to see in the country democratically and peaceably. And therefore it falls to politicians. And I think it's critical and important and that's why I spoke at the rally. It falls to politicians to engage, find out what the issues are that's troubling these people, get to the root causes of these problems, reveal those problems and through revealing them Find the solutions, propose the solutions and put a proverbial arm of friendship round the people and say, we get it, we are going to sort this out for you. But even after that march, Starmer came out and said, well, this is a bunch of far right people who've gathered in London and they're hijacking the flag and we've got to reclaim the flag. He doesn't get it. And one thing I wanted to say in my speech on that day, which I didn't say, was that now Parliament. In the 1980s when I first came to London, Parliament had no protection around it. You could literally see all the Parliamentary buildings from the road. And then we had the IRA bombs and they put barricades up and then we started bombing Iraq and doing all sorts of stuff abroad. And so we needed more protections around Parliament. And I was horrified to go there the other day. I don't know if you've been there recently, but now they've got a ninth of foot tall metal fence all the way down the front of Parliament. That is the best optical revelation of how Parliament has now turned its back on the people. Parliament doesn't represent its people. It's sitting separately from its people. And because it sits separately from its people, it feels the need of this massive metal fence. It has literally put a fence in the way of its own obligations. And we must as politicians now understand what the hell is going on in this country. And we've got to. I think this country is facing an existential threat. I think if we don't get a grip of the problems and start resolving them quickly, I think the United Kingdom, Western Europe, Western civilization, I think will cease to exist in the way that you and I remember it through most of our lives.
- [17:41]
B
Yeah, I honestly don't see how it reverses at this point. Unless there is some drastic action, I don't see a Trump of Europe, I don't see anyone that can turn it around. And let's remind ourselves that Trump almost didn't make it and he maybe could have not been elected and that's a point of potential reversal of that trend. But I don't see it in Western Europe.
- [18:04]
A
So, I mean, I disagree with you actually, if you don't mind me saying so, Brian. I mean, I think five years ago ideologically this, this country was in a much worse place than it is now. You know, the million people or whatever it was, two and a half million people online wouldn't have felt able to come out five years ago and show their support. The so called Overton Window, the center of gravity of acceptable political discourse has undoubtedly shifted in favor of the nation state of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, borders policies being made for the nation state, et cetera, rather than this extreme form of what I call liberal global ideology that seems to have infected our political class. The reason they turn their back on the British people is because actually they do hold the British people in contempt. They think their job should be done on the world stage, governing for the globe. That's why we have so many policies that are so detrimental to the United Kingdom. And because they're governing for the globe, they don't actually recognize our own borders. Starmer can't even bring himself to call those who've entered this country illegal migrants. He calls them irregular migrants because he's completely hijacked by this global order. He's pro eu, he's pro. He even said, I think when he was being interviewed by Emily Maitlis, when she asked him, would you rather be in Davos or Westminster? He said, I'd rather be in Davos. This was a guy who was standing to be Prime Minister of this country. He'd rather be in a foreign place with a whole load of foreign leaders than with his people in the United Kingdom. But I think that's changing. And it's evidenced by the march. It's evidenced by the way Reform UK is doing so well in the polls and the way Advance UK will do very, very, very well in the polls in the future once we're registered as a political party. So I think we can save the uk. I think the British people want the UK to be saved. They know in their hearts what's required to save it. But you make a very powerful point, Brian, and you said that the steps required are going to be drastic. How do you get out of a rat race? How do you create wealth not only.
- [20:07]
B
For yourself, but also for the generations to come after?
- [20:11]
A
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- [20:13]
B
Of companies that we're getting exposure to. We go on to zoom calls with the innovators and the folks who are building new applications in Metaverse, blockchain, artificial intelligence, decentralized finance. What's going on, everybody? Thumbs up if you can see me. We are focusing on early stage investment and the quality of people that we're getting exposure to, whether it be Dan.
- [20:36]
A
Tapiero with one rt, Jason Ma from.
- [20:38]
B
Open A Yatsu from Animoca.
- [20:40]
A
It's been a phenomenal experience thus far. It has far exceeded my expectations.
- [20:46]
B
We are focusing on cutting edge technologies.
- [20:49]
A
I view it now as the best investment I have ever made. The upside I view is unlimited.
- [20:55]
B
And as a retail investor, I would never get this exposure anywhere else out.
- [20:59]
A
Of of investment club. See you in the investment club. And the steps required are going to get ever more drastic if the political class don't get a grip of the problem quickly. It's already the 11th hour and 59th minute, it is already very late in the day, but they have to grab it. And if they leave it longer, then the steps become more drastic, more draconian. And what we don't want, what we want to avoid at all possible cost, is a solution that isn't peaceful. We must take the support of the people, give it a voice and have a peaceable outcome to this for everyone involved.
- [21:41]
B
And that's why you got into politics?
- [21:44]
A
Well, that's not why I got into politics. I've been on a journey, as I mentioned, and I got into politics simply because I thought the political class were lying about leaving the eu. They lied when they said that simply voting to leave the EU would mean we'd have a massive recession. A million jobs would be lost, 75,000 jobs would be lost in the city. Mark Carney, who is the hapless governor of the bank of England, said that there'd be a run on the banks. I don't know if you remember that. I don't remember. He said in 2016 there would be a run on the banks if we voted to leave the EU. And therefore he was putting aside £250 billion to save the British banking system. Now there's nothing more likely to get the British banking system into trouble than the governor of the bank of England saying it might get into trouble and therefore I'm putting money aside. He was actually perpetrating Project Fear. And I thought, something is wrong with our political class. He shouldn't even be opining in politics. Correct. He's the blooming governor of the bank of England. And that was the beginning of my journey that I've been on. So my first battle was with the eu. And as I engage with the eu, I realized actually the EU is one manifestation of a global order that is seeking to take control of countries, denude them of their domestic democracies. And when you denude a country of its democracy, you denude it of its national identity. If you're not making laws in your own country for your own people, you're no longer a nation state. If you take down borders, as they have done in Europe with the Schengen Zone, you're no longer a nation state. And then I saw this manifestation actually being applied much more broadly across the globe. Lockdowns were a wake up call for me. You know, a totalitarian response initiated in China, was adopted wholesale across the west in the, early, in the, in the late 60s. We had a virulent form of flu and there was no lockdown. People just had to ride the wave. We all know that viruses evolved to settle down and become endemic as opposed to in the form of extreme epidemic. We had an epidemic which would have become benign and endemic, and we had to get through that. But we had this top down control of the British people. And then we had vaccinations. And vaccinations are great if they work, but they should never be mandatory. And it was shoved down our throat. Normally it takes 17 years for a drug to go from origination to market. They got this thing out in a year and they were forcing it down our throats. And so I've realized that the threats facing the United Kingdom, facing Western Europe and Western civilization more generally, obviously from the EU and organizations like the eu, but they're manifold and they all come from this kind of liberal global order. Mass migration being one, one example of the way they've allowed, you know, nation states to be set aside, borders being taken down. And we need to fight against all of this. We need to reinstitute the nation state, we need to reinstitute freedom of speech. Because in the pursuit of propagating their extreme ideologies, the way we've been governed with net zero open borders, our culture being set aside, the only way you can shut the people up is by shutting down speech. And so we've got to fight against the shutting down of freedom of our speech, which is the cornerstone of democracy. We've got to throw off the shackles of international law so that we can actually do what we need to for our people in this country. And fundamentally, we've got to find again equality before the law. Because having practiced all these extreme policies with mass migration and putting a protective blanket around foreign cultures and setting our own culture aside, we've effectively also undermined our criminal justice system. You know, we, we will throw the, the book at white working class people, but we will protect ethnic minorities. And even the sentencing council, for example, that guides courts on the kinds of sentences that they should set for particular crimes, was advising our judicial system to treat ethnic minorities more leniently than they treat white people. Why? Since when did lady justice have her blindfold removed? The whole point about law and its application is that it should be blind, that if you do the time, if you do the crime, you do the time. And so all of these things have conspired to undermine our place in Western civilization, undermine Western civilization itself. And I'm still learning more and more of what has been done and therefore what must be reversed in order to get us back to a safe, safe place.
- [26:37]
B
All right, so you started in 19 as a member of the European Parliament, to keep pushing Brexit through, from what I understand.
- [26:43]
A
Yeah. Which is quite a binary thing.
- [26:45]
B
Right, yeah.
- [26:45]
A
You know, but it's a much bigger battle than just Brexit.
- [26:48]
B
Right, okay. And then you joined Reform last year?
- [26:52]
A
I joined reform in March 2023.
- [26:55]
B
2023. Okay.
- [26:57]
A
Reform was the new manifestation of what I had been a part of, the Brexit party.
- [27:01]
B
Right, okay.
- [27:03]
A
And. But I was reluctant to join Reform for various reasons, which I can bore you with. But I was reluctant to join. Well, I'll bore you with it.
- [27:13]
B
Let's talk about Reform. What has it done and what hasn't it done? Because otherwise there would be no Advance UK unless Reform had done what you thought it should do.
- [27:22]
A
Yeah, exactly. Right. And so another sort of journey I've been on is that many of the people on our own side of the fence, our side of the debate, who I thought were solid actually are not solid. And, yeah, I can't talk about this frankly, unless I talk about it frankly. And I had thought Farage was. Had a political philosophy similar to mine, which was nation state first, borders, sovereignty, freedom, etc. What I have discovered over time is that Farage, who is Reform, reformist Farage, he's such a big Persona. He is Reform, and constitutionally, it's virtually impossible to remove him from Reform. Farage doesn't have a political philosophy. Farage is part of the political class that pursues expediency over principle. And he will pivot this way or that way to curry favor with whomever he thinks he needs to curry favor with. So, for example, even though it was clear to anyone who was prepared to think about it from first principles and to think about it objectively, Tommy Robinson, undoubtedly, in my mind, was put in prison last year for political reasons. It was a politicized attorney general who threw the book at him. But Farage couldn't bring himself to call that out. He's got an antipathy to Tommy Robinson, which I think is born out of his belief that Tommy Robinson is kryptonite in politics, and therefore he cannot in any way associate himself with Tommy Robinson, and he will throw Tommy Robinson under a bus. But if you're looking for someone to save the United Kingdom from the forces of cancel culture, to promote freedom of speech, then you've got to be brave. And look, Tommy Robinson, as I've said before, is no saint. But it was clear that he was put in prison for political reasons, and it was incumbent on Farage to call that out. Farage was also a coward, in my view, when it came to the post South Port protests, you know, he first was brave and he said that. I think he said something about how the protests were justified, the facts had been hidden and therefore people were protesting. And I completely agree with that. Then they called it the Farage riots, and he went completely quiet on it. He had a parliamentary position. He could have spoken up in Parliament, where he has privilege, where he's protected. He could say what he wanted in Parliament. He didn't say it. Only recently has reform come out and started banging the drum for Lucy Connolly, you know, who was wrongly incarcerated. They only did it when the. When the. When it became acceptable to do it. They still don't talk about Peter lynch, for example, who went to prison for the same reasons as Lucy Connolly, but hanged himself. And Farage has moved, for example, from a position last year where he thought talking about mass deportations of illegal migrants would not be acceptable in the political spheres in which he mixes. So he denounced mass deportation. He said it's impossible. When he was asked whether he had an ambition for mass deportations of illegal migrants, he said, no, I don't even have an ambition. And the other day he came out with a policy talking about mass deportation. It's because the Overton Window shifted. The center of gravity shifted. So he's following it. But the center of gravity is shifting because of people like myself and others and Tommy Robinson, no doubt. And so Farage isn't the Churchillian figure, he's not the brave figure that we need to save this country. He will follow where he thinks it's safe to go, but we need a leader, someone who will take the bold steps and call things out as they are and do it in a responsible way. I'm not suggesting there should be anything other than a peaceable approach to this, but do it and provide the solutions at the same time.
- [31:26]
B
Now, if I were to play devil's advocate, would I say Nigel is trying to make the right political move? Because if he supports Tommy, he might alienate Muslim voters or Muslim sympathizing voters and lose an entire chance to go Head to head against Conservatives. Is that a real political decision he has to make?
- [31:46]
A
I think that is cowardly. That's a flattering understanding, I think, of what he's up to. But let's just walk through that possibility. Let's say he wanted to challenge the Conservative Party. That he actually recognizes he should recognize that under 14 years of conservative government, this country's gone down the tubes. If he recognized that properly, he would not be recruiting former Tory MPs, and he's now got one current MP, but former Tory MPs, many of whom stand against the apparent political philosophy that reform should have. Like take Jake Berry, for example. Jake Berry voted to stay in the eu. Jake Berry was pro lockdown. Jake Berry was pro net zero. These are all things that reform say they're against. But they took Jake Berry into their.
- [32:35]
B
Bosom because they want clout to show they're getting Tories.
- [32:38]
A
But if you're infected with the problem. Yes, you're not going to be the solution to the infection.
- [32:43]
B
Why is he doing it?
- [32:44]
A
Because he is in the pursuit of power. It's old fashioned politics. And he hasn't taken on board or if he has taken it on board, he doesn't care that the country is being fundamentally threatened right now. We are. Listen, there isn't a war going on, but the threats we face are no less than the ones we faced in 1939.
- [33:08]
B
That's a bold statement.
- [33:09]
A
No, it's true. Suella Braverman said it all in 2023 when she was Home Secretary. She made a fantastic speech in Washington. I don't know if you recall this, Brian, and I will always hold her in high regard for making the speech as Home Secretary. And she said things which I'd never heard a sitting member of the Cabinet say, but she concluded by saying Western civilization is threatened and we are threatened. We are threatened. When it becomes offensive to the political class that you fly your flag, you've got a problem. And that's where we are in politics.
- [33:49]
B
So reform is a power grab is what you're saying. Even though reform is a power grab, Much of their platform is combating some of these things. But you're saying it's lip service.
- [33:58]
A
It's lip service. The Persona of Farage makes you think, think that that's what he's doing. But if you look in and try and follow what he actually says and does, as you know, as political obsessors like I do, you know that he's not there. He's definitely not there. Even take his deportation policy for example, do you remember two weeks ago he came out and he said, we will now deport all illegal migrants. They will be detained and they will be deported. Great. We all thought the next morning he said, except women and children will be excluded. Now that basically has two immediate impacts. The first is that any single male illegal migrant in the UK is going to get shacked up and have children, for want of a better way of describing it. And even in a post European convention of human rights world, no courts are going to be very reluctant to separate women and children from their. From their father. So anyone wishing to avoid Farage's now mass deportation program just needs to get married and have children. The other effect of that will be that he will encourage less single men to come over and more women and children to cross the channel. It was an encouragement, an inducement, his policy for women and children to come across the channel. But the other thing he did, which I find absolutely an affront, was he said that we would have to revoke the European Convention of Human Rights. Good tick, tick in the box for that. But we won't revoke it in Northern Ireland because Northern Ireland is part of the Good Friday Agreement. And the Good Friday Agreement legislates, provides for the European Convention of Human Rights staying in place instantly. What he did was basically say that any illegal migrant in the United Kingdom wishing to avoid deportation simply needs to go to Northern Ireland because we won't be able to deport them from there. So in that one step, he also revealed, Brian, that he doesn't stand for the nation state of Great Britain and Northern Ireland because he was prepared to throw Northern Ireland under the ECHR bus and export all Great Britain's illegal migrants to Northern Ireland. That is the effect of his policy. So he. He's either not thinking it through.
- [36:22]
B
Or.
- [36:23]
A
He doesn't get it. And I don't think he gets it. I don't think he cares about Northern Ireland. He's also on the record saying a united Ireland is inevitable. So Farage is this way and that way. And I'd like to stop talking about Farage if there's. All right.
- [36:36]
B
Is it a difficult decision to break away and create your own party? Because now you're taking something that had mass, that had momentum, the Reform Party. And it's, you know, impressive what they built. And now you're gonna splinter it, probably the wrong term in Europe and go another way. Did you have reservations? That's a big decision to make.
- [36:55]
A
So I knew a new political force was needed. And if you believe as I do that the country is threatened, its existence is threatened, then you have very little option but to do something, even if it's low probability of success. That's why I ran for mayor and high risk.
- [37:10]
B
I was angry at the way they were treating my city and I wanted to change it and I didn't really care about the consequences.
- [37:15]
A
Yeah, you know, I'd rather be on my deathbed knowing I tried, than lying on my deathbed thinking I didn't try. And look at the United Kingdom now. If I fail, I fail, but I've tried. And initially I thought. Initially I thought, when I knew political force was needed, that it was too big a task. In fact, I had a. I can reveal it now because I've revealed it a couple of times. I had a conversation with Elon Musk in January, and Elon Musk said, you need a new political party because Reform isn't it. And I said to him that, you're right, but I don't think it's possible in British politics, you know, to get Reform on the table was massive. To get yet another political force on the table would be virtually impossible. And so I kind of said, no, I don't think it was going to work, Elon. But then Reform sacked Rupert Lowe, you might recall, in March, and that unfolded, and I thought that created the opening for a new political party. And I was actually in discussions with Rupert. Then I called. I didn't. I texted. I DMed Elon Musk and said, I think you're right. I take back I was in error. I was in error in January. You were right. I'm going to have a go at putting together a new political party and I hope you'll be able to support it and I hope Rupert will be part of it. I wanted Rupert initially to lead it, but for reasons of his own, he doesn't want to. And so here we are with advance uk, and what I do think is that the political landscape is extremely febrile. The British electorate are searching for something that will save them. I think many, many, virtually everyone at that march and the two and a half million people online, know that reform's not the answer. They've already woken up to that. Because if reform was the answer, Farage would have been at the UTK rally. He would have spoken to his own people. He didn't speak to his people, so they know that he's not the answer. And I think Advance UK is going to surprise people with how well it does.
- [39:28]
B
When did you partner up with Tommy? Is that the Right word. What is your relationship with Tommy? Did he know you were creating this party when he saw you created it, did he reach out and say, I want to support you?
- [39:40]
A
So I mean, like many others, I saw Tommy as the Voldemort of politics as well. So as I say, I've been on a journey. In 2019, three weeks into my political career when I was still quite taken by Nigel Farage, the Brexit party line was Tommy Robinson is anti Islam, he's an extremist. We can't associate with Ukip because Tommy Robinson and Ukip.
- [40:03]
B
Peter Thiel took a half a million dollars and turned it into a billion dollars using the exact same techniques we're using inside the investment club. He met a CEO, his name was Zuckerberg. He pitched him the deal and he said, okay, I'll give you a you a half a million dollars. Mark went public and sold the shares to people like you. Well, what happened to Peter? Well, he exited and got a 2300x return. The wealthy invest in early stage companies, folks. The public markets are for suckers. It's a rigged game. By the way, this happens in crypto as well. It's called pre sale tokens. This is Solana. Does anybody know this chain? They sold pre sale tokens for 4 cents. And you can see the date on there. April 5, 2000, 2018. Look at Solana today folks, that things up over a thousand x. The media and Wall street and all these hype people get you to buy the top, meanwhile they put their clients in at the bottom and they use you for liquidity to make their clients rich. You can play this same game. You just have to have the financial education and the deal flow.
- [41:02]
A
That's it. Are very closely aligned and people chuck it back at me. Now I said in I think May 2019 that I couldn't be with Ukip because Tommy Robinson is there. And so I've been on this my own journey and I think the political, my calling out his incarceration as a politically motivated imprisonment, I think resonated no doubt with Tommy Robinson. I think he saw at that point that even though I hadn't been, I don't need to be an apologist for Tommy Robinson or any other individual in politics. What I need tothe people, I need to be an apologist for the British people. And Tommy Robinson's incarceration was a manifestation of how this country's gone wrong. And therefore it was worth calling it out because the British people would benefit from me calling that out. And Tommy Robinson could see, I think at that point that I was brave enough to identify the issue or, or sensible enough to identify the issue and then brave enough to call it out. And so I think I came probably on his radar at that point. And then when I set up a new political party, I was in touch with a number of people who he knows, Tommy Robinson knows and I know, and perfectly good people, very brainy people, some superb people who now are on advanced UK's college, in advanced UK's college. And. And so, you know, we sort of came to know more of each other through that way. And. And then Tommy Robinson, who, by the way, does not want to be a politician, he said that publicly and he said that to me privately.
- [42:42]
B
But that could change.
- [42:43]
A
What? That could change. That could change. Of course that could change. But he said he, you know, he joined the party, then he advocated for the party, and he's one of 35,000 members. But obviously, you know, I'm delighted that he's joined the party and I'm delighted that he supports the party, as am I, that Elon Musk endorses the party. Now, there will be people who don't like either Tommy Robinson or Elon Musk, but what I say to them is it's not about Tommy Robinson or Elon Musk. It's about identifying, as I've said repeatedly in this interview now, it's about identifying the issues which are challenging the United Kingdom, calling them out bravely and then finding solutions and making the case for those solutions so that the United Kingdom. So the people who are concerned about the United Kingdom have a voice and so that we can actually settle the uk. Right.
- [43:33]
B
You're very principled in that sense.
- [43:35]
A
It's absolutely got to be the way.
- [43:37]
B
Yeah. You know, you've seen the bastardization of that in reform, and that was clearly not okay with you. And that's why you left.
- [43:43]
A
It's not okay.
- [43:44]
B
You need to call everything the way the principles are. So if Tommy's being wrong in political, no matter how you feel about him, you have to call that out.
- [43:51]
A
You've got to call it out. And maybe there was a time 30 or 40 years ago to be a career politician and go this way and that way because fundamentally, the UK was in a safe place. All you were doing in the political landscape was one or two degrees of marginal correction required here or there, and the UK could take tolerate bad politicians. We're not there now, as I said, you know, the threats facing the country of a nature that may set us aside, set Our existence aside, it may not come through war like it threatened us in 1939, but the threats are very, very significant and we could end up like Venezuela in five seconds. Let me tell you that the economic policy, I'm sure you know, this is finance guy. The economic policies being pursued by Rachel Reeves could render the UK Venezuela. We don't want to be there. We've got to stop this stupidity. We've got to start deregulating, getting rid of net zero, cutting taxes, liberating British working class, liberating the middle classes, putting aspiration back into society, promoting our small and medium sized businesses. None of this is being done by the Labour Party and sadly none of that was done by the government, Conservative Party either, who practice the same basic political economic management as the Labour Party. Not just, simply, just not as extreme as the Labour Party. But we need to go in the opposite direction. We need a revolution to save the country.
- [45:20]
B
And when you look across the pond, you see two things. You see Mamdani about to take over New York City with socialist communist policies that a lot sound a little bit like maybe what Reeves is proposing with potential wealth taxes, et cetera. And then you have Donald Trump in office, who seems to be doing the complete opposite of that. You have these two kind of dichotomies over there. What are the chances that the UK can take either one of those paths?
- [45:45]
A
So on our current trajectory, there's no hope of a Trumpian kind of path. But what I'm really hoping for is a few things. I'm hoping that the center of gravity of acceptable political discourse continues to move in favor of a sovereign, proud, prosperous United Kingdom. And I'm hoping also that we get a Vance presidency, or at least of that ideology in the US in 2028. Because come our general election, which I think is more likely to be in 2029 than any other year, come that general election, we will need the protection, the United Kingdom will need the protection of the United States. If we make the determined move back to a nation state, because the EU is going to cut up rough with us, the international community is not going to like it. The vested interests in all the supranational institutions will be against the UK as it tries to preserve itself, as it implements policies to preserve itself, it won't like it, the international organism will hate it. So we will need a patrician protective blanket of the United States. Sadly, Trump has come four years too early for an advanced UK government. One thing I will say, if I may, is that whether or not advance UK forms the next government. The next government that is formed in the United Kingdom will be a pro British government. It just depends on of that I'm 100% certain. Because there's no way reform the Conservative Party in advance will allow another period of extreme hard left Labour Party governance.
- [47:31]
B
And you think they're done?
- [47:33]
A
They're done. Oh, my God, they're so done.
- [47:35]
B
Four years left.
- [47:38]
A
They were done by October.
- [47:39]
B
I know, but four years is a long time.
- [47:41]
A
Yeah. No, they can't come back. They can't come. But come on. After the UTK march, he's still calling them far right. He doesn't get it. He needed to pivot. He needs to pivot hard.
- [47:53]
B
They can do a lot of damage in four years.
- [47:55]
A
They can do a lot of damage, but they're not going to come right. They can do more damage and we'll put the damage right. The next government can put the damage right. And what Advance UK will do if it doesn't form the next government. And by the way, there's every chance we could form the next government. Okay, I know that sounds. I know that sounds absurd.
- [48:12]
B
I want you to take me on the path of how that happens.
- [48:15]
A
Yeah. Okay, so. Well, I'll take take you now.
- [48:17]
B
First of all, you have some impressive stats. You're going to go on for 68 days. You generated 30,000 members. I think that's a record breaking achievement.
- [48:24]
A
It took reform five years to get 30,000 members. That's what they had at the beginning of the general election.
- [48:28]
B
That's impressive.
- [48:29]
A
20, 24.
- [48:29]
B
All right. You put £100,000 so far in the party and based on what I spent for mayor of London, you know that's cheap, you know, so far. But I mean, guess there's probably more to come to reform. Candidates announced they're going to defect the uk advance uk. Tell me if I'm wrong there.
- [48:44]
A
We've had lots of reform candidates and people already defect.
- [48:47]
B
Oh, already? Okay, so you've started off with a bang.
- [48:51]
A
Yeah.
- [48:52]
B
And then Tommy endorsing came right after that. And obviously this incredible march. And I'm assuming you're seeing lots of inbound and.
- [49:00]
A
Yeah, I'm seeing lots of it. Inbound is in terms of criticism and attacks.
- [49:03]
B
You mean ams people signing up and we wanting to support you.
- [49:06]
A
Yeah.
- [49:06]
B
Okay. And we have the Elon factor. And again, I want to hear the path to advance in the next government. But let's talk about the Elon factor really quickly. First of all, why does Elon care so much about Britain and British politics. I know he identifies with some British heritage via South Africa, of course. I know he cares about the world. I know he cares about the Woke mind virus, which he calls it. But enough to be as invested as he is here to help pay for Tommy's legal bills, to support you. Why does he care so much?
- [49:40]
A
So you'll have to ask Elon that question. But the impression I have in the 20 minute conversation I had with him is that a couple of things. He recognizes, like I do, that Western civilization is facing existential threat. And he has a love of the United Kingdom in a way that I think many millions of people right across the globe have. There is a love of the old uk, the stable uk. Nothing dramatic ever happened in the uk. You could always rely on the United Kingdom to be on the right side of geopolitics. It was basically a force for good. You know, we fought Nazi Germany for two years before the Americans even decided to get involved. We had the same issue with World War I. So many of our former colonies joined the Commonwealth instantly, not because we forced them to, but because they loved the United Kingdom, the British Empire, for whatever the woke. What do you call it? The mine virus. Yeah, yeah. In fact, they hate the British Empire, but the British Empire was a fantastic force for good in many, many ways. And I'm a product in some ways of that, of that empire.
- [50:54]
B
In many ways.
- [50:55]
A
In many ways. And so Musk's, I think, sees that. And if you want a stable United States of America, it is very helpful that the mother of modern democracy, the United Kingdom, this bastion of former stability, refines itself, that it finds itself again. We need the UK back. Yeah.
- [51:15]
B
It's a foothold and it's geopolitically very significant for Europe. And the Americans, deep down inside, probably on a subconscious level, feel the same way about the British Empire. They might not know it. They don't know what the Commonwealth is.
- [51:27]
A
Yeah.
- [51:28]
B
But when they see Britain falter, something inside them knows that we are.
- [51:33]
A
Yeah, they strayed a little bit at the beginning of the 19th century, siding with the French against us, but I mean, they could still be a British colony if they chose. True, true, true. I thought I'd be happy to take them back.
- [51:44]
B
I don't know if that's gonna work. We'll see if Trump says that.
- [51:47]
A
That's a joke, by the way.
- [51:48]
B
I know. And so. All right, and how, also, how important has Elon's liberation of X been as well? Because Tommy talked about that as well.
- [51:58]
A
And people say to me, do you Want Elon's money. And I would never ask Elon for money. I think that would be churlish and wrong. If he offered it, of course we would look at it. But the endorsement is massive. There are 536 million people on X, 225 million of them support, support, follow Elon. So if he retweets or reposts, rather something that I've posted, you know, a hundred. Couple hundred million people have seen it. That's huge.
- [52:27]
B
Yeah. And without him, we might not even be having these conversations, you know, And I know this because we were taken off of all the social platforms. And if it wasn't for X, you would not see Google recently, you know, saying they're going to reverse accounts. You wouldn't see Zuckerberg of Facebook taking out the fact checkers a year ago. You wouldn't see any of that. Without what Elon did with X, we would be in a pretty dark place for freedom of speech, I believe.
- [52:55]
A
I don't think we would have a Trump presidency if he hadn't taken over X. I think it's been a relief. It's been a valve for nation states across Western civilization to find themselves back. And so I'm obviously thrilled to have his support. And I'm pleased that he sees that Advanced UK is not weak source.
- [53:17]
B
That's what he called Farage. Weak sauce.
- [53:19]
A
Yeah.
- [53:20]
B
Why didn't he like Farage? He got the same vibe that you did.
- [53:23]
A
He must have done.
- [53:24]
B
Okay. He must have done the same thing.
- [53:25]
A
But let me just take. Take you on the journey. Why Advance UK stands a really good chance. Show me, because I haven't taken you on four years.
- [53:32]
B
How do you get there?
- [53:32]
A
So when I joined Reform, we were polling at 6, but Reform was polling at 6.6percent in March 2023. By the general election, we were polling at 16%. We took it 10% up in the polls in a year. Okay. The British people are looking. And the British people now are also seeing reform is not the answer. There have been many polls where they have none of the above as one of the options. And even in polls where reform is featured alongside none of the above. None of the above is the majority of vote. People recognize that there's an issue. Now, the challenge we've got. We've got a number of challenges like you. The minute I launched Advance, I was taken off air by GB News. I've been taken off air by Talk. I was on GB News twice a week, maybe three times a week. I was on Talk virtually every day. You know, I did a stint, if not every day, certainly every other day, and I was stop like that.
- [54:30]
B
How does that happen?
- [54:31]
A
I've got no idea. Well, with GB News, I've got a clearer idea because Farage is an asset for them. You know, he's obviously influential at a.
- [54:40]
B
Senior level and their owner is an.
- [54:42]
A
Active supporter of reform. Right. But what I would say to the owners, and I suspect GB News wants to be able to say they created the next Prime Minister. You know, that's what some people's view is and that could be what they want. But if GB News really stands for the United Kingdom, I would urge the management at GB News and maybe this clip can be sent to them. I would urge them to look at the dangers we face as a country. They set up GB News because they recognize the danger and then look closely at what Farage is saying and doing, particularly the people he's taking into the party from across the putrid pool that has got us into this problem in the first place and recognize that's not the answer and give me a voice. Let me come on GB News and discredit myself by what I say. Don't try and discredit me by taking me off. And I say the same to Talk. Talk is slightly less obvious, but I'm going to reveal it now because I've given Talk an opportunity to come true on it. I received A text on 5 September at 8pm from a presenter who is on talk at 8.20pm on 5 September, obviously having had a few drinks, saying that you're a narcissist, you're damaging reform. Reform's the only answer. Talk have banned you. Talk then went public. When I said I've been banned by Talk, they went public and said, no, you're not banned. But I have a set of texts from a presenter at Talk saying I'm banned and saying Farage is the only way forward. And that's not open debate. That is not. We're not going to get to the right answer by shutting me down. I haven't gone on Talk or GB News and been misogynist or homophobic or racist. None of that. But yet they've shut me down and that is cynical politics. That's precisely what they accuse the BBC of doing.
- [56:41]
B
Isn't that antithetical to a news organization to ban you? Aren't they supposed to be objective?
- [56:46]
A
I've been on Times Radio more often than I've been on Talk in the. I haven't been on Talk since the 1st of August. I haven't been. I have not been on GB news since 30 June, not once.
- [56:56]
B
And talk will tell you they're not having you on because advance is a party that is never polled and therefore they do not have to allow you.
- [57:04]
A
I mean, I wasn't even part of a party before and I was on, you know, virtually every day. No, it's because they want to control the political discourse. But I'm going to. I have reached over talkshead, we have reached over their heads. We've reached over the heads of GB News. We're on the map, they can't stop us. We are coming. We've applied to the electoral.
- [57:25]
B
They're censoring you. The people that were being censored are now censoring you. And now the right is censoring where they're always complaining. It's the left that's censoring.
- [57:34]
A
So you know, they're not the solution then.
- [57:36]
B
Definitely not. Very well said, Ben. The sensors are never on the right side of history, period.
- [57:44]
A
Yeah, so they need to wake up and they need to get me back on and be honest about it and I, I hold no grudges. I'll go back on because I need to get to speak to the people.
- [57:55]
B
It's pretty alarming that something like that happened. You have, I think you have a, an event coming up in the north tomorrow that originally was being blocked and I think it's back on.
- [58:06]
A
Yeah. So we booked the Crowne Plaza Hotel about a month ago and I could see we weren't going to launch the party until we could see that we'd reached our self imposed hurdle of 30,000 members. I needed to know that there was demand for a party, not just in my head but tangible demand. So we got to 30,000 members and as I saw that we were getting there, we organized the launch for tomorrow. We booked the Crowne Plaza Hotel. I was at pains to make sure the Crowne Plaza knew that we were a political party and that they wouldn't shut us down at the last minute. And then two or three days ago I got a call from our Northeast chap, former reformer who's joined us and he said he's just had a call from Klein Praza and they've cancelled and we paid up front, we paid everything, we put it in writing, we directed them to our website, check us out, etc. They cancelled and I thought oh God, what's happened? And so I called the manager at the Crowne Plaza Hotel and I was about to give him, you know, the best of my. My. My anger, the Habib treatment, the Habib sort of upset treatment. And. But he spoke and I let him speak and he. He had. He was shaken, his voice was broken and he had had threat after threat after threat. And he said, look, I just can't do it.
- [59:28]
B
Anonymous threat, no.
- [59:29]
A
People had been calling him up and saying, we're going to, you know, do this and do that and reform people. I don't know. I don't know who it was. And he said, I just can't do it. And I believed him because you know how you can sense in someone's voice that he was troubled. And so I don't blame the Crown Plaza, but I do blame the people who threatened the Crowne Plaza Hotel and I do blame people like Kim McGuinness, who's the Labour mayor of Northeast and Labour councillors who then went on air saying Crowne Plaza were right.
- [60:04]
B
What the London Real Investment Club actually does for you, it gives you the keys to open that door to the inside deals. In the last three weeks, I've participated in three incredible deals. A layer two bitcoin protocol, an incredible AI protocol. The deal flow is beyond what I expected. I don't think I've ever seen a model like this that just gives average folks the opportunity to be behind the deals. And that's exactly what we've done.
- [60:29]
A
Not only that, you get to hang.
- [60:31]
B
Out with Brian Rose every week.
- [60:32]
A
And for me that was huge because.
- [60:34]
B
I look at Brian as somebody who's not only an expert in the space and I think is on the leading edge, but just the leading edge of thought with and the work he's doing there. To anyone who's taking a serious look at this, I know it's a big decision. It was a big decision for me and my family and it is one of the best decisions I've ever made. So I wish you all the best.
- [60:53]
A
And hope you come join us to cancel the event on health and safety grounds. They didn't explain that the health and safety grounds were because Crowne Plaza had been physically threatened. They just said. And again, they use the Voldemort Tommy Robinson line. You know, Tommy Robinson's party has been canceled on health and safety grounds. As if we are creating health and safety issues. We're not the ones creating the health and safety issues. It's those threatening. But we rang around a lot on social media, so. Not social media. We rang all the venues in Newcastle and we eventually got a venue. And so brave people who are prepared to put free speech, you know, in front of perhaps their own commercial interests. And we've paid up and they have assured us that we will be welcome tomorrow. And we're going tomorrow. And I will be in Newcastle tomorrow. And I hope we will have, as I said in a post when we secured the booking, I go with just peace and love in my heart. That's what politics, someone tweeted back, posted back at me. He said, what do you mean, peace and love? Well, isn't politics about peace and love? Ultimately, that's what we want to deliver, isn't it? Prosperity, peace and love. If you've done your job, that's what you want to deliver. So I go to Newcastle with love in my heart for the Geordies, with love in my heart for the Northeast, with love in my heart for the British people. And I will make my case to my membership tomorrow, of which I think over 400 are turning up, notwithstanding the shutdown. I've been inundated with emails and texts of support. And we will talk boldly as our party. And if someone wishes to attack us, we will not respond. And if they wish to damage us and physically impair us or kill us, go ahead, do it. You'll make advance uk.
- [62:49]
B
You're channeling Gandhi there.
- [62:51]
A
Well, I'm not going to respond physically. I'm going to go, as I say, in peace. If they wish to be violent, on. On their heads be it.
- [62:59]
B
I don't think a politician has ever said the words peace and love in the same sentence before in British history.
- [63:05]
A
Isn't that right?
- [63:06]
B
But you're right, I guess that is what politics is about, isn't it?
- [63:09]
A
About that?
- [63:10]
B
Giving people that feeling of safety and peace and love.
- [63:13]
A
Yeah, we all get angry. Yeah, we all are in politics because we're angry, but we're angry because peace and love is not being delivered.
- [63:20]
B
Correct.
- [63:21]
A
And so, you know, that's what I'm. That's what our mission is.
- [63:24]
B
I would have never expected you to say that. And so the next four years, are you growing the party into where you take the general election in 29?
- [63:36]
A
So I would be surprised if we don't do very well in the polls.
- [63:41]
B
Okay. Because people are craving something else.
- [63:43]
A
People are craving something else.
- [63:44]
B
So in a weird way, reform might have helped this because people saw something different and then they found out that by supporting something different, that was a viable option because it wasn't before with the two party system. Now they see it and then they say, but this isn't the iteration we Want, we want what Ben's talking about. So you use that momentum and give them what they really want.
- [64:05]
A
Absolutely.
- [64:05]
B
And you think there is a path to that over the next four years?
- [64:09]
A
I think so. I think we will do much better than people think. I think there's a more than sporting chance that reform will implode because it is now infected with characters from opposite poll, opposite ends of the political spectrum. You know, you've got people who are going to find each other, find themselves completely at odds with each other in the party because he's taken on Labour, Lib Dem. He took on, you know, someone who's apparently part of the Fabian Society the other day, a Labor councillor from Stevenage or something. He is absolutely in the pursuit of being all things to all people. He's nothing to anyone. And so there's a sporting charge reform will collapse and what mustn't happen is that the Conservatives then become the only option. Advance has to be there.
- [65:00]
B
You supported the Conservatives back in the day. Do you think they will ever change and come back?
- [65:07]
A
At the moment, what I hear about the Conservative Party is that they are still in the grip of this liberal global order lot, that Michael Gove, Dougie Smith, if you know who I mean. These people who are part of that infected pool, they are still in the grip of. They still grip the Conservative Party. Kemi has said a few things that are ostensibly to the right of Farage, but that's not difficult nowadays. Robert Jenrick has said many things that are more bold and more promising than what comes out of Farage's mouth. But you have to wonder about the organism that is the Conservative Party is this smoke and mirrors that they're now espousing to garner your support and they'll go back to being that liberal globalist kind of party if they win office. Or is this going to be a real reinvention of the Conservative Party if the Conservative Party, by the way, reinvents itself, if it becomes a genuine Conservative Party and it gets on people who are evidently part of what we believe in, Great, we're done. Right?
- [66:18]
B
You just want the solution.
- [66:19]
A
I want the solution. Right.
- [66:21]
B
Talk to me about freedom of speech, because it doesn't exist very well right now in the United Kingdom. And people all around the world now point to this place. And I get messages all the time saying, brian, be careful about what you post on social media. Look at this happening. Look at this happening. We're not the shining bastion of free speech. And you've spoken about it many, many times here. How important Is it for people to know that that must be fought for in this country? And are people resonating with you when you talk about that?
- [66:50]
A
So I can only go on the anecdotal evidence I have, but the best anecdotal evidence was the United Kingdom march. You know, which, which was, which was a free speech march. The rally was a free speech rally. That's what it was labeled. And people get it. And I think people do see free speech and democracy as synonymous and people want democracy.
- [67:12]
B
How was that march based on what you expected versus what you saw? And what did you see that day when you went home that night and you called a friend or said something to someone? You know what I saw today, I saw this happen. And that was exactly incredible. And it surprised me a little bit, but it also confirmed I'm on the right path. I wonder if you could share a couple details of that day because it wasn't obvious what was going to happen. Okay. And Tommy had been here a couple weeks earlier and he was out there pleading for people and, you know, he really wanted to show the world that we could show up, you know, not as hooligans and not as what you think we are.
- [67:43]
A
And see, he wants peace and love.
- [67:45]
B
Of course he does.
- [67:46]
A
Yeah.
- [67:46]
B
Yes, he does.
- [67:47]
A
That's what, that's what we all want. Yeah. So I went to that march not knowing what the rally, I called it a rally rather than a march because everyone congregated in a particular place or tried to congregate. There were far too many people to be able to make it. But I didn't know what to expect. I've spoken to millions of people, but I've always done it through a lens. You know, I've never had to actually face people. And facing people can be quite scary because you get feedback straight away if they don't like what you're saying. And then you end up going, oh, God, my, my goodness, you know, I'm in trouble here. And so I didn't know what to expect. I'd never spoken to so many people. I didn't know whether there was going to be violence. I knew that there were going to be the so called anti racists up the road, as if I could possibly be a racist. And there were so many people, by the way, of different ethnicities in that march, in that rally. So I didn't know, is there going to be violence? Am I going to make it out of this? My mother kept saying, get a stab vest. She said, ben, you better wear a stab vest. And My mother, who was 91, initially wanted to come and I wanted to present my mother. Actually, it was this funny story. Can I digress and tell my mother's story, please? So I was taking my mum for a coffee a few weeks before the march, and I said, mum, do you know. Do you know who I mean by Tommy Robinson? And she looked very pensive and she said, isn't he the guy who had a squabble with Nigel Farage? And I said, yeah, yeah, they had a bit of a squabble. And she said, well, he must be a very sensible person then. So I wanted to feel Mum on the stage and tell that joke because I thought it was a. It was brilliantly put by my 91 year old mum and it was also her birthday. And she always says she wants to be part of what I'm doing, but she was tired and I was a bit worried about, you know, what might happen and so on. So anyway, she didn't go on the day, but so I went up, slightly trepidatious. I never write my speeches. I just always just get up and speak.
- [69:48]
B
Okay. I watched and listened to your speech.
- [69:51]
A
Yeah. So, I mean, I kind of know what I'm gonna say, but I was nervous and I got up and I was amazed by the cheer I got when I went on stage. And at that point I was settled. It's a bit like, have you ever boxed or done any combat?
- [70:06]
B
Yes.
- [70:07]
A
So before you go in the ring, you've got butterflies in your stomach. The minute you're in the ring, you're just on. Right. And so once I was on the stage, I got the roar of the crowd and I was. Then I was just at peace with myself, at peace with the people. And I spoke, I spoke from the heart and said it as I saw it. And there was a moment of levity when people on my left interrupted. They wouldn't let me speak by. They wanted to say, Keir Starmer's a wanker.
- [70:32]
B
Yes, yes. And you address that?
- [70:33]
A
Yeah. And I looked at them and I thought, you know, and they wouldn't stop. So I thought, well, let's get it out of our system. And I went with it. And I said, come on, let's get it out of our system. Keir Starmer is. You know, I think that went down quite well, though I've received from some criticism for it. But I'll tell you what was really interesting. After the march, after the rally, I got calls from friends of mine in Pakistan who said, ben, I'm impressed with what you're doing. I said, you're not upset with me? You know, you're not upset with, you know, me being on stage with Tommy Robinson? No. If anyone tried to do to Pakistan what they're trying to do to the uk, they would be absolutely dressed down. You know, if Christians came to Pakistan and said, we want to turn this into a Christian country now and you better protect us and give us lots of churches and do this and do that, we'd go, what? What are you talking about? This is a Muslim country. Sod off. They get it. People get it. Across the globe, people get it.
- [71:32]
B
That's interesting, because a lot of people wouldn't think that.
- [71:34]
A
No, but they get it. I also have friends in Pakistani law enforcement, and I've had discussions with them about the rape gangs, and they say to me, it's your own bloody problem. We have a treaty. Pakistan, they say, has a treaty with the United Kingdom called the Pakistan Prisoner Transfer Treaty, pursuant to which Pakistanis who've committed misdemeanors in the UK can be deported to Pakistan. Never once has that treaty been invoked. It's been in place since 2018. Never once has it been invoked. And they say to me, the reason it hasn't been invoked is because you put the criminal's interests ahead of the victim's interest. How are you going to expect a criminal justice system to work if you protect the criminals? And at the heart of the Pakistani rape gangs, at the heart of the rape gangs is the protective blanket our institutions have put round. Not just the rapists initially, though, they have now faced trial, but all the component institutions that turned a blind eye to it, the component culpable through being a component part of it. If you're with me, you know, the police, social services, local community centers, orphanages, where some of these. I don't know if you call them orphanages, but where children who have without parents, you know, are being cared for. They were being prostituted out of these homes by the people who were in charge of their care. Charges haven't been brought. We have a criminal justice system that favors the criminals. So how are we going to protect our victims? These underage white girls were thrown under a bus. And Pakistani law enforcement sees that. Our own law enforcement doesn't see it. So when they see me speaking for the United Kingdom at the United Kingdom March, they get it.
- [73:35]
B
I spend time in the Emirates and my friends there say, brian, Islam's not the problem because Islam works here. And so they get upset when people point the finger at Islam and they Say that's the problem in Britain, but that's not really what you're saying.
- [73:53]
A
So. No, there are two. I think there are two. The United Arab Emirates, for example, recognizes the challenges Islam poses. The United Arab Emirates has a very tight grip, but we don't have a tight grip in this country. We, at least until Tony Blair got hold of it, we had a very delicate, advanced, subtle, unwritten constitution which turned, which could only survive if it was delicately handled and protected by those that are in charge of guiding it through to future generations. It's not suitable for a muscular ideology which is given protection. And the form of Islam, I'm afraid, that is practiced in the United Kingdom, significantly practiced, I'm not saying wholly practiced, but significantly practiced is of a very fundamentalist Wahhabi form of Islam, if you know what I mean. And the UAE has proscribed Muslim groups in the UK that were originated in the UK and that are accepted in the uk. You can look it up. There are about a dozen odd Muslim groups that the UAE proscribes and we allow to practice in our own country. And we haven't fully understood what we're dealing with. There is a challenge at the heart of Islam. There is a challenge at the heart of Islam which is that the Quran is the word of God as transcribed by the Prophet Muhammad, dictated to him by the angel Gabriel. And because it is the word of God, it is perfect and incapable of improvement and therefore it is incapable of being debated. It is not open to challenge. And it is that fundamental inclination not to allow the Quran to be challenged that is anti free speech that makes that fundamentalist form of Islam very difficult for that subtle open democracy that we have. And then when you combine our open, subtle democracy, sensitive democracy with the protective blanket we give ethnic minorities and minority religious beliefs, you know, diversity, equity and inclusion, progressive discrimination is what we practice. When you protect it, then of course it's very muscular compared to us. We are not allowed to challenge it. And now we're bringing in Islamophobia laws so we won't be able to have a debate about it. And that is antithetical to our system. And so whilst the UAE and Saudi Arabia, even Saudi now is coming to grips with fundamentalism, it started in Saudi and they're coming, you know, getting a grip of it. They can, they can deal with it because they have a very robust political system. We don't have a robust political system.
- [77:01]
B
Right, okay, understood. And so to move forward and do everything you want to do, what do you do about these second and third generations and very dominant Muslim communities throughout. How do you integrate them? Because you have to do that ultimately, right? The immigrants maybe you can throw out and the people on the boat you can send back, and the DEI you can reverse, maybe a la Trump and try to push back. What do you do with people that are not integrating or some of the accusations you make of some of those communities? How is that way forward?
- [77:32]
A
So if we have to make it clear, we have to make it clear and reinforce the Christian constitutional framework of the United Kingdom. Starmer wants to remove the bishops from the House of Lords. You might be aware of that. He wants to remove the bishops because he wants to stop. He wants this country to cease to be a Christian country. He wants this to be a multi faith country. Multiculturalism, that's what he buys into, because he doesn't buy into the nation's state, the history of this country and so on. He's part of that global order. The easiest way to give effect to the global order is to embrace mass migration and multiculturalism because it does away with a sense of belonging. It does away with. It does away with a homogeneous, integrated society. He likes that. We have to reverse all of that. So we have to repeal the Equalities Act. We have to repeal. Repeal all the regulations which go around the Equalities Act. We need to repeal the Human Rights act, which doesn't preserve human rights, but serves to protect criminals and set aside British citizenship. We already had human rights in this country. We've had human rights in this country for longer than any other country in the world. And people's human rights were protected through the entire body of our law. We didn't need a specific act to do it. We don't need the European Convention to do it. We can set all that aside. We need to set all of it aside, go back to where we were in 1996. And we need to make it clear to people who are in this country that if you're here and you're not a British citizen and you don't like our Christian constitution, our Christian roots and our imperial history, and if you think Winston Churchill was a white supremacist, you're welcome to leave the country. We're not holding you here against your will, but if you are going to be here, if you are going to be here, then you have to recognize and accept all of that. And I'm afraid the time also has come, Brian, for us to be less shy about who we are. When I grew up, even in the 1980s, and when I went to school from 1979 to 1980, 1984, to rugby in the Midlands. Even then, we never banged the drum for the country. We took the country for granted. We all had a pride in the union flag. I've had a pride in that flag all my life. Every. Every time I look at that flag, it does something inside me. And I don't know if it does the same to you, but it does it to me. Maybe the Stars and Stripes do it for you. They both do. Yeah, they both do. And so you know what I mean? Yes. And investment club today, I consider it the best investment that I've ever made. We get four projects presented a week by their associated CEOs. Personally, I'm completely blown away by the.
- [80:26]
B
Quality of these projects. And I know of nowhere else where.
- [80:29]
A
I would be given this same opportunity.
- [80:31]
B
Each week that passes, I feel more appreciative fact that I'm a member of this group.
- [80:35]
A
The vibe was just tremendous. Everybody's on the same wavelength. We just clicked. Everybody listened to each other, enjoyed their company. It was just magical, magical. Take action, don't take my word for it. Due diligence you need to do. And I really hope that someday down the road, I see you in the club. It far exceeded expectations without questions. And we. And we just took that for granted. And it was a mistake to take it for granted. And we are now going to have to be more vocal about it. There are some, like Dr. Starkey who said, who say, no, it's not British to be banging the drum for Britishness. But I think, I'm afraid where we've reached a point. Now this comes back to your thing about drastic measures. Not that this is hugely drastic, but I think we need to sing the national anthem at schools, we need to sing Rule Britannia at schools, we need to sing Jerusalem in schools, we need to sing the flower of Scotland in Scotland. We need to reacquaint ourselves with our Christian, Christian national roots. One of the reasons I think that people try to claim that this is a racist flag is because it's overtly a Christian flag.
- [81:56]
B
Because of the St. George's Cross.
- [81:58]
A
St. George's Cross, the Saltire of St. Patrick and the Saltire of St Andrews. They're all our saints. And so people, it's a Christian flag. So if you stand against Christianity, you won't like that flag. It's an affront to you. So we've got to be much more forceful of who we are. And I think we've got to teach correctly that the wealth of this country wasn't as a result of the slave trade, but as a result of us being one of the originators of the agrarian revolution, being great pioneers, being intrepid in the way that we went across the globe, having a form of law that actually people we visited wish to adopt and has been adopted wholesale across the globe. That we were a significant part of the industrial revolution, that we had some of the best scientists. And all of that, by the way, came through freedom of speech, freedom of thought and the ability to express that freedom of thought. And we will be a lesser society. We'll be economically hollowed out if we lose touch with all of that. So we need to be much more self confident in our history, in our pride, in our nation. And we need to teach that to our children. We need to reverse the long march of the market teachers through our institutions and teach children history the way I was taught it.
- [83:24]
B
And that's what advance is going to do.
- [83:25]
A
Advance is going to do all of that. And I don't think it's too late. I really don't think it's too late.
- [83:30]
B
I don't think so either.
- [83:31]
A
It's close, it's close, it's close. And what I want to avoid, what we must avoid is leaving it so late that the measures become drastic. Too drastic. We want to do it through peace and love. Right.
- [83:43]
B
So violence doesn't come in.
- [83:44]
A
Yeah, I don't want violence. No one benefits from violence. Then the danger there, Brian, is that the means will defeat the end. You will never be able to find that wonderful settled place that was the United Kingdom. If you use violence to try and get there.
- [84:01]
B
Okay, okay. But when a million people are ignored, when they march by the politicians, then if they continue to ignore that, then that does result in some type of violence.
- [84:14]
A
It may.
- [84:15]
B
And that's why you need to give, you need to listen, you need to give them a voice. You do, you need to find out. I think you said that when you first came here. It's like they have a democratic mandate. If people show up in that way, in that force, by a definition, they have a democratic mandate. And you're right, you have to listen to those people because that's a significant portion of your voters.
- [84:39]
A
Absolutely.
- [84:40]
B
And when you ignore them, you're just asking for trouble.
- [84:43]
A
You're asking for trouble and then you will have to build a 9 foot tall metal fence outside parliament.
- [84:49]
B
Yeah, you're kicking the can down the road. And one of my mentors once said, there's never an easy time to make a hard decision. And they're just ignoring, ignoring, ignoring, because it's not convenient to talk about these things right now.
- [85:00]
A
They need to get a grip quickly.
- [85:01]
B
Okay. And you will promote the flag. And the flag is now being flown everywhere, which is great. That's great because it's people believing in this country again and believing in the values that makes this place British.
- [85:13]
A
You know, Starmer said he had to reclaim the flag from the far right. The flag has never been far right. The flag belongs to the British people or the English people. If it's St. George, it's never been far. The flag cannot be divisive. How can our flag be divisive?
- [85:29]
B
I'm with you. I'm with you. It's just another thing that is weaponized by the left. They can almost weaponize anything. And then they chose something not as benign, but as something that would seem as obviously representing us as a flag.
- [85:47]
A
You know, our national anthem. Our national anthem is a Christian hymn. God Save the King. It's Christian. We've got to get a grip, remind ourselves who we are.
- [85:59]
B
We have four more years of labor. Today, Mr. Starmer asked for mandatory digital IDs. There's a playbook here of this globalist playbook you're talking about. And they're executing it almost step by step. What do people do?
- [86:13]
A
We're going to revoke all of that.
- [86:14]
B
Okay.
- [86:15]
A
Every single thing. I'm going to say this again and again and again between now and 2029 so that everyone is on notice. If an advanced UK forms a government or as part of a government, we will revoke everything that Starmer has done. Indeed, our aim is to revoke everything that any government's done since 1997.
- [86:38]
B
Okay.
- [86:39]
A
Pretty much.
- [86:40]
B
Okay. Okay. And do we have to resist it in the meantime? Because it's hard to undo digital id, isn't it?
- [86:45]
A
You can undo. You can. We're gonna undo this. We're gonna undo this stuff.
- [86:49]
B
Okay. What do you make of Trump? You obviously said it's important that we have that party in the White House around 29, because that special relationship is important to maybe get Britain right up. Right.
- [87:03]
A
I mean, Biden was terrible for us because he gave cover for all this crap.
- [87:07]
B
Right.
- [87:07]
A
That's going on.
- [87:08]
B
And he did no favors for the uk.
- [87:09]
A
He did no favors. He threw Northern Ireland under a bus. Right. You know, he. He wanted. He bought that narrative or he perpetrated the narrative that there would be violence on the island of Ireland if the United Kingdom was whole. That we had to divide ourselves by putting A border down the Irish Sea to prevent violence. Well, that is giving in to the threat of violence. Again, I go to Newcastle in peace, but I'm not going to give in to the threat of violence. I go there because they're threatening me. And I'm going there because I was going to go there, but they're not going to stop me from going there because of the threat of violence. And we gave in to the threat of violence when we put a border down the Irish Sea. That's how far we've fallen. You know, the United Kingdom technically doesn't even exist at the moment. There is a border down the Irish Sea. The Acts of Union, Article 6 of the Acts of Union, which state clearly that every part of the United Kingdom must be on an equal footing with every other part of the United Kingdom and free to trade with every other part of the United Kingdom in an equal way. And no sovereign has the right to sign an international treaty which sets that aside. That is Article 6 of the act of Union written in 1800. And we've set it aside through an international treaty. We're going to revoke that international treaty. The EU is going to hate it. They're going to have to wear it. And that's why we need someone like Vance as president.
- [88:42]
B
Okay. Okay. And Trump is good friends with Farage, but he changes his mind sometimes.
- [88:53]
A
Let's see what happens.
- [88:56]
B
Ben, do you miss. Do you miss being a property developer sometimes. And think maybe I'd go back to the old days? Or is this really your calling? Was your whole life built to do this job? Do you ever feel that way?
- [89:09]
A
I have no political ambitions. I swear that I know all politicians say they don't have. I swear I don't have any political ambitions. I'm 60 years old. I've made enough money for me to live very comfortably for the rest of my life. My brother, who loves this country, who has also made a lot of money, has left. Lots of people of my brother's peer group and my own peer group have left because of what's going on in this country. They're in Milan, they're in Dubai. Some are in Abu Dhabi. Some have gone to Portugal. Many of them are calling me and saying they want to come back. Can they support advance uk? What can we do to help them come back to the uk? It is a chalice I hold at the moment, and I will hold it dear and I will keep swinging. I'm going to mix metaphors here, but I'll keep swinging that bat. And I'll stand bloodied on the battlefield until either I prevail, we prevail, or I fall on the battlefield. It is the role that has presented itself to me. It doesn't matter to me whether I make it into government or not. What matters is to me is that the next government is pro British and stands by principle, not expediency, and will deliver this country from the perils in which it finds itself.
- [90:34]
B
Okay, how can people sign up to be part of advance uk?
- [90:39]
A
Well, please sign up, because we can't do it on our own. We need people to stand up and come behind us. All the two and a half million people who watched online and the million people, please sign up. If we can get a million people signing up, we will form the next government. And you can do it by going to www.advanceuk.orguk. that's www.advanceuk.org UK. Click on the membership button. It's only £10 until 30th September. It then goes to £20, which is still cheap compared to the other political parties. And you get a much better bang for your buck. You get a politically solid philosophy at the very least with advance uk. Sign up, give us your support. Offer up your support to campaign. Come with us on our journey. Advise us on policies. Come and join our college if you wish to. Come and offer yourself up to be a candidate. Let's save the country together.
- [91:33]
B
Do you have to be a registered voter?
- [91:34]
A
You have to be a British citizen. And on the electoral roll.
- [91:37]
B
And on the electoral roll.
- [91:38]
A
And not a member of another political party.
- [91:40]
B
Okay, Gotcha. You can quit the other party.
- [91:42]
A
Yeah.
- [91:43]
B
And come to you.
- [91:43]
A
Yeah. You got to give us your support. You got to marry us.
- [91:46]
B
Okay.
- [91:46]
A
Yeah.
- [91:47]
B
And if you get a million people, then you win the next general election.
- [91:49]
A
Oh, my God, we will win. We will walk the next general election.
- [91:52]
B
That's your slogan then?
- [91:53]
A
Yeah. A million people join. We'll win the next election.
- [91:56]
B
970,000 to go.
- [91:57]
A
Yeah.
- [91:57]
B
If people knew that. Yeah. And you got all of those people and all those eyeballs and all that support on that September 13th rally, then.
- [92:06]
A
This is what we've walked the next election.
- [92:08]
B
Yeah.
- [92:08]
A
Can you imagine?
- [92:11]
B
You know, I've spoken to a lot of people over the years, Ben, but I've really enjoyed my time with you. You clearly are a man on a mission with real, sincere purpose.
- [92:21]
A
Thank you.
- [92:22]
B
And to walk away from reform means that the proof is in the pudding. Right. Like, you want the principles stood up for. You want people to follow those principles. You want to Bring Britain back unashamedly. Let's bring it back. And the whole world wants it back.
- [92:39]
A
The whole world wants it back. We were loved.
- [92:41]
B
Yes. It's an important part of the world. It's interesting, you were talking about all the accomplishments of Britain, and Trump stood up out at Windsor Castle and gave a similar, you know, brief of what all the great things the British Empire is. And he was rattling these things off, and everyone is watching and listening, and they're captured and enraptured. And somehow then the whole world needs the UK to be on the stage as a player again, and everybody needs it.
- [93:11]
A
It needs to know we're at peace in ourselves and that we can be relied on as a sovereign state that will always cooperate for peace globally, but not get subsumed into the global order. There's a difference. And that India, Pakistan, the Caribbean Islands, South America, Africa, they can all rely on British justice, British sense of fair play. We need to get back to that position.
- [93:41]
B
Yeah, well, 60, you're just a young kid, you know, you got plenty of room left. Plenty of room left. Thank you so much for the time.
- [93:49]
A
Thank you.
- [93:49]
B
It was incredible to hear, and I'm wishing you all the best on this journey.
- [93:52]
A
Thank you very much. Thank you for having me on, Brad.
- [93:54]
B
Appreciate it.
- [93:55]
A
Yeah. Thank you.
- [94:00]
B
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