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- [00:00]
A
Hello and welcome to the Hot Seat. I'm Martin Rogers, here with Laura Robbins Wright to discuss the current situation in calais and the UK's response to it. Welcome, Laura.
- [00:08]
B
Thank you for having me.
- [00:09]
A
So, first of all, can you give us an overview of the current situation?
- [00:12]
B
Of course. It is a bit difficult to get definitive information at the moment, but there are estimated to be between 3 and 5,000 forced migrants living in makeshift camps around the city of Calais in northern France. Some of these individuals have been attempting to access the UK by hiding aboard the many lorries and trains that cross the Channel each day. The UK authorities have reported that over 400 individuals have accessed the UK using clandestine means since the beginning of June. However, these individuals are also putting themselves at incredible risk in the process, and 10 people have died attempting to make the journey since June. In response, the UK government has attempted to prevent individuals from accessing the secure areas surrounding Eurotunnel by providing additional fencing as well as dispatching UK Border Force teams to the area. In addition, the government has been obliged to reinstate Operation Stack on several occasions in the past month or so, and this essentially involves transforming sections of the M20 motorway in Kent into a car park in cases where lorries are unable to cross the Channel. And this could be for any number of reasons, but it does include concerns related to persons in the tunnel.
- [01:32]
A
So how did we get to the situation that we're in now?
- [01:36]
B
Well, despite the recent increase in reporting on the situation in Calais, this is in fact a long standing issue. In 1999, the Red Cross opened up a small camp in the Sangat area of Calais in order to assist a group of approximately 200 individuals who had fled a conflict in Kosovo and were hoping to seek asylum in the uk. Much as we see today, these individuals were also attempting to board lorries and trains in order to reach the uk. And over time, the number of forced migrants in the Sangat camp increased and the camp was soon operating well beyond its capacity, leading to concerns not only related to the living conditions there, but but also the presence of human traffickers. In response, the labor government initially argued that it was the French government's responsibility to address the situation. But they did agree eventually to negotiate a compromise following pressure from the Conservatives as well as Eurotunnel, and the Sangat camp was closed in 2002. However, a number of forced migrants did remain in the Calais area, due in large part to the fact that Calais is the largest port in the area and does offer a number of avenues through which individuals can attempt to reach the uk. In the meantime, we have seen the French government try to disperse these forced migrants on occasion, but these efforts have largely proven unsuccessful and of course don't address the underlying reasons why people continue to seek protection in Europe. Most recently, I should add that the French government has opened up an accommodation center for women and children in Calais, but reports suggest that the centre is already operating at capacity and the vast majority of individuals are continuing to live in very precarious conditions without electricity or running water, leading to concerns again about living conditions and safety, but also leading to well documented public health problems.
- [03:40]
A
So what are the major push and pull factors at work in this situation?
- [03:46]
B
Well, again, it is difficult to get precise information about the individuals who are living in Kele by virtue of their situations, but voluntary sector organizations operating in the area have suggested that many of these individuals are coming from countries such as Eritrea, Sudan and Afghanistan. So in other words, many of these individuals are coming from countries with well documented violations of human rights as well as conflict and instability. Regarding pull factors, there have been suggestions that some individuals may be attempting to reach the UK because they have relatives here or because they already speak English. There are also suggestions that perhaps differences in the implementation of asylum procedures in UK and France could be contributing to the situation as well as for example, the Home Office suggests that most asylum applications will receive a response within six months. Conversely, in France it can take several months simply just to register a claim for asylum, and voluntary sector organizations have reported that in 2014 it took an average of 15 months to receive a decision on asylum claims. That said, I think it is important to remember just in general, that customary and international law does provide individuals with the right to leave their countries of origin in search of asylum in other countries, and stipulates that governments should not penalize individuals for entering a country of refuge without authorization. In addition, governments do have a de facto obligation to assess all asylum applications that they receive in order to ensure that they don't return an individual to a country where they could face pressure persecution. It's also worth noting that the UK does receive fewer asylum applications than most other large EU member states. For example, in 2014 the UK received approximately 5% of all new asylum applications in the European Union, which is the equivalent of approximately 500 applications for every 1 million British residents. By by comparison, France received roughly 1,000 applications for every 1 million residents in France, and Germany received 2,400 applications approximately for every 1 million Germans. It's also worth noting that Turkey, Pakistan and Lebanon are the top three host countries for refugees in the world. So, although asylum flows can certainly be unpredictable, and while they may create pressures for local authorities, it is important to ensure that refugees and asylum seekers can exercise their rights and also to maintain a sense of perspective about the global refugee situation.
- [06:39]
A
So what's the situation more broadly across Europe? What's the wider context?
- [06:46]
B
Well, it seems as though we're witnessing two different dynamics in migration policy making in Europe at the moment. On the one hand, at the national level, in some countries there seems to be a desire to pursue a more restrictive approach to migration, whereas at the EU level, in some areas we are seeing a desire to perhaps be a bit more accommodating, certainly in recognition of the pressures in Southeastern Europe, south and Eastern Europe rather, and the increased flows across the Mediterranean. So, for example, at the national level, the UK has recently implemented substantive cuts to financial support for asylum seekers. And in Denmark, the recently elected Venstre government has announced plans to introduce similar measures next month and has also proposed to reintroduce checks along its border with Germany. In Hungary and Bulgaria, for example, we've also seen measures to reduce the flow of asylum seekers across their territories by building fences along their borders with Serbia and Turkey, respectively. Conversely, at the EU level, the European Union has recently implemented reforms as part of its efforts, ongoing efforts to develop a common European asylum system. These reforms in particular address issues related to the processing of asylum claims as well as reception conditions for asylum seekers. Now, if these revised directives are implemented as intended, we could see a shift towards a more expeditious asylum system that also better respects the dignity of asylum seekers and provides safeguards for vulnerable individuals. However, it could be several years before we start to see meaningful changes in reception conditions for asylum seekers, given that some provisions of the revised directives enter into effect until 2018. Moreover, the fact that the UK, Ireland and Denmark are not bound by the revised directives, and in light of the increased flows across the Mediterranean, there are certainly questions as to whether these reforms in particular will genuinely help the EU develop a more coherent asylum system. It is also worth noting, of course, that the EU is cognizant of the pressures and flows across the Mediterranean and has endeavored to respond by engaging in more responsibility sharing through the introduction of not only a relocation program for asylum seekers, but also a resettlement program for refugees outside the European Union. To date, most member states, excluding the UK and Denmark, have pledged to relocate more than 30,000 asylum seekers from from Italy and Greece. And in addition, we've seen commitments to resettle more than 18,000 refugees over the next two years. Now, the indications are that this resettlement will occur within existing quotas rather than being in addition to current commitments. But this is still an important step given that collectively, European countries resettle far fewer refugees than other countries such as the United States, Canada and Australia.
- [10:09]
A
So what are the possible options for resolution to the situation?
- [10:15]
B
Well, at the moment, it seems that the UK's approach has been to securitize the situation. And we see this not only through phrases such as a swarm of people, but also the use of measures, as I mentioned earlier, related to providing additional fencing and and dispatching UK border force teams. In terms of solutions, the UK and France could consider sharing responsibility for assessing the asylum claims of any individuals who wish to make such claims in Calais. At the moment, there is some precedent for this approach. In 2002, before the Sangat camp was closed, the UK and France did reach a compromise solution in which the British government agreed to provide temporary protection to approximately 1,000 Iraqis who were living in Calais and also offered family reunification to roughly 200 Afghans who had relatives here, while the French government, of course, agreed to assess the remaining asylum claims. In addition, that still leaves the question of the current reception conditions for forced migrants in Calais. And the French government has applied for funding, emergency funding, from the European Union in order to support the construction of the accommodation center I mentioned earlier for women and children. And so the provision of additional emergency funding could help ensure that there are adequate reception conditions for all forced migrants in Calais at the moment. But there is also a possibility that civil society could play a role in this area. For example, in Germany, we've seen a number of cases recently where individuals have voluntarily opened their homes to asylum seekers to ensure that these individuals have a safe place to live while they're awaiting a decision on their asylum claims. And of course, this isn't something that the government can mandate, and it doesn't absolve the government of their legal responsibilities. But if there is a desire among individuals or voluntary sector organizations, then this form of domestic responsibility sharing could theoretically increase reception capacity while asylum seekers are awaiting for their claims to be processed.
- [12:36]
A
Great. Thank you very much, Laura. You're welcome. Thank you for having me.
- [12:39]
B
Thanks.