The Best Of Mark Levin - 7/4/26

Summary

Mark Levin Podcast: "The Best Of Mark Levin" – July 4, 2026

Overview

In this July 4th "Best Of" retrospective, Mark Levin offers his signature analysis on the current state of American politics and society, focusing on what he sees as existential threats to the nation: American Marxism, Islamism, "woke" neo-fascism, and the erosion of founding principles. Framed around the nation’s 250th birthday, Levin reflects on the Declaration of Independence, the centrality of the Judeo-Christian ethic, the meaning of Americanism versus nationalism/populism, and calls on his audience for civic activism. The episode is rich in conservative cultural criticism, re-examinations of the Founders’ intent, and impassioned warnings about the path of the country.

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Key Discussion Points & Insights

1. Personal Anecdotes & Threats to Security

• Internet and Email Hacking
  Levin describes a recent incident of his email being hacked, allegedly by Iranian actors, as an example of the dangers posed by foreign adversaries (00:19–01:01).
  Notable Quote:

  "They just blew out my entire email. They being Iran, of course." — Mark Levin (00:41)

2. Marxism and Islamism: An Unholy Alliance

• Origins and Spread
  Levin traces what he calls a "marriage" between American Marxism and Islamism, explaining how left-wing elites and Islamic fundamentalists, though ideologically distinct, now share an enemy: Western civilization and America specifically (01:48–14:05).
• Constitutional Rejection
  He asserts that progressives, tracing back to Woodrow Wilson, have never accepted core American constitutional principles, facilitating the rise of radical elements within the Democratic Party, including those sympathetic to Islamist causes (02:45–08:15).
  Notable Quote:

  "The Democrat Party has never really accepted Americanism, constitutionalism...That's why the rise of so called democratic socialists within the Democrat Party. That’s why the rise of radical Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran-supporting Islamists in the Democrat Party." — Mark Levin (04:14)

3. The 'Woke Reich' and Neo-Fascists

• Levin identifies a third, internal threat: the "Woke Reich" (spelling out "R-E-I-C-H," likening it to fascism), which he considers a form of authoritarianism on the right and left (09:14–11:40).
  Notable Quote:

  "These are neo-fascists, these are authoritarians. And just like with Marxists...stop calling them socialists, stop calling them progressives, stop calling them democratic socialists, Marxist or if you prefer communists, call them by what they are." — Mark Levin (05:14)

4. Education, Indoctrination, and Brainwashing

• Levin claims universities have been "monopolized" by the left, brainwashing youth against the nation’s values, and points to foreign governments and online actors as further sources of ideological subversion (10:17–12:48).

5. Americanism vs. Nationalism and Populism

• Hamilton vs. Madison/Jefferson
  A segment explores the ideological divide between Hamiltonian centralism and Madisonian/Jeffersonian decentralism. Levin sides firmly with the latter, associating Hamilton’s ideas with the roots of modern big government and progressivism (15:27–31:40).
  Notable Quotes:
  • "So the left likes Hamilton. The so-called nationalists, populists, they like Hamilton. I'm a Jeffersonian, Madisonian and I know I am and I'll be that way for the rest of my life." — Mark Levin (17:04)
  • "So when people talk about Theodore Roosevelt's one of my favorite presidents...you do need to understand that he was really the first so-called progressive president." — Mark Levin (63:55)
• Dangers of Centralized Government
  Extended analysis urges skepticism of expanding federal power, likening all forms of centralized authority (even so-called right-wing populism) as stepping-stones toward the totalitarian tendencies of leftist ideology (62:59–71:16).

6. Birthright Citizenship and Immigration

• A recap of congressional debate and Supreme Court rulings affirms Levin’s opposition to birthright citizenship for children of non-citizens, characterizing it as "grossly abused" (32:16–35:07).
• Levin claims these policies contribute to increased crime and the victimization of Americans, sharing emotional testimonies from families affected (36:21–41:35). Notable Quote:

  "By now you probably saw this hearing... She was shot in the head. She literally ran for 40ft while this animal chased her and executed her. Can you imagine...?" — Mark Levin (36:44)

  • Jessica Gorman, an "angel family" mother, testifies:

    "In what world does the child who spent her life making sure no one was lonely, die terrified and alone...? Thanks for telling me, without telling me, that you... you know, you’re here, but you don’t want to be." — Jessica Gorman (40:49)

7. Origins and Meaning of July 4th / Declaration of Independence

• Levin reflects on the philosophical and historical importance of the Declaration (44:47–58:59):
  • The author sees the Declaration as rooted in eternal truths (natural law, God-given rights).
  • Warns against leaders (e.g., Woodrow Wilson, Barack Obama) and ideologies (Marxism, Islamism) that dismiss or intentionally distort its meaning.
  • Praises Calvin Coolidge for defending the universal and timeless value of the Declaration (57:10). Notable Quotes:

  "The Declaration of Independence is the most concise, substantive, ingenious statement of who we are as a people." — Mark Levin (57:16)
  "We're celebrating Americanism." — Mark Levin (71:16)

8. Call to Action and Civic Responsibility

• Reiterates the need for direct civic engagement—talking to neighbors, influencing politics, countering radical ideologies—to save the nation’s founding ideals (42:32–43:59).
  Notable Quote:

  "We have got to inform ourselves...We have got to be the beacons here...If we don't push back, it's over." — Mark Levin (42:30–42:48)

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Timestamps for Important Segments

• Hacking Incident & Foreign Threats: 00:19–01:01
• Marxism and Islamism in America: 01:45–14:05
• Bond with Israel / Faith & Freedom: 14:11–15:10
• Hamilton, Madison, and the Founding Structure: 15:27–31:40
• Birthright Citizenship Debate & Testimonies: 32:16–41:35
• Declaration of Independence / 4th of July Philosophy: 44:47–58:59
• Nationalism, Populism, and the Founders: 59:07–71:16

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Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• On Marxist and Islamist Alliance:

  "But they have a single enemy, the same enemy, and it is the west, it is us. They will work out the details. After they destroy us, they will kill each other. We have seen it before. But that is not where their heads are at." — Mark Levin (07:49)

• On Education:

  "The Marxists monopolize our universities and colleges, particularly those that are considered Ivy League...it's brainwashing, it's propaganda, it's strong-arming, it's thuggish." — Mark Levin (10:30)

• Fourth of July Reflection:

  "Never before, never before had a document contained the kind of philosophy about individualism, about humanity, about representative government... Never before in all of human history was a country willing to go to war over these beliefs." — Mark Levin (47:40)

• Defining Americanism:

  "We're celebrating Americanism. Not nationalism, not populism... Americanism." — Mark Levin (71:16)

• Emotional Testimony:

  "In what world does the child who spent her life making sure no one was lonely, die terrified and alone... Thanks for telling me, without telling me, that you... you know, you're here, but you don't want to be." — Jessica Gorman (40:49)

• On Civic Action:

  "You and I, right here, we help strengthen and give birth to the Tea Party Movement... You and I are uniquely positioned. Not the Internet, not the podcasters. They can pat themselves on their ass all they want. Right here, conservative talk radio. You and I are the ones who are positioned to do something about this. And by God, we will." — Mark Levin (43:05–43:59)

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Structure & Flow

The episode moves from personal anecdotes and contemporary threats (Iranian hacking, ideological subversion) into broad historical context (the Founders, Federalism, July 4th), then circles back to current events (immigration policy, congressional hearings, ongoing cultural conflicts). Throughout, Levin interjects with emotional, sometimes combative asides, especially in discussing the practical human costs of policy (e.g., the testimony of Jessica Gorman).

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Conclusion

Mark Levin's July 4th "Best Of" episode is a wide-ranging patriotic defense of American founding principles, interlaced with passionate warnings about Marxist, Islamist, and neo-fascist forces eroding the nation's core. Through historical analysis, political commentary, and emotional testimonials, he calls for a revival of "Americanism" and direct civic participation as the only antidote to what he presents as looming national decline.

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To get the full tone and rhetoric, listeners will appreciate Levin's urgent, sometimes polemical style, a mix of legal-political analysis and deeply personal appeals.

Transcript

[Mark Levin (Host/Announcer)]

It's all quiet in the underground bunker, doors closed, locks bolted. But the great one isn't just resting on his laurels. He's making sure your weekend is even better by giving you his best. This is the best of Mark Levin.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

You know, I got a phone call.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I'm not going to get into detail from one of the federal agencies. And they said, Mr. Levin? I said, yes. He said, what the hell did I do? They said, nothing. We came across something. We want to bring it to your attention. If you find anything weird happening on your Internet, on your mail or whatever, give us a heads up. Okay? I'm giving you a heads up. You know who you are out there. They just blew out my entire email. They being Iran, of course.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

No.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Can you prove it, Mark?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

How the hell can I prove it? Everything was working fine. The show begins. We've had this problem from time to time and you know, they have their little urchins out there working away. And I've tried many ways to block this, but I'm unsuccessful at it. Let me, let me start this way. I want to congratulate all the people who pat themselves on the head and pat themselves on the back on the Internet that they have finally figured out this marriage between Marxism and Islamism that you and I have been talking about. How long, Rich? I don't even know. Years and years.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

We're not going to go back and bore you with the audio and so

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

forth, but it was very, very lonely out here.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

I don't really care. And not that you will and not that you should, but for reference, if you look at my last three books, American Marxism, which sold about 1.3 to 1.4 million copies, or the Democrat Party Hates America, where I explained the Democrat Party's role in this radicalism, or my last book on power. All these books are intended to be basically chapters in a massive book which of course you can't possibly read or write. I certainly can't write it that way. And what's going on now, America?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Is this what's going on in your country?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

And again, we've talked about it, but I'm trying to figure out ways to highlight it and underscore it and put a marquee around it and so forth

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

and so on,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

this Marxist movement, this American Marxist movement, and I call it American Marxist Movement because it has been customized to America, that is Marxism. We've gone through the whole history of it until I'm blue in the face. The progeny of Marx, which is the so called self identified progressives they are American Marxists and go back to Woodrow Wilson and several others that I've written about and we've talked about in the past. They did not like the American system. They rejected the Declaration of Independence, they rejected the Constitution of the United States. And so they've applied this redistribution of wealth, oppressor, oppressed and on and on all these approaches. Not because the people want them, not because this is some kind of a bottom up revolution. No, because the elitist want it, the ruling class wants it and they've imposed it on us and most of it through the Democrat Party. Because the Democrat party has never really accepted Americanism, constitutionalism. It just never has and it still hasn't. That's why the rise of so called democratic socialists within the Democrat Party. That's why the rise of Marxists within the Democrat Party. That's why the rise of radical Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran supporting Islamists in the Democrat Party. You don't see it in the Republican Party. I'm not giving a pass to the Republican Party. We see other things. We see other things. We see the woke Reich. It's not R I G H T, it's R E I C H. These are neo fascists, these are authoritarians. And just like with Marxists when everybody was calling them progressives and socialists and I said over and over and over again on Fox on this station radio, stop calling them socialists, stop calling them progressives, stop calling them democratic socialists, Marxist or if you prefer communists, call them by what they are. And now everybody does and that's very, very important. Islamists, stop calling them radical Muslim, start calling them this and that. They are Islamists, they self identify as Islamists. They are jihadis, that's what they are. And they're in our country by the thousands, by the tens of thousands. Since at least after World War II there was a big push as Europeans came into this country, particularly from Germany, pushing this ideology of communism. Now don't get me wrong, I've already explained Woodrow Wilson and so forth. Embrace this. They embraced it. John Dewey embraced it and they promoted it. But the more virulent kind, the 1940s, 30s, 40s, the Frankfurt Communists and so forth and so on. They imported it into the United States. They imported it into the United States. Look, Marx and others, Marcus German it's not Americanism because Marxism rejects the Judeo Christian belief system. It rejects all religion, it rejects all social institutions, even the nuclear family. That's why these radical teachers unions and their school boards want to make decisions about your children without your parents. Marx Specifically says in the Communist Manifesto, you've got to break that social chain. And religion, he says, is mysticism and gets into the way of advancing the people and on and on and on. And then we have this Islamist movement. So how did this happen? It happened because whether it's the. When you look in Europe, the labor parties, the liberal parties, the left wing parties in Europe, our Democrat party in America, they laid the way for the importation into this country of the third world. That's what they did. Immigration is supposed to be about bringing people into the country who will benefit the citizens who are here. Not to transform the country, not to destroy the country, not to change the makeup of the citizenship of this country. Yet those are the three reasons. We have open borders when we do, which Trump has shut. But I fear the damage has been done. And they exploit our due process rules, our Bill of Rights, our constitutional system, while attacking them. That is the beauty of their revolution. They can use the greatness of the American system to destroy the American system. And so the Marxists paved the way for the Islamists. Now you might say, but Islamists, they believe in Allah and Marxists do not believe in a God. Of course, you are right. But they have a single enemy, the same enemy, and it is the west, it is us. They will work out the details. After they destroy us, they will kill each other. We have seen it before. But that is not where their heads are at. Their heads are at number one mission. You must destroy the west, you must conquer it. For the Marxists, you must destroy it for that ideology. For the Islamists, you must destroy it for their political, religious ideology, their fundamentalism. Because Americanism, not nationalism, populism and all the other isms. Americanism is not an experiment. I hate when people. The American experience, not an experiment. It's truly the only humane way for a civilized people to survive. That's what it is. That's what it is. Now these have converged on us. The Marxists monopolize our universities and colleges, particularly those that are considered Ivy League in the hiring of. I've written about all this, but everybody can't read the book, so I'm explaining it. The faculty hires the faculty. Now, it's completely incestuous. And so you have almost no conservatives, almost none. Academic freedom, they call it, which of course is the opposite. It's brainwashing, it's propaganda, it's strong arming, it's thuggish. And so you have more and more young people born in our own country, in our own country, who hate it because they're indoctrinated. And if they're not indoctrinated in school, they're indoctrinated online with foreign governments and bots and all the rest of it. They are relentlessly, relentlessly hit with this. So if you're, if you're, Joe and Sally and you work all day and you come home and your kids go and send you, what the hell's going on? It's because they are being brainwashed. When they're not under your tutelage, they're being brainwashed. They're being brainwashed online, they're being brainwashed in social circles. And then you have the Islamists who are being imported into this country and because of our horrendous immigration laws. And you watch what the Supreme Court does tomorrow, you watch what it does with birthright citizenship. And I'll get to that in a minute, too. This is a strategic effort by a political, ideological, fundamentalist, religious cult that uses immigration strategically, that uses population location strategically, that has figured out how to exploit our primary and general voting systems, that has figured out how to exploit our Bill of Rights. It makes it a thousand times harder to remove them than to bring them here. That's why there's a war on ice. Not because they're wearing masks, for God's sakes. They all forced us to wear a mask five years ago. Now all of a sudden, now all of a sudden, it's frightening to everybody. These two, what you might think are divergent ideologies, but the means justifies their ends. They're together like a hand in a glove when it comes to the destruction of the Judeo Christian belief system and the Enlightenment principles that make this such a fantastic and wonderful society. But then we have a third problem that's converged here, and it's the woke, right, Neo fascists. You know who they are. I've been at war with them for what, a year and a half? Again, warned over and over and over, don't do that, Mark. You'll hurt your listenership, you'll hurt your viewership, you'll hurt your sponsors, and then the quizzlings behind my back. Keep it up, Mark. You're doing a great job. You're doing a great job. Who do nothing and say nothing. Now, I think we all realize that they are attacking Christianity, they are attacking Judaism, they are anti Semitic, they are pro Putin, they're pro Sharia law. That's who these people are. Some of them are hanging onto Republican positions in the administration, into the media. We know who they are. We know who they are. You're here because you want to know what's going on.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

And I'm here to tell you what's going on.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Of course they're attacking Jews. Of course they're attacking Israel. Of course they're attacking Christian Zionists and evangelical Christians. What holds this country together is the Judeo Christian belief system. The Marxists don't believe in the Judeo Christian belief system. The Islamists don't believe in the Judeo Christian belief system. So we're under attack. The Constitution protects us from them, so it's under attack. The Declaration of Independence, which we're about to celebrate on July 4, lays out in the most concise, brilliant form imaginable what we're all about. And they're incompatible with Marxism and Islamism. As I used to explain to Charlie Kirk, as I used to explain to anybody who would listen to they're incompatible because they seek to destroy us.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

They seek to destroy us.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

Mark the VIN

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

As America celebrates 250 years of independence, we're reminded that freedom is a blessing and a responsibility. America and Israel share a unique bond of friendship rooted in faith, freedom, democracy, and the belief that every person is created with dignity and purpose. Today, that friendship matters more than ever.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

At this very hour, the people of

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Israel face ongoing, deadly attacks from all sides. Jewish families live in fear and constant uncertainty. Yet, through the International Fellowship of Christians and Jews, Christians across America now have

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

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[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

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[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

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[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

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[Mark Levin (Host/Announcer)]

Making your weekend even better. This is the best of Mark Levin,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

something I hope you'll find interesting. I saw somewhere today, and I mentioned this earlier, that JD Vance had mentioned he prefers Hamilton to Milton to Milton Freeman.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

A lot of liberals like Hamilton.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Remember the play Hamilton that was in New York? Maybe it's still there. They loved it because in modern parlance, he's considered the big liberal, the big central government liberal. And he and Jefferson hated each other's guts. And Matt, he and Madison hated each other's guts. I'd love to discuss that. We've tried to get JD on and he's tried from time to time. They contacted Mr. Producer earlier this week, asked about Tuesday at at 6:40. The problem with 6:40 is that gives us five minutes. So we said how about 6:35?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

That gives us 10 minutes. And they couldn't do it. I don't know why.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I mean if they want to talk, it's going to take more than five minutes. I'll ask one question, he'll take four minutes and that'll be the end of it, right Rich? I mean we can't do that. So that's kind of ridiculous. Happy to have them though. There's a lot to get into. But this is my new interest because of him raising it.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

And

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Hamilton is very interesting since he brought it up.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

So the left likes Hamilton. The so called nationalists, populists, they like Hamilton.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I'm a Jeffersonian, Madisonian and I know I am and I'll be that way for the rest of my life. Let's talk about this. I'm looking up the section here that I wanted to read to you of my book on power. It's the most important little book I think in 20 years. Let's look at this. Let's look at the most influential founders.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Alexander Hamilton. His notion about liberty and the role

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

of government often conflicted with Jefferson's and Madison's.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Indeed, it turns out that Hamilton is among the most popular, if not the most popular founder among those who today support a more centralized and activist government. There's good reason for this. Hence the popularity of Hamilton, the Broadway musical, especially with the elites in entertainment, media and politics, among others, and most academicians. Examining Hamilton. I begin with Madison, who wrote in Federalist 45 the powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the state governments are numerous and indefinite. Madison wrote the former will be exercised principally on external objects as war, peace, negotiation and foreign commerce, with which the last, the power of taxation will be for the most part connected to the states. The powers reserved to the several states will extend to all objects which in the ordinary course of affairs concern the lives, liberties and properties of the people and the internal order, improvement and prosperity of the state. So you could see that Madison, like Jefferson, like so many of the founders,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

believe in a very limited central government.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Now this was the overwhelming view of those who.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I'm getting this from my book on power, just so you know.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

This was the overwhelming view of those who drafted and ratified the Constitution. Obviously Hamilton fought for the Constitution's ratification. Along with Madison and to a lesser extent, John Jay, he wrote the pro Constitution Federalist papers. Nonetheless, it is important to recall that as the constitutional con, that at the Constitutional convention, Hamilton, according to Madison's notes on the proceedings, clearly demonstrated his affinity for a powerful central government. Is that what you folks favor? And if so, what's happened to you? Powerful central government can turn against you on a dime. Consider that he proposed, that is Hamilton, quote, letting one branch of the legislature hold their places for life, at least during good behavior. Let the executive also be for life. Anybody here support that? He appealed to the feelings of the members present. This is Madison writing whether a term of seven years would induce the sacrifices of private affairs which an acceptance of public trust would require so as to ensure the services of the best citizens. On this plan, we should have in the senate a permanent will awaiting interest which would answer essential purposes. So a permanent president. Hamilton's idea was quickly dropped as it had almost no support. Professor Raul Berger, one of the greats

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

in his book Federalism. The founders design did more than most

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

to delve deeply into the matter of implied. This is important implied and conversely expressed powers. Now that's crucial to determining how much liberty actually exists within democracies. The exercise of implied powers is too frequently an abusive exercise and unauthorized power. Oh, that power is implied.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

No, it's not. Oh yes it is.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Central to the constitutional scheme, writes Berger, was restriction of the federal government to few defined and limited powers and assurances the state's residuary powers would be invaluable. He explains that in Federalist number 33. It was Hamilton who sought to ease any concerns that states have had to the Constitution that they were establishing a federal government that would reach outside its express powers. Hamilton wrote, and I quote, what is power but the ability or faculty of doing a thing? What is the ability to do a thing but the power of employing the means necessary to its execution? What are the proper means of executing such power but necessary and proper laws? Madison stated, writes Berger, that the clause gives no supplementary power. It only enables them to execute the delegated power. So in other words, Hamilton saying, hey look, what's the big deal? I need whatever power I need, I should get and take whatever power I need to execute as I'm free to execute. Madison says, wait a minute, no, you get no supplementary power. You do only what you're allowed and delegated to do. Moreover, this was the clear understanding in the state ratification conventions the plain text of Article 1, Section 8, Clause 18 of the Constitution referred to as the necessary and proper clause. This is what leftists hang their hat on. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States. Now, Professor Berger observed that the records make plain that the necessary proper clause was merely designed in specifically authorizing the employment of means to effectuate to carry into execution granted powers, and granted powers only, not to augment them. And they strongly read against the doctrine of implied powers. Implied powers, which means anything you want

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

it to mean, right?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

So to be clear, Congress was not granted discretionary power by way of implied powers to legislate at will. Despite Hamilton's assurances, he believed in an energetic central government. He was doggedly committed to this end as a close confidant of president George Washington as treasury secretary. So, putting aside his eloquent defense of the Constitution during the crucial state ratification debates subsequently, after that, it appears Hamilton had different intentions once the state legislatures adopted the document. For example, in 1791, at the request of Washington and in defense of the constitutionality the proposed bank of the United States, which was vehemently opposed by both Jefferson and Madison, Hamilton wrote in part, it is not denied that there are implied as well as expressed powers, and that the former implied powers are as effectually delegated as the latter. And for the sake of accuracy, it shall be mentioned that there is another class of powers which may be properly dominated resting powers. It is conceded that implied powers are to be considered as delegated equally with express ones.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Now, that's obviously not the case.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

He said. This restrictive interpretation of the word necessary of necessary and proper clause is also contrary to this sound maxim of construction, namely that the powers contained in a constitution of government, especially those which concern the general administration of the affairs of the country, its finances, trade and defense, etc. Ought to be construed liberally in advancement of the public good. This role does not depend on the particular form of government or on the particular demarcation of the boundaries of its power, but only on the nature of the object of government itself.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

So you get the rest.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

I'm not going to read it all,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

but it's pretty bad. See, I'm not a Hamiltonian, and when JD Says he is a Hamiltonian, this is very, very interesting to me. And I think that ought to be a point of discussion. Man, you know, they'll say, well, he favored the bank and he saved our financials. So what? We know that's true. But he believed in more than that, that's just the, you know, that's the short explanation. There's much more here.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Hamilton argued for a Teutonic shift away from the near universal understanding of the Constitution structure, which drew the strong ire of both Jefferson and Madison among others. And they argued that Congress had no power to create such a national bank, that it was the role of the states to create banks if they so desired. They were furious with Hamilton's assertion of implied powers and his expansive reading of the Constitution, especially when they had conveyed exactly the opposite in the Federalist Papers and in the arguments in the states

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

to ratify the Constitution.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

The debate over how to interpret the Constitution erupted early in the Republic and it would only get more intense. Not only would the manner of interpretation be disputed, but also who should interpret the Constitution and have the final say.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

And I go on there dealing with Marshall. So Hamilton was relatively radical early on in breaking away from the confines of the Constitution. And this is the problem with so called nationalism, populism. They have slogans for the people, America

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

first,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

things of that sort. But what are their principles? What are their governing principles? What are their political principles? What are they?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

And this is where the overlap, if

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

you will, occurs with the left. There's nothing new with this sort of paleo conservative or nationalist populist ideology. It's been tried before during various courses, cycles in our history. But is that what you are or you are constitutional conservative? I mean if we have Republicans who believe that a powerful central government is

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

the way to go and you have

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Democrats believing it also, then where does that leave us? This is why you have people who are huge fans of Theodore Roosevelt. I think the President is a fan of Theodore Roosevelt. I think the Vice President, others are too. I am not. Theodore Roosevelt was a progressive by his own definition. When he ran third party against Tafton

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Wilson, he ran on the Progressive Party.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

They called it the Bull Moose Party, but it was the Progressive Party. And he wrote a very extensive article in the New Republic back then in the early 1900s which laid out the case for effectively a quasi socialist economy. I'm telling you the truth. The reason they wanted to get him the hell out of New York as governor is because he was a fairly radical interventionist. So I'm not. Look, I respect him a lot, his presidency. The man was shot, you know, and he kept giving a speech and so forth. He's a remarkable man. He was a great war hero too. So don't get me wrong, I'm just saying he's not on my Top of the list. And yet for many people he is, particularly those who are so called nationalist populists. The Constitution exists for a reason. It's not just if you're Republican or a Democrat or your national populist or a Marxist Islamist. It's there to protect you and me from all these people, all their ideas, all their ideologies. There's a gentleman God who wrote Gad Gaad, I'm sorry, he was on the program, wrote a book called Suicidal Empathy.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

It's a great book, but it's built

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

on the notion that Montesquieu talked about that we've talked about here too,

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

where

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

he's warning about so called virtuous people. And he explains it's not the only

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

one, but prominently so.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

During the Enlightenment, Montesquieu explains, you got

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

to keep an eye on the people

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

who want to use government to pursue virtue because their virtue may not be what you think virtue is. And they are so righteous and so self confident about their ideas about virtue that they become a grave, grave threat. CS Lewis warned about the same thing. The same thing, virtue. Now there are virtuous people doing virtuous things. That's not what they're talking about. They're talking about politicians who want to use government in ways they become almost impossible to question or match or check or whatever. Keep in line. We want equality, we want affordability, we want low prices. Oh great. What does all that mean? You're a politician. It could mean a number of things. And so he was right. So I side with the Jeffersonians and the Madisonians. One, the author of the Declaration, the first draft, the other, the followed the Constitution. And I do not side with Hamilton. It's not to say he didn't do some good things. I mean a lot of people who I disagree with have done some good things. That's not the point. The point is what things are they pushing? What's their ideology? What's their objective generally. And a lot of what Hamilton was preaching was very deceiving from my perspective.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

Mark Levin

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[Mark Levin (Host/Announcer)]

You're listening to the best best of Mark Levin, Birthright citizenship.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

You know more about that than anybody on the face of the earth. But let's hear what the speaker of the House had to say about this Mike Johnson. He's a good man by the way. He's also a constitutional lawyer who was a lawyer, a litigator in the conservative legal community for many years. Cut one, go.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

I do think that this has been grossly abused in recent years. Okay. And that is the case that was being made by the plaintiffs in the case and we're very sympathetic to that because it is a serious problem we have. We have, you know, it's become a tourism, birthing tourism they call it, you know, a trend where people would just come and you just come onto the soil and have your child and then they're, they're able to avail themselves of the welfare state and everything else. It's, it's been abused. It's one of those things that was intended to serve a noble, important purpose and has been thwarted and overused and abused. And so I'm sure that we'll continue to look at that. I mean they, I'm sure the conclusion from this opinion is going to be that you got to have a, you got to amend the Constitution to fix that. As we all know, it's a, it's a big challenge to amend the Constitution. It's only happened 27 times in our whole nation's history. And the reason is because you got to have 2/3 of the both chambers of Congress and 3/4 of the states to ratify. It's usually, you know, at least a many years long process and very complicated. We'll see. I'm sure there's going to be lots of discussion about that. I will say I'm very disappointed in that outcome. I think it subjects the country to serious challenges going forward and we'll have to deal with it as a Congress

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

be difficult to deal with. I can tell you that right now they constitutionalize this. You hear people making stupid comments. Let's amend the Constitution. Okay? As long as you have Democrats in the House and Senate, you're not going to get 2/3 votes of the House or the Senate plus the rhino Republicans to do anything. As for a statute, the statute can't change the core fact now that this has been constitutionalized, statutes don't change the Constitution as you well know. So we'll see what can be done on the periphery, on the fringe. But the heart of it is the heart of it. Hassan Piker is A lowlife. He's a Jew hater. He is a terrorist supporter. He is a supporter of these Islamist Marxist movements. He was born in the United States. He is a birthright baby. Or was brought to Turkey, where he was radicalized and then brought back to the United States. And he's just a little example of what's going to happen and is happening to our country with this nonsense. And here he is on this issue as well. Cut five. Go.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

This is such an insane and fundamentally un American.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I really get sick and tired of Islamist commies who tell us what is un American. Don't you? They hate America.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

They hate our Constitution.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

This is what I always talk about.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Yet now they're gonna wave around the

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

14th Amendment, the ruling by Roberts and his ilk on the court, wave it around as some great victory, when, in

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

fact, their whole goal is to burn down the entire constitutional construct of the country.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Go ahead.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

I cannot begin to explain this to you. Okay, Ellis, I. Shut up.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I don't even want to hear your stupid voice. You make me sick to my stomach. Mm. I don't know.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

By now you probably saw this hearing.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Mike Lawler. I like Mike Lawlor a lot. You don't have to agree with him on everything, but I agree with him on a lot. He's just a good guy. He's in a marginally blue Democrat district. We have to carry districts like his in New York and other places that we can't win. But he's a smart guy. He's a principal guy. He's a fighter. And there he is.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

They're on this committee.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

They have the Goran family, Gorman family there, among others. And you have this lowlife. Jayapal.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

This is our fourth hearing on the subject of these. Of these families and what took place here. We could be focused on other things like, you know, health care and food. And there's the poor woman sitting there.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

And you probably saw this on Fox and elsewhere. They lost their beautiful daughter. She was shot in the head. She literally ran for 40ft while this animal chased her and executed her. And she's saying, what could she have

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

said in the 40ft? Calling out to her mommy, calling out to her daddy, calling out for help, knowing that she was going to be gunned down. Can you imagine, ladies and gentlemen, can you imagine this happening to your family? Can you imagine going through this nightmare every damn second of every day without your baby anymore? The inhumanity of the Democrats. They don't want to talk about it. It's the fourth time. We're not going to talk about this. And by the way, one of the things that's never been said about this birthright crap and these open borders, the inhumanity that that has involved in all these years with hundreds of thousands of missing children and women sold into sex slavery. Cut seven. Go.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Mike Lawler.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

So while some of my colleagues may not want to hear the truth, the same outrage you feel about Renee Good and Alex Pretty, you should feel about Sheridan Gorman and stop. Right. So this is Jaya Paul trying to shut him down. She's the head of the commie wing of the Democrat. But they call themselves progressive. That's commie. You hear Progressive.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

It's commie.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

And then Raskin, who's whose father was a big time Stalinist and started the Institute for Policy Studies. Go ahead and Google it. Go and google it. These are two big time commies. Two big time commies. Go ahead. Every angel family in this country. I do feel that outrageous. You do not. Because if you did, you would not support the outrage about Alice. You should be ashamed. You don't belong in this community. You should get the hell out of this race. You don't understand the committee. You don't understand the Constitution. Say one word about it.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

I did.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

I wrote a whole New York Times op ed about it. You should be absolutely yourself. Sanctuary policies that resulted in their daughters. The committee will be in order.

[Congresswoman or Committee Member]

Mr. Chairman, I just want to say we will.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Shut up. Shut up, you jackass. Your victims family members testifying on sanctuary policies. She's whining about. This is the fourth hearing. Go ahead on that one. Cut eight.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Please go.

[Congresswoman or Committee Member]

Unfortunately, this hearing is. It's the fourth time in this committee that we've had a hearing on sanctuary cities. The fourth time. And there's many other things that we could be doing other than this. I would have loved to have had some hearings on the unconstitutionality of the president's executive order on eliminating burden. Right citizenship. This is something that the Supreme Court just ruled today in a 6, 3 majority.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

So why would you need a hearing, genius? Go ahead.

[Congresswoman or Committee Member]

And yet.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Understand, understand.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Jessica Gorman, the mom of Sheridan Gorman, who was executed by this animal, is sitting there with her husband and her other daughter, her younger daughter, as are other individuals whose children were murdered due

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

to sanctuary city policies in blue cities and states. And she's listening to this woman complain as our fourth hearing. Go ahead.

[Congresswoman or Committee Member]

That caused so much fear and trauma across the country. We could have been discussing that.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Well, here's the response from Jessica Gorman. This poor mother is going through unimaginable hell. Cut nine.

[Jessica Gorman (Family Member Testifying)]

Go and in what world does the child who spent her life making sure no one was lonely die, terrified and alone, unappear in Chicago? In what world does the girl who saw everyone become invisible to the people in power responsible for protecting her? This cannot be explained away and it cannot be buried beneath the list of unrelated issues that you all paraded before us. Thanks for telling me, without telling me that you. You know, you're here, but you don't want to be. This is the fourth. This is the fourth time you had angel families. Thanks for telling me you don't care. This cannot be buried under your slogans, your statistics or excuses. And this just can't stand.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

You feel the agony. You share it, don't you? You tear up just listening to this poor mother. This family has been destroyed all over the country. This takes place all over the country. And the Democrats are nominating and electing in their primaries Communists, Islamists with ties to Hamas, individuals who are talking about destroying the state of Israel. Individuals are talking about 9, 11 as a good thing.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Our country,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

the Democrat Party, is nominating these people. They're going to be serving in your United States Congress.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

We have got to inform ourselves.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

That's why I spent an hour and a half at the beginning of this program.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

We have got to be the beacons here.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

We've got to help talk to our

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

family and friends and acquaintances.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

If we don't push back, it's over.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

This is our country. We can't rely on other people to

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

do all of our talking, battling on these things. We have to do it now.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

You and I, right here, we help strengthen and give birth to the Tea Party movement. You and I, right here,

[Mark Levin (Host/Announcer)]

helped give

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

birth to, with Mark Meckler and the folks, the Convention of States movement. You and I, right here. After the early primaries in 2016, we all pulled together when we got behind our president now, Donald Trump, and we fought for him. We fought against the lawfare they were using and the impeachments they were using to try and destroy him. And you and I, and certainly he and others, we were involved in his reelection and we're going to have to defend him again because they're coming after him and we'll do what we have to do. But you and I are uniquely positioned. Not the Internet, not the podcasters. They can pat themselves on their ass all they want. Right here, conservative talk radio. You and I are the ones who are positioned to do something about this. And by God, we will.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

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[Mark Levin (Host/Announcer)]

The great one makes your weekend even better. This is the best of Mark Levin.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

What is it that we celebrate and acknowledge on July 4th? 250 years ago, but we had delegates sent from the colonies to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia. On July 4th they issued a declaration. A declaration stating why they were prepared to go to war for their independence from the British Empire, the most powerful military force on the planet. The men who would sign this document were signing a death warrant. The British were actually very brutal. Very brutal. And if they caught any of them, they would have hanged them. It also meant their families were on the line, their farms and businesses were on the line. Very, very brave men and women, I should say. And even so, only about 40% of the population supported them. About 30% did not. And about 30% were neutral. But what was it about July 4th that was so special? The Declaration of Independence. Okay, big deal right now the big deal is this. Never before, never before had a document contained the kind of philosophy about individualism, about humanity, about representative government. Never before in all of human history was a country people willing to go to war over these beliefs. These beliefs came from the Judeo Christian values and principles. They came from the Enlightenment. We know this just by reading it. We also know because the main author of the first draft of the declaration said so. Thomas Jefferson. Now these men didn't agree on all matters. Some were agrarian, some were more

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

city

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

like and so forth. But they agreed on the principles. On the principles. What makes this especially remarkable and rare? They are prepared to go to war. Not for power. They are prepared to go to war for liberty. And not just their own liberty, but for the liberty of all the inhabitants of America. What did they say? They were not bashful about what they believed. They talked about unalienable rights. What does that mean? That these are rights that are not subject to government, not subject to being removed or destroyed because they're God given unalienable rights. As a matter of birth. This was a new idea. This was a. A grand idea. It's an idea that came from John Locke, among others. And what else? What else was it about this Declaration of Independence? It was an acknowledgement that the civil society pre existed before any government. This civil society with this social contract where individual citizens freely come together to form a society, to protect each other, to do commerce with each other. We'd never seen anything like this before, ever. They talked about natural rights and natural law. What in the world is that? Natural rights and natural law. This underscores their point that the rights you have don't come from man. They come from nature. They come from God. Natural law is the law of the civil society. Again, predates any government. They talked about these truisms, these essential truths. What's an essential truth? It's something that's true no matter where you live, no matter who you are. For instance, the Golden Rule. Do to others as you would have them do unto you. That is not limited to national boundaries or any government. What about the Ten Commandments, starting with thou shalt not murder? That is a universal truth, is it not? So they come together. Truth be told, the Revolutionary War had already actually begun in Boston and New York and other parts of the colonies. And they came together from South Carolina and Georgia, Massachusetts and New York and Pennsylvania, Virginia. They came together in a very short order. They wrote this, agreed to this Declaration of Independence. There were five drafts in all. Five drafts in all. We're celebrating on July 4th. Not just a document, we're celebrating the reason, the purpose for this country. The Constitution is a governing document. It's the most magnificent governing document ever drafted by human beings. But the Declaration serves as the principal basis for everything. It's concise and yet it's expansive in its application. The Declaration is rejected by. Barack Obama. Used to leave out the part about the Creator. He was mentioned several times in the document. It is rejected by Mondami, who's going to do grave damage to our celebration because he plans to give a speech. I went back when I wrote one of my books, ladies and gentlemen, and I looked at the speech that Woodrow Wilson gave on a July 4, 1914. Woodrow Wilson was an early American Marxist. He'd been a professor. He'd been president of Princeton. He was a radical ideologue, progeny of Marx. That's why I wrote American Marxism, so you would understand all that. And he gave a speech on the steps outside of Independence hall in Philadelphia on that July 4, essentially eviscerating the document. Don't pay attention to the first part of the Declaration. He essentially said, pay attention to the second half of the document. You see, the first half of the document lays out the purpose for the revolution and the purpose for the nation. The second half is a list of grievances against the King. Woodrow Wilson said, look, back then in 1776, these colonists, these Americans, they had their own issues. They espoused them.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

The key is that they raised all

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

these concerns with the king. And he said, look,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

we are new 1914. We have our own issues.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

We have our own problems, our own society.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

We have a right, just as they

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

did, to assert what we believe the country is about.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

We're not required to parrot and mimic

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

what they said in 1776 on July 4th. And he says it again in front of Independence Hall, 1914. And so they go to the list of grievances. And I suspect Mondami and the others will do it because they don't believe in the first part, the Declaration. If you're a Marxist and an Islamist, you can't, because your ideology is not about. It's not about the founding of America. It's not about the Declaration and the principles that undergird it. But you're more than happy to regurgitate the list of the problems that they presented to the King, because that's what it's all about. You see? Not these fundamental principles. No, no. Fundamental beliefs and values. No, we're rejecting those. It's about all the problems you want to raise with society and government. That's the focus. Not long thereafter, another President, Coolidge, a great, great president, he gave a speech almost at the exact same spot as Woodrow Wilson in front of Independence hall about the Declaration of Independence. And he basically condemned Wilson and condemned what Wilson said. And Coolidge said, these are not old ideas. These are not ideas just for one generation of Americans. These are universal. These are ideas that should exist in perpetuity. They go back to Aristotle.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

They go back to Locke.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

They are not to be dismissed for some kind of a new ideology. This is our founding belief system, the Declaration of Independence. So Coolidge basically used the opportunity to straighten out Wilson. When Barack Obama spoke, he did the same thing Wilson did because, you know, they. All their little cheat sheets, they see what the prior Marxists have said. The Declaration of Independence is the most concise, substantive, ingenious statement of who we are as a people. The problem for the Marxists, for the Islamists, for the fascists, is that in order to embrace the Declaration of Independence, you must condemn them. This is why I've written in two books and I've stated here over and over again and others have regurgitated what I've said long time ago, that these ideologies that came out of Marx, that came out of the American Marxists, that come out of these Islamists are utterly incompatible with Americanism. That's why their candidates now openly trash our country and seek to destroy it.

[Sponsor/Commercial Voice]

Mark the vin

[Jessica Gorman (Family Member Testifying)]

Foreign

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

we're giving you

[Mark Levin (Host/Announcer)]

nothing but the best, the best of

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Mark Levin to kind of continue where we left off. You've heard of people saying I'm a nationalist, I'm a populist, right? What does that mean? I put America first? No, that's not what it means. If you put America first, you're a patriot, you believe in Americanism. What is nationalism? Populism. First of all, we're a republic, right? We're not a democracy. And that's a good thing because we don't want people voting on our property rights, do we? We don't want people voting on whether we can keep our income doing. No. Remember our declaration we talked about first hour. We have rights that belong to us, given to us by God. People don't get to vote and take them away or alter them and so forth and so on. So I don't know what populism actually means. It was a word that was used in the late 1800s by socialists, Populists. Now what's a nationalist? Again, there's some confusion there. It's not about Americanism. America first, a nationalist. We have a federal system, right? We have states, states rights, local rights. You and I don't want an all powerful central government doing. Well, if we do, that's not the Constitution, is it? And how does that differ from what the Marxists and these so called democratic socialists are pushing? No, we are constitutional conservatives. So people who spin you who push this stuff are really quite ignorant. We're not nationalists, we're not populists. Constitutionalists. Now, Theodore Roosevelt, very interesting. The President was at the library yesterday. I thought it was beautiful. I thought his speech was one of the greatest he's ever given. Quite frankly, it was hilarious. He was very charismatic, he was very substantive and so forth. Roosevelt was heroic, bigger than life. He was, But he was no conservative. Roosevelt pushed what he called a new nationalism and he wrote about it in the New Republic. And I wrote about him writing about it in one of my books. And I went back and I got a copy of that article, the original, and I read it. Roosevelt believed in a Very active government. First as governor of New York, which is why they wanted to get him the hell out of there, and then as President of the United States. His new nationalism was a progressive, quote unquote, political platform. And he introduced it in a speech in Kansas in 1910. He later wrote about it and it was published and it became the foundation for his 1912 campaign. We ran third party in the Bull Moose Party, but the official name of that party was the Progressive Party. And he argued vehemently for a much stronger federal government. He argued for human welfare over property rights, whatever that meant. He argued for strong regulation of labor, strong regulation of industry, as I said, significant federal authority. He wanted significantly higher taxes on wealth. In other words, much of the left wing agenda that we talk about today wasn't all that different from Woodrow Wilson's agenda.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Now this may shock some of you,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

I understand he called it the new nationalism, I get it. But that's what he promoted. So when people talk about Theodore Roosevelt's one of my favorite presidents, and I get that, I really do, you do need to understand that he was really the first so called progressive president. And he ran on the progressive party, Bull Moose Party, third party. And as a result of that, the sitting president who had been his vice president, Howard Taft, lost, Roosevelt lost, and Woodrow Wilson came in a disaster. See, my view is we've had enough powerful centralized government. It's enough already. And one day it'll be handed over to the Marxist Islamists. It'll be there for the taking. One of the strengths of our system as, as was envisioned and originally set up was you don't have all this centralized power except where you're supposed to have it. And the power belongs in the States. So it's much more difficult for say the Marxists and the Islamists to walk in and have an entire infrastructure ready to go. The Democrats keep pushing that, don't they? National health care, national this, national that, national housing, national. Yeah, exactly. This is a totalitarian mindset. So when people push this nationalism, populism, new nationalism, they have an obligation, as far as I'm concerned, to explain to us, beyond the generalizations and the slogans, what exactly do they mean and what are its limits and how do we draw those limits? Especially when people come to power who mean us no good. Remember what we've talked about before on power. Remember what Montesquieu said in the spirit of the loss? What did he say? Power must check. Power. When you look at your Constitution, that's what it's all about. Separation of powers, powers divided between this new federal government and the state governments. And then of course, the power of the individual, the sovereign, each of you. The more you centralize government, I don't care if you make it a populist centralization, a nationalist centralization, whatever you want to call it, the more you are destroying the entire purpose of this country, the Declaration, the more you are destroying the constitutional limits on power. Let's take it one step further.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Why do we believe

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

that the centralization of power, that nationalism and so forth and so on is a good thing? Why have critical decisions made by fewer and fewer of our fellow citizens? What is it that these fellow citizens of ours have that makes them smarter, more wise, more prudential? What is it that they have that's so special? Nothing. Nothing.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Why do we keep giving more and more power to Washington, More and more power to, in the case of New

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

York, mayors, governors, what is the point? Because we don't want to make decisions for ourselves anymore. Because they're going to make these righteous, incredible decisions. They're politicians.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Why are they going to do that? So this is a problem.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

We're talking about a 29 year old

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

that just won a house race in

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Colorado who barely got out of law

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

school, was such a bad lawyer she

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

had to leave the corporation she was working for, a complete failure. She runs for Congress, she gets elected on the Democrat side, which means she's going to win.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

It's Denver and you go down the list. Why is it that she and a handful of others are more capable of making decisions about your life, your medical care, your housing, everything, when she's a complete and utter failure? What is it about her or anybody else for that matter that gives them this kind of authority? Now let's go back to Hamilton. When we have somebody who says, I prefer Hamilton to Friedman, These kinds of

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

individuals that I'm talking about, this, this

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

representative, soon to be representative in Colorado, she would agree with Hamilton about implied powers, about necessary and proper powers to execute institute laws and so what are the limits?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

There are no limits.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

There are no limits.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Nationalism, populism, which to me is socialist light. It's not capitalism and it's certainly not republicanism. Small R republicanism. It's not constitutionalism. Everybody thinks they're smarter than Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Montesquieu, the Founding Fathers. They all think they're smarter.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

Why are they smarter? They're not smarter because they managed to get elected to office.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

They're smarter. No means they managed to get elected to office. That's all

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

you know the opinion of most politicians in this country is very low. And yet we are willing to confer

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

on them

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

choices about our health care,

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

choices about our educational system, choices about

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

on and on and on. Why?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

Why is that?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

What were you celebrating on July 4th? Is our independence from a monarchy, a dictatorship? For what? For our liberty? For our unalienable rights? For our individual sovereignty?

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker/Commentator)]

We're not celebrating nationalism and populism.

[Mark Levin (Main Speaker)]

We're celebrating Americanism.