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Meet the Press
Full interview: Cuban president says ‘if we need to die, we’ll die’ to prevent U.S. invasion
00:53:08
In his first-ever interview on American television, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel tells Meet the Press that Cuba would fight back against any potential U.S. military action, saying Cuban leadership is prepared to “give our lives for the revolution.”
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- [00:00]
A
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B
President Diaz Canal welcome to Meet the Press. Bienvenidos. I Meet the Press.
- [01:07]
C
Thank you for the opportunity.
- [01:08]
B
Thank you for being here.
- [01:15]
C
It is a pleasure for us to having you.
- [01:19]
B
I want to start with President Trump. He said he plans to take Cuba in some form. He said, quote, I think I can do anything I want with it. Do you take President Trump's threats seriously?
- [01:39]
C
Over the last few days, many things have been said not only by the President but also by other officials of the US Government which really show a very aggressive language and rhetoric against Cuba. You really have to know the history of our country. Our country and our identity has deeply rooted values of sovereignty and independence. For 150 years, Cuba has fought first to free itself from the colony and then neo colony. And with the Cuban revolution and its triumph in 1959, we got rid of a number of dependence, the servitude and the subordination to a foreign power. And that resulted in a number of benefits for the country, for the Cuban people that the Cuban people is not willing to renounce. One of the most brilliant generals of our wars of independence, Antonio Macea, said, whoever tries to take over Cuba will collect her blood soaked soil if he doesn't perish in the struggle. We are a country of peace. We do not promote war, we do not like war. We encourage solidarity and cooperation among the peoples. But we are willing to defend that peace that we want. So we are not afraid and we don't want to be taken by surprise and we don't want to be defeated. That is one of the interpretations that you could give to these threats and Cuba's position. The other interpretation is that when they speak about Cuba, that it will fall on its own, and they try to pin a label of a failed state on us or a country that is about to collapse, which is, in fact, denied by reality itself. How a country like this in 67 years, has endured so many pressures and aggressions, and for 67 years, the longest standing blockade in history, which is a genocidal criminal blockade. There will be a lot of things to discuss about these topics and these things, but I can tell you that the Cuban people and the Cuban revolution is ready to defend itself.
- [03:51]
B
You take me to my next question. Because President Trump's threats to take over Cuba come as the United States has removed President Maduro from power, has invaded Iran and killed its supreme leader. Do you fear you could be killed or arrested by the United States?
- [04:11]
C
That is a very interesting question. I never like drawing parallels between Cuba and other nations, because we have our own history. We are in our own specific circumstances. And it'll be like disregarding our history and the strength of our unity and the strength of our institutions. Those of us who have leadership positions in the revolution have a strong commitment to our revolution and to our heroic people. And in this connection, our responsibility entails the conviction and the commitment that we're willing to give our lives and for the revolution and for the cause that we defend. So for me, that is not a matter of concern. If the time comes, I don't think there would be any justification for the United States to launch a military aggression against Cuba or for the US to undertake a surgical operation or the kidnapping of a president. If that happens, there will be fighting and there will be a struggle, and we'll defend ourselves. And if we need to die, we'll die. Because as our national anthem says, dying for the homeland is to live. But sometimes they try to personalize the leadership of the Cuban revolution with a single person. At one point, it was equalized to the commander in chief. At some other time with the army general, and now they try to do that with myself. But the thing is, we have a collegiate leadership, and we have a unity, cohesion, ideological unity. And there is a discipline, a revolutionary discipline. Therefore, removing one person within the structures of the institutions of the revolution will not solve any problem. Quite the contrary. There will be hundreds of people who are in a position to take that responsibility and collectively make decisions. And we're ready to defend any situation.
- [06:01]
B
What you're saying is very powerful. But are you afraid for yourself, for your family? Or are you prepared to, as you say, make the ultimate sacrifice? If you are attacked.
- [06:18]
C
Have no fear. I am willing to give my life for the revolution. Of course I would lie. I wouldn't like that to be the attitude of the U.S. government. I think the American people is a sensitive people and they wouldn't allow or they wouldn't see with good eyes that their government, the country would invade a very small island that does not pose any concern in terms of national security for the United States. An island state who wants to engage in dialogue, an island state whose people want to have a direct relationship with the American people. They wouldn't see that very well. In addition, what would be the justification for that? And an invasion to Cuba would have costs and it would entail costs for both countries in terms of losses of life unnecessarily that could be avoided. It could also have some material destruction. It would affect the security of Cuba, the United States and of the region. So we need to think, we need to see things very responsibly. When you take a decision regarding such a topic of that magnitude, and particularly before making that decision, which is so irrational, there's a logic that is the logic of dialogue, to engage in discussions, to debate and trying to reach agreements that would move us away from confrontation.
- [07:37]
B
Is Cuba actively bracing for the possibility of a military attack by the United States?
- [07:49]
C
Like I've always said in previous meetings and previous interviews, and when I also address the Cuban people, it is evident that there are threats out there. It is part of the rhetoric of the U.S. government. Cuba has done nothing to offend the U.S. cuba has never set about attacking the United States or interfering with the United States affairs. However, you hear that Cuba is next, that Cuba is going to be next, that there is a way out, that they're going to take over Cuba. So from the position of responsibility within the leadership of the country, that is a warning. And we need to responsibly protect our people, protect our project and protect our country. So we are preparing ourselves for defense. But what is the concept of our preparation for defense? We have a doctrine which is entirely defensive. It is not aggressive, it doesn't pose a threat. It is called a doctrine that is called the war of all the people and has been built collectively on the basis of the experience of our history. And it was also fine tuned in a very hard period of our history when we were under very serious threats by the U.S. government. And it is based on people's participation. Every Cuban man or woman has a mission, a purpose, a place to defend, and they will have their own place to take in the Defense. So this is all based on people's participation, voluntary participation, and of course, it involves the preparation for defense and the preparedness for defense of all the levels of our territorial defense. But this is entirely defensive and not aggressive. In addition, we also believe that as we prepare ourselves, to defend is the best way to avoid war and the best way to preserve peace. Furthermore, I believe that what both the American and the Cuban peoples deserve is a good relationship. Not attack, not the language of war. What the American and the Cuban people deserve is peace. A peace that would enable us to have an environment of confidence and trust and cooperation and also solidarity and also understanding.
- [10:19]
B
Do you think that the Cuban, the Cuban military, do you think that the Cuban military could be successful against the United States if it were to attack?
- [10:30]
C
When we speak about defense, we refer to our glorious armed forces, but we also speak about our people, which has been structured in several echelons for that territorial defense. We would be successful. We can be successful. There's no enemy that can be defeated.
- [10:49]
B
Military in the world,
- [10:52]
C
the United States have a different concept of doing war. Our concept of territorial defense is based on irregular warfare, asymmetrical warfare, in which they could be successful at some point, but it would be untenable. It would be unsustainable to invade and keep Cuba because there's a decision on our part. And that decision again goes back to the phrase by Maceo. They will only collect the blocked soaked soil if they don't perish in the struggle. And this is not just a slogan. If you go out there in the street and you ask the beginning of that phrase to a school child, an old person, a young person, they will entirely finish the sentence because that's how we've been trained and that's part of our sentiments and feelings.
- [11:51]
B
Let me ask you about this extraordinary moment.
- [11:55]
C
Again. Let me repeat, this is not what we want. We don't want war. We don't want an attack. It'll have a very high cost for everyone involved.
- [12:03]
A
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- [13:33]
B
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- [14:23]
C
I think that such a very common event like trade between two countries has never received so much press coverage by media and television like the arrival of the oil tanker who came here under a concept of humanitarian aid that was not part of a commercial transaction. I think Cuba, like any other country, has the right to import oil and every country around the world have the right to export oil to Cuba. So this energy blockade, this oil blockade is very unfair as it intensifies further the US Blockade on Cuba. So having imposed this oil blockade shows that there is a multidimensional aggression on the part of the US Government against Cuba as part of an economic warfare that has lasted for 67 years and a blockade that has lasted for 60 plus years and a blockade that in 2019 was further tightened during Trump's first administration and it was maintained by the Biden administration even during COVID And now it is being implemented with a maximum pressure concept causing devastating effects on the Cuban population. As part of that oil blockade, the Russian Federation was able to send that tanker as part of a humanitarian aid concept. The United States have maintained has persisted in maintaining this oil Blockade. And therefore, we are not certain when the next boatload of oil will come into Cuba, when we have the right to receive that. And this tanker that just came in, although it is a very important aid at this time, but this will only cover a third of the oil requirements for Cuba in a month. So we don't need to believe that this is going to save the situation. This is a crude oil that needs to be refined and then be distributed in the country. And a large part of it will be used in order to generate power of 1,200 megawatts, which has not been used in four months. And that will improve the situation in terms of power generation and also to support the economy.
- [16:41]
B
How long can you survive until the next Russian shipment of oil comes?
- [16:51]
C
It is a very interesting question indeed, and it needs to be answered at a very difficult time. No country in the world can develop its economy and make sure that its economy moves forwards and becomes prosperous without oil, without fuel. That's why I say that there is an element of viciousness and evil when a power is playing the role of an aggressor and is subjecting a small island nation to a situation like this small island nation that is under constant aggression. But we are not sitting idly by. What are we beating for? We have an entire strategy and a program to rebump the energy system in Cuba. We are going to depending largely on national crude oil more than on imported oil. We don't have enough to cover our entire requirements, but we are increasing our oil production. We are exploring new reservoirs, and we're open for foreign investment in Cuba in oil exploration and drilling. And that'll be an opportunity for American businessmen and firms who can come and participate in Cuba in the energy sector. What happens is that they are prevented from doing this by the blockade. But Cuba will be happy to welcome American firms who would like to come in and participate in the energy sector in Cuba without any kind of prejudice. Here in Cuba, that would be one line of work. We have also resorted to science and innovation. Our scientists have found technology so that they can use this. Crude oil, which is very heavy with a very high sulfur content, can be refined here. So if we increase production, we could have some kind of availability of oil that would not entirely cover all of our requirements. We would have that availability of products as a result of Q1 refinement. And on top of that, we have designed an entire strategy for energy transition with a more intensive use of renewables, and of course, with a strategy of energy efficiency. All of that Put together is going to take us to a different situation still. This is a complex situation. It'll take some time, but we can resist.
- [19:14]
B
But what does it say about the strength of the Cuban government right now that you need Russia's help for survival?
- [19:24]
C
We require first and foremost our own people support and our own capability. And what we need to underline is the creativity that our people have used in order to face this blockade, this intensified blockade and more recently the oil blockade. I always describe the outages of my people that I'm extremely proud of because it's always teaching a lesson of resistance. And I say that it's an attitude of a creative resistance. The Cuban people would not endure and would not take any humiliation. Quite the contrary. We resist and it rises up to the occasion. We are able to innovate and with that we can overcome any adversity. So it is our own people and the strength lies in our people and in the unity that we have with the people. But we will welcome any help, any aid from Russia, China, Mexico and any other country. The United States could also have a different view towards Cuba other than aggression and attack. And they could also help Cuba.
- [20:31]
B
President Trump says this is a country on the verge of collapse. Is
- [20:40]
C
is quite curious because in the Cuba US relationship when there are times of tension, people resort to media driven constructs and stereotypical construct of this type and they typically impose certain visions to the world media. And one of those visions is the vision of the collapse. I would ask which country in the world would be capable of, like the Cuban people have done, to endure 67 years of maintained sustained aggression and attack by the world's most powerful nation, with over 60 years of a blockade, and in the last six or seven years with an intensified blockade and more recently with an oil embargo. And they wouldn't be able to collapse. We haven't collapsed. We maintain an organized country. We have a country with harmony. In 67 years of revolution, we have attained many achievements in the social area and sometimes we're criticized in terms of the economy. But we have had to face a war economy. And amid that situation of a war economy, our economy has been able to move forward. And we have now more than 32 social programs to address inequalities and vulnerabilities. 67 years of revolution have kept the country from collapsing. Now we will not collapse. We have a free universal healthcare system that reaches out everyone and this is free health care for the entire population. We have an education system all the way from general education to university education. Including everyone. And it's also free. We have achieved breakthroughs in culture and sports. We are one of the countries with the highest rates of Olympic medals per inhabitant. And we have developed our human resources. We have qualified human resources capital. We have developed science and innovation. Biotech breakthroughs and pharmaceutical industry breakthroughs are very well renowned. We have created justice, equality. We have a society where you breathe tranquility. A safe society that wouldn't accept corruption, drug trafficking, organized crime. A society that can provide solidarity to other nations based on its own potential. And this is something that cannot be seen as a collapse. They're trying to impose that construct of the collapse when as a result of an aggressive genocidal policy of the blockade, we're leaving to. We're forced to live through a very complex situation. We're living through a very complex situation. Our people is leaving very hard conditions on a daily basis. And this is at the national level, but can also be taken to the family level. But our country has not collapsed.
- [23:41]
B
You're citing the blockade. And no one would dispute that the blockade, that the embargo has had an impact. But let's discuss the situation here in Cuba. The people of Cuba are suffering right now. Your power grid has failed. Food and energy are running dangerously low. And these problems existed in some form before the blockade was put into effect. Do you take any responsibility for the pain Cubans are experiencing? Useras el Presidente.
- [24:17]
C
The Cuban people is suffering. And this can be seen in two areas, in the national aspect and also at the family level, because everything takes place on a daily basis. But what is the main cause for that suffering? Has it been the mistakes that I myself have made, or like I said, a collective leadership? Or is that suffering? Or the government. Or is that suffering is the result of the policy of intensified blockade that the United States have maintained? I think that the people can provide that answer. The answer lies in that policy of permanent hostility by the US Government at the national level. We are a country that after 2019, when the blockade was further tightened, when the US administration implemented 240 measures further tightening that blockade. And they also put us into a spurious list, accusing Cuban of allegedly supporting terrorism. We saw all of our external financing sources cut off. We don't get any funding from any bank. There is a energy and financial persecution. Anyone tries to engage in a financial transaction in Cuba, they receive coercive measures. They receive a lot of pressures. And they're doing that against shipping companies, ship owners, oil companies. Do you want to ask something? You want to say Something they're doing that against the oil companies, banks. They're putting a lot of pressure. And they implemented measures to cut off tourism to Cuba. For example, a European citizen can have the ESTA waiver to go to the United States. If that European person comes as a tourist to Cuba, then they become automatically ineligible for the ESTA visa. So these are a number of restrictions which are not applied to any other country in the world. Therefore, we lack financing in order to buy food, to buy supplies for our main productions and services, in order to have the medicines that we need, and to carry out the repairs that we need for our national energy system and our industrial factories. How does that reflect on our people now?
- [26:40]
B
And yet the people of Cuba say, you cannot solely blame the United States because you can trade with other countries. The economy has been in decline for the past 10 years. Hundreds of thousands of people have left Cuba over the past decade. Many of them were who are young entrepreneurs. Is that a sign that the Cuban economy and government has failed the people of Cuba? La gente de Cuba, like I said,
- [27:11]
C
when you see that at the family level, how does that happen? There is a scarcity of food, scarcity of medicine. The nights become a very long working nights. When you've been 20 hours with a power outage and the light comes out before the blockade, that's when you need to do the blockade. How's yours? No, let me explain. Let me explain. There is a confusion in terms of the approach. For example, we were living under the blockade conditions, but the blockade was intensified and further tightened and became qualitatively different in the second half of 2019 with implementation of 240 measures and with Cuba's inclusion in the list of countries who supposedly sponsored terrorism. So everything became worsened. So we have the accumulated effects of the blockade, plus the effect of the tightening of the blockade. And now the effects are caused by this energy blockade. And I can say this responsibly to you. This is not the fault of the Cuban government. And there are people. And this, of course, has created some irritation because leaving the last 10 years, people who've been living under these conditions, which are extreme conditions, if you compare that with other periods of time, Cuban people feel frustrated, they feel vexed, and they are going through very difficult situations. But most of the Cuban people do not put the blame on the Cuban government. There's also been a lot of manipulation in social media. Efforts are made to disregard the impact of the blockade over all these years. And I'll tell you, I'll give you some concrete Examples so that you can see the viciousness of this blockade and what it's meant for the Cuban people and the response of the government that supposedly they want to put the blame on. And I'll refer to the times of COVID When Covid came here in our country, initially we realized that we wouldn't be able to have access to the vaccine markets in the world, which is dominated by big pharma and large transnationals. And taking into account the economic restrictions that we've had, and with the impact of the Titan blockade, we didn't have enough money to buy those vaccines. So for us we were denied from that possibility. So we had to resort to the Cuban science. And this government, which is condemned by some, made every effort to protect the lives of Cuban men and women. We talk to our scientists and our scientists were able to develop Cuban vaccines in a very short time. That enabled us to have one of the greatest rates of efficiency in terms of facing Covid. Our numbers facing the COVID was better, are better than those in the US which is a power that has no blockade. Afterwards we had a crisis because our oxygen medicinal oxygen plant broke down. And the US administration at the time refused American firms to sell oxygen to us, which is entirely criminal and only based on international solidarity. And through a very organization event we were able to overcome that moment. And when we needed ventilators for the intensive care units, the US government prohibited the sale of those ventilators. And arguments young scientists designed those ventilators. But to build these ventilators you'd require components made in the United States. And under the blockade, any equipment that has more than 10% of American components cannot be sold to Cuba. So we had to go around the world buying a little piece here, buying a conductor over there, a motor over here, in order to achieve that. This is something has not been imposed on any other country around the world. The blockade is very aggressive. It is a genocidal blockade. It is unfair. It is unfair to put the blame on a government that all that it has is a vocation for its people, to work for its people and finding social justice and finding solutions. And under these complex situations, we will find those solutions. So it's very unfair to put the blame on them. And I think the US government should review how cruel and how mean they've been to Cuba and to the Cuban people. And they should not portray themselves as the savior of the Cuban situation. They don't have that right. They don't have the moral to do
- [31:50]
B
so of what the Cuban people are Experiencing, we saw it with our own eyes. Los vimos con nuestro sojos People living in severe poverty. Suffriendo in the streets of Havana, the capital city. Is it time for Cuba to take some responsibility, to look in the mirror and to change its economic system? For the people of Cuba who are suffering here,
- [32:24]
C
We conduct very self critical analysis and assessment of our reality. And we're trying to constantly transform and change what we do in order to improve what we do. But that's got nothing to do with the political system. It is not our political system that is embracing that inability to move forward. Again, I repeat, the responsible party here is the blockade implemented by the US Government. The people that are suffering those situations and they largely understand who is the main culprit here is the people that have approved, in several exercises of consultation and referendum, they have approved our political system. Our political system is serving people, is serving social justice and making everyone at. And it seems that it bothers other people around the world because of what it represents, because it is our system for ourselves, not that we want to impose our system on anyone else. And they try to block it like this. Because we're not only speaking about a blockade, we are talking about the longest running blockade in the history of mankind, the most severe blockade. A blockade that is not only aimed at the Cuban people, but also the American people and also elsewhere. American businessmen cannot invest in Cuba. Why? American citizens cannot come to Cuba freely. Why?
- [33:46]
B
But you can trade with other countries.
- [33:47]
C
Foreign business people are also subjected to sanctions. We can trade with many. We can engage in trade with many limitations because the US legislation have become internationalized when they apply Title 3 of the Hans Burton act. You need to find a lot of information, you need to document yourself properly. Because the narrative in the mainstream media and the narrative in social media promoting hatred and making people confused are not realistic. And we need to look at that critically. And we continue to be willing and ready in our government, with our people to transform ourselves and to make progress and to overcome this situation.
- [34:25]
B
We'll talk about the path forward in just a moment. But China and Vietnam have embraced one party rule while also embracing market economies. Why can't Cuba do the same?
- [34:38]
C
China and Vietnam are countries who are building socialism like Cuba is. We have to say that China and Vietnam for some years and I've studied China's reform quite a lot and we've used that as a benchmark for Cuba at some point. China and Vietnam were also under coercive measures and sanctions on the part of the United States. And they were under a blockade. Blockades that lasted for less time. They lasted for about a decade. When they came out of that blockade, they had every possibility then to develop their capabilities for the construction of socialism. They implemented a number of reforms and with those reforms they have demonstrated that socialism under one party rule is viable. And they are showing important social, economic and technological development. And China is now a major power in the world. We have a permanent exchange. We are sisterly nations. Our party have an inter party deep relationship and we hold exchanges all the time. What happens is that Cuba has its unique characteristics. Cuba is an island state. Cuba is sitting 90 miles off the United States. Cuba is a country that has been under attack and with more than 60 years of blockade. So we have not been able to build what we have envisioned and what we have dreamt about. We have many things still outstanding because we have prevented from doing it by the blockade, even though people don't understand that. I'll tell you more, and I saw this when we went to China and Vietnam in my last trip. When you study the times when China and Vietnam were able to take off, they were starting out from a situation that was less favorable in terms of development than what Cuba has right now. So you need to wonder, and you would have to ask yourself, remove the blockade, leave the blockade and see how we, what we can do, lift the blockade and see if Cuba with those capabilities have been able, achieve those, have been able to attain those achievements. What else could we be able to achieve if we've done all this under the blockade? Why, if we are so incapable, if we are so fooled, if they want to portray us, if we are so closed up, if we are so less innovative, why have they set out to spend for millions for many years tax dollars paid by the American people in order to engage in subvertive plans to blockade in order to crush the Cuban revolution. Why wouldn't let us fail on our own if this is what they believe? And why wouldn't they be able to accept that Cuba without a blockade would be able to achieve levels of economic and social development of a very high impact and to show that other models and other solutions are possible in the world.
- [37:54]
B
Let's talk about the path forward.
- [37:56]
A
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- [38:30]
C
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- [38:55]
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- [39:34]
C
I think we can have an approach in terms of what is possible and what is difficult. I think dialogue and deals with the US Government are possible, but they're difficult. Where does the possibility lie? Cuba has always been willing, throughout all the years of the revolution, Cuba has had this historic position of having a civilized, neighborly relation with the United States that would enable us to engage in cooperation and exchanges in a number of areas and to have a normal relationship. And we always said that we need to build that relationship from a position of respect, from a position of equal footing without conditions, because conditions do not result in dialogue. In order to have a conversation, in order to have a discussion, dialogue, and to have an ideal, you need to have the disposition and readiness. You need to have the ability to engage in dialogue and to listen to the other party. There has to be respect, decency, and there's got to be a recognition. Therefore, all the conditions and all the possibilities are there if both sides believe and want to engage in that dialogue. What are the things that make this dialogue difficult? First of all, the US policy towards Cuba over the last 67 years, which has been entirely hostile. The US have always, as a superpower, have taken the role of an aggressor and Cuba has been in the position of a small island state under an aggression at several points. And this is part of the background that would enable for a dialogue to happen in several times we've come to agreement and we've engaged in Discussions with several administrations of the US and we have get some commitments. Cuba has always stood by its commitments and the United States have not fulfilled its part of the deal in the present. The US has been engaged in talks with other countries and while these negotiations are underway, they have attacked those countries. And all of this creates a lot of distrust. And we know that inside the United States there are forces that whenever they see that there's a possibility to engage in discussions, to engage in a dialogue, they try to undercut and boycott those talks. I insist, I trust that we can engage in dialogue respectfully, with decency, that we can find through dialogue solutions to our differences, our bilateral differences, that we can find areas of cooperation where we can undertake projects together. There are many areas that we can work on. We have drug trafficking, fighting terrorism, migration, the issues of addressing transnational crime. We can make progress in negotiations and we can have investments and businesses from American business people in Cuba. We have a Cuban community living in the United States and we should also provide them with facilities both in the United States and here. There is an American people that can come to Cuba and we can engage in cultural sports exchanges, exchanging health care. And all of that would then enable us to create spaces of understanding that move us away from confrontation, ensuring peace not only and security not only for Cuba and the United States, but also for the entire Latin America and the Caribbean. And that's a future and the path forward that we hope for to have a good neighborly relationship, a civilized relationship, in spite of our ideological differences. And I think it would be a great opportunity. I think that's what our peoples deserve. Let me tell you a story.
- [43:35]
B
Signs that we're running out of time. And I do have a number of more questions to ask. So if you would, since we traveled to Cuba, please let us finish our questions. We only have a. We have several more.
- [43:46]
C
But it's a pity that we're running out of time because we have a lot to discuss. So I propose that we can see ourselves again some other time. Let me tell you two stories, but let me.
- [43:57]
B
Okay, we have a lot more questions to get to though. Mr. President, I want to give you time and I want to give you the respect to answer these questions that so many people have here in Cuba and in the United States. So are you okay to sit for a little bit longer?
- [44:10]
C
Okay, I agree.
- [44:10]
B
Okay, wonderful.
- [44:12]
C
Okay, let me tell you two stories that will give you an idea of how much both peoples can enjoy if we are able to get a deal and get some agreement and find some spaces that would allow all of this to happen. A science and innovation entity from Cuba in biotech industry for many years have been conducting a clinical trial with a prestigious cancer organization in the United States. They're doing a clinical trial on a Cuban vaccine against lung cancer. And they've been working on these clinical trials for almost a decade. The result of these clinical trials are very encouraging. Both the American side and the Cuban side are very confident about the success of this clinical trial and what it could mean for the health care of the United States and Cuba. I meet on a weekly basis with Cuban scientists because we're trying to find solutions to the country's problems from science and innovation. And they showed me the results of a clinical trial of a Cuban innovative medicine in order to treat Alzheimer's disease. In that clinical trial, they have engaged in collaboration with a clinic in Colorado, and American patients come to receive the treatment here in Cuba. They go back to the US and they continue the treatment over there. You need to see the terms in which the director of that clinic in Colorado speak about the improvement of his patients and how they've gotten better results than with using other medicines. So you cannot deprive these people and the relationship between our two peoples with a policy of blockade that only serves a minority. And this is what I encourage for to have understanding and sensitivity and we can see opportunities in our relationship and that we refrain from encouraging confrontation.
- [46:20]
B
I want to drill down on these negotiations and the potential path forward. Do you trust President Trump to make a deal?
- [46:32]
C
Well, if we are engaged in talks, it's because we hope that we can get a deal. And I was telling you about this. In order to get a deal, you need to have the willingness of both sides to find those areas of collaboration and exchange, to build those spaces of understanding and addressing all this with sensitivity and responsibly and very seriously.
- [46:56]
B
Are you talking directly to Secretary of State Marco Rubio and do you trust him?
- [47:06]
C
We have engaged in talks, and we will be in talks as long as the United States agrees to with the US Representative that they decide in order to have this relationship with us. These talks are very complex processes. First you have to establish a channel for dialogue. Then you need to build an agenda for the discussions, including both common interests.
- [47:41]
B
Yes.
- [47:43]
C
I haven't spoken to Secretary Rubio. I don't know him. After building that agenda, if there's a willingness, then you can reach some agreements on some deal. But these are processes that need to be conducted with a lot of sensibility and responsibility, decency, and also with A lot of discretion so that we do not generate false expectations, so that the information is not manipulated. So I'd rather not engage some of
- [48:16]
B
the key demands the United States has. It includes releasing political prisoners, scheduling multi party elections and recognizing unions in a free press. Are you willing to commit to any, any of those conditions that the United States has laid out?
- [48:37]
C
Nobody has. Nobody has made those demands to us. And we have established that respect to our political system, our constitutional order are issues that are not under negotiations with the United States. And we need to overcome. Kirsten. We need to leave behind all of these paraphernalia concepts about issues about Cuba and democracy and human rights, whether we are a dictatorship or a tyranny, about free press and the existence of free trade unions and so on. Many things that are extensively manipulated and there is a lot of prejudice. We need to overcome that and we don't have the time right now. It'll take so many much time to discuss, but we have all the arguments to show how democratic we are and how the elections in the United elections are here, all the way from the grassroots level upwards and how we engage with the people and how we defend human rights and how we're not a dictatorship. I'll need to take some more time, so I ask you that we can discuss these things at a other moment. But these are many prejudices that we.
- [49:58]
B
I only have two more questions, so let me. They're giving me the hard rap, so let me, let me get these questions out. There are still more than 1,200 political prisoners, including one of the most high profile political prisoners, Cuban rapper Michael Osorbo, who's been in prison since 2021 for writing a protest song that won two Latin Grammys. Will you commit to releasing him and the other political prisoners?
- [50:28]
C
That's another issue in which you can see all of these bias and all these prejudices. They speak about political prisoners in Cuba, like you said, where the people is going through a very difficult situation. There are people in Cuba who are not in favor of the revolution. There are people who do not support the revolution and they manifest themselves on a daily basis against the revolution and they're not imprisoned. This narrative that has been created, that image that anyone who speaks against the revolution is thrown into jail. That's a big lie, that's a slander and that's part of that construct in order to vilify and to engage a character assassination of the Cuban revolution. What happens is in Cuba there are protests when there is a, when there are very long blackouts. And lack of fuels. So what people do when they protest, they go. They reach out to the institutions, our governmental institutions, our state institutions, and they share with the leaders there. And the leaders listen to them and they explain, they find a solution to those problems or they provide other reasons. That is an entirely democratic exercise and nobody goes to jail for doing that. But now sometimes there is a lot of mistake and they confuse because people who are discontent and they are promoted and led to engage in vandalic vandalism or disrupting our safety or they are under verting the safety and security, oftentimes financed by terrorist organization and financed by agencies of the U.S. government promoting subversion against Cuba and sometimes also with engagement of the US Embassy in Cuba. So these people are not in jail because of protesting. They will be in jail like anyone else in the any other country in the world who are respectful of their constitution and the legal process for engaging in vandalism and crimes.
- [52:47]
B
I'm getting a hard way. I have to ask you this last question. Would you be willing to step down if it meant saving Cuba? Esta despuesto al dimitier con tal de salvar.
- [53:03]
C
You are a very important journalist. Have you ever asked that question to any other president in the world?
- [53:13]
B
Because it's one of the conditions the United States is asking for. Would you ever consider that?
- [53:19]
C
Let me explain. Have you asked that question to any other president in the world? Have you asked that question to any other president in the world? Could you ask that question to Trump?
- [53:27]
B
Very hard question to President Trump.
- [53:34]
C
Is that a question from you or is that coming from the State Department of the US Government?
- [53:37]
B
My question is because it's one of the things that we've heard the US Government talk about that they want political change here in Cuba. So my question for you, if they asked you, if they said this is one condition, would you say because of
- [53:52]
C
your honesty, I'm going to assume that you're asking that question because of those reasons. In Cuba, the people who are in leadership position is not elected by the US Government and they don't have a mandate from the US Government. We have a free sovereign state, a free state. We have self determination and independence and we are not subjected to the designs of the United States. On the other hand, Cuban leaders are not here representing an elite of power. You can see my background, where I was born, my family, what I've done throughout my life. We are elected by the people. Although there's a narrative trying to disregard that. Any one of us, before we become part of a leadership role. We need to be elected at the grassroots level in an electoral district by thousands of Cubans. And then those who represent the Cubans at the national assembly of the People of Power elect those leadership positions and those offices like it happens in many other countries around the world. So we have an election system on the basis of people's participation. So whenever we take this responsibility position, and this leadership position is not out of our personal ambition or a corporate ambition or even a party ambition, we do that as a mandate by the people. And the concept of revolutionaries giving up and stepping down is not part of our vocabulary. If the Cuban people understand that I'm not fit for office, that I am not at the rising to the occasion, then I should not be holding this position of president. I will respond to them. But you need to realize that you should not focus only on the president of the country because we have a collegiate leadership which is very closely linked to the people. But it's not the United States that can impose anything on us. The US Government that has implemented that hostile policy against Cuba has no moral to demand anything from Cuba. They have no moral not even to say that they are concerned about the situation of the Cuban people and that the Cuban government has taken Cuba to this situation. When they have all this responsibility on their shoulders. I think the most important thing would be for them to understand and take this critical position, a sincere position, and that they recognize how much it has cost the Cuban people, what the policies that they have implemented in terms of, of what they've done and how much they have deprived the American people from a normal relationship with the Cuban people. And that they set out as we have requested and as we have asked and as we're interested in, to engage in dialogue and discuss any topic without any condition. Not demanding changes from our political system, as we are not demanding changes from the American system about which we have a number of doubts and a number of considerations, and that we can focus on what brings us together and what can create spaces of understanding in order to move away from confrontation and having a path forward for both countries of benefits, of friendship and solidarity.
- [57:19]
B
President Diaz Canal, thank you so much for your time.
- [57:26]
C
Thank you. Thank you.
- [57:33]
A
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