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Rated M for Mature.
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Welcome to the New Books Network. Hello and welcome to Recall this book where we invite scholars and writers from different disciplines to make sense of contemporary issues, problems and events. I'm John Plotz of the Brandeis English Department, flying extremely solo today, as I will explain. As you probably know, Hannah Arendt has been on my mind a lot lately. You may have heard her crop up and discussion of Israeli and Indian ethno nationalism with Ajanta Subramanian and Lori Allen, and in Sonali Takar's discussion of the founding UN and UNESCO debates over conceptions of plasticity and race in the re Education of Race, which recently grabbed headlines in public books where we proudly and alliteratively partner and our conversations often see the light of day. And as you may have heard, you may also have heard my recent argument that her 1971 article Lying in Politics offers us a valuable corrective to anticipatory despair when American governments, be they led by Nixon or by Trump, seem on the way to gathering every reign of power into their hot little hands. Today I want to share with you another piece on a Rent, which was published earlier this month by our proud partner and linked always with rel relevant footnotes in our show notes and also available on public books itself. So episode 160, like episode 153, which downloads suggest you may actually have enjoyed, is simply an experiment akin to books in dark times, and recall this story and recall this B side in soliloquy. So reach out and let us know if you think it should be the first of many or simply another one off. Okay, if you're ready, then away we go. Public Books, November 5, 2025 Arendt's Refugee Politics by John Plotz in an age of rising authoritarianism, it is no shock that Hannah Arendt should be returning to syllabi and bestseller lists. A ruthless critic of ethnic nationalism and all the evils that follow from it, Arendt argues in the origins of Totalitarianism, 1951, and elsewhere that the racism that fueled European imperialisms overseas outrages logically precedes the enormities of the Holocaust. First deploy the pseudo category of races to divide people, then use that difference as a way of justifying inequality and oppression, then go for the kill. There is a puzzle, though Arendt's straightforward Enlightenment universalism may seem hard to reconcile with her reflections on the deceptiveness or even the impossibility of devour disavowing one's ethnic or religious origins. However, when Eichmann in Jerusalem proposes that the Holocaust, a crime against humanity, was also a crime perpetrated on the body of the Jewish people, it offers a hint of Arendt's approach to that enduring puzzle. In her biting wartime essay we refugees, 1943, Arendt is always put at is already putting together some of the key pieces in her vision of a universalism that is nonetheless cautious about assimilation as shapeshifting. Fairly recently arrived in America herself, Arendt warns Jewish refugees against becoming, quote, social parvenus, willing to sweep their own identity under the rug so as to rise in a society that scorns Jews. In her Origins of Totalitarianism, Benjamin Disraeli is the exemplary parvenail. Instead, she praises conscious pariahs defined a year later in the Jew as Pariah, as, quote, those bold spirits who tried to make of the emancipation of the Jews that which it really should have been an admission of the Jews as Jews to the ranks of humanity. Faced with an American society that, for all its political freedom, still rejects social nonconformity, she urges refugees to be conscious of pariahs, not Disraeli, like infiltrators. Beat them, don't join them. In much later essays such as Lying in Politics and Truth and Politics, 1967, Arendt consistently argued that each of us has an ethical duty to understand others by making our quote, mind go visiting, end quote, Arendt praises such boundary free multi perspectivalism as an indispensable intellectual tool in the battle against fixed categories of ethnic or racial or religious identity, which she saw mid 20th century ruling elites weaponizing to justify oppression, exploitation, and worse. And yet this commitment to shared humanity is accompanied by the recognition of meaningful and often profound differences between individuals. Her early unpacking of the power of the conscious pariah underpins many ideas in Arendt that may initially seem internally contradictory. The natality that brings each thinking being into the world with a different outlook from that of any other being is what makes protecting the rights of each so indispensable. Although Arendt never, as far as I know, extends this account of personhood beyond the human, it is totally consistent with her account to do so. If humans discern in other species a capacity to feel and know and think about the world in ways that differ from ours. We are connected and require one another, not despite but because we differ from one another. As she puts it in the Human Condition, 1958, plurality is the condition of human action because we are all the same, that is human in such a way that nobody is ever the same as anyone else who ever lived, lives, or will live. All over the world, those in power rush to justify their own acts of oppression by citing past enormities visited against their own group. A rant by aligning the body of the Jewish people with other targets of crime against humanity, urges readers to imagine themselves as potential objects of such oppression and persecution. Whomever they came for first tomorrow it could easily be you. We Refugees lays out what Arendt thinks follows from the fact that each of us is tossed into the world with certain attributes which we deny or conceal not only at our own peril but also with the result of making the world unsafe for others. Why should our decision to conceal or ignore aspects of our identity, in her terms, to act the parvenu endanger others because crimes against humanity are always perpetrated on some set of bodies that has been singled out from the rest. We ignore such differences, latent or activated at our peril. We refugees appeared in English in the tiny journal Menorah, just as German refugees in America were learning the news of of concentration camp confinements and murders on an unprecedented scale and before the fact registered or was accepted in America at large. There's also another salient context, as Elizabeth Young Bruhl shows in Hannah Arendt, For Love of the World, Arendt was repelled by both moderate and radical Zionist positions laid out in the May 1942 Biltmore Conference. Her objections to the Biltmore declaration inspired her during the same months she was at work on We Refug to formulate a vision of a future Palestine that repudiated not only the concept of a, quote, Jewish commonwealth, but also the sectarian division implied by any notion of minority and majority rights within the unitary state. Both contexts are crucial. She was thinking about Jews as victims of an unfolding genocide, and about Zionists who aspire to dominate other residents of their intended future homeland.
