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Dave Smith
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Huggy's little movers are curved to fit all curves so babies feel comfy no matter how much they're moving around. And we all know they're moving around a lot. They also offer 12 hour protection against leaks, which is a game changer. Get your baby's butt into the best fitting diaper. Huggies little Movers. We got you baby. What's up? What's up guys? Welcome to a brand new episode of Part of the Problem. I am rolling solo for today's episode and I have something a little bit different than what we typically do on the show in mind for today's episode. This is a kind of a message, an address to Libertarians, members of the Libertarian Party, more specifically because we got to talk and there's some things that I wanted to say about kind of the state of the Libertarian Party and my experience as a member for, for some years now. And so I was in, I was in Philadelphia last night, which by the way, thank you to everybody who came out. It was great time. I love that Club Helium in Philadelphia. Great room. So the show was a lot of fun and some of the, some of the guys from the Libertarian Party came out, Michael Heiss and Dave Casey and Dan Smarts. And we were hanging out for a while and we were just, you know, talking about, you know, everything and it so, so a lot of this stuff was on my mind and I had posted on Twitter that I was going to do like kind of put out a video, you know, like addressing my feelings on the Libertarian Party, the recent presidential campaign, that despite what you're thinking the Libertarians did run a presidential candidate this year. I promise I know for a fact it happened. Even though there's very little evidence of it, it is, in fact true. So I wanted to talk about that a little bit. And just because I was with these guys last night, this stuff's just kind of been on my mind. And I wasn't going to do it as an episode of the podcast. I was just going to put out a video, but quite frankly, I'm just very busy. And so it was just like, you know what, Let me just do it today as the podcast episode while I have some time to sit down and do. You know, obviously a lot of crazy things are happening in the world, but we'll be all over that and there'll be plenty of time to talk about a lot of them. So I felt like this was, this was the moment to do it. So. So let me give some thoughts and then if I don't exactly know how long, you know, I never. Some of these rounds, I'm not exactly sure how long it'll take, but if there's time, I will get to. To some. Some questions from the live chat as well. Okay. So I joined the libertarian party in 2018. So I've been, I've been a member since then. And you know, that's not. There's, there's people who have been in the party quite a bit longer than, than that. I was, I was, of course, I was a Libertarian for a decade before that, but I was never in the Libertarian Party back then. Ron Paul was running for president and most libertarians were supporting him, and he was a republic. But after the Ron Paul presidential runs and after, in 2016, Rand Paul's presidential campaign did not go the way many of us had hoped it would. I started being interested in the Libertarian Party as a vehicle. I saw Gary Johnson had run for president that year and had a big opportunity that I think was squandered. And I just, it. It started becoming like an interesting option to me that, like, you know, man, if someone had been there and done a really good job with that, I think that that could have been something really cool. You know, in 2016, if you can remember, you know, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton were like the two most unliked candidates who had ever run against each other. There is this third party with the name Libertarian. And if they, it seemed pretty obvious to me that if they had run some Ron Paul type candidate that could have really made a lot of noise and really changed things and continued the energy that the Ron Paul presidential campaigns had. And so that was interesting to me. And then, and then I guess it was the next year. 2017 was when Michael Heiss, I can't remember I joined in 2018. I want to say it was 2017 when Michael Heiss first went on. Tom Wood showed, but it might have been 2018. But anyway, so he went on and he was basically making this pitch that the Ron Paul Libertarians should join the Libertarian Party and make the Libertarian Party more Ron Paul and less Gary Johnson. And that to me just seemed like the obvious choice. And it was like that was the plan. Like, okay, let's do that. Tom woods joined and I was like, well, Tom's doing it then I'm going to do it too. That it's that simple. And look obviously where the Libertarian Party is now. My, not only mine, many people's view of how the Libertarian Party should be used has changed since then. For many years. That was my thing is we should make it the Ron Paul party and do Ron Paul stuff and run a presidential candidate who's like Ron Paul and then we could get the Ron Paul revolution going again. That was kind of the way I looked at it. It was, I think in many ways that to me that was just a given that that was correct. Like, I don't know, there was a lot more enthusiasm and interest in our ideas when he was running for president. And so let's do that again because that's better than not doing that. I feel differently about the party now. And you know, to some degree, I think that that is in part due to the fact that the world has changed drastically. And you know, if you, in 2017 or in 2018, if you like, if you have the exact same political strategy that you had back then. I'm not saying it's like this isn't a logical proof. I'm not saying you're necessarily wrong. But the onus is probably on you to justify that rather than the onus being on someone who's changed their, their views because the world has changed in ways that were unthinkable just a few years ago that, you know, this was a pre Covid time. Everything is different and there's lots of. And we'll get into some of, you know, the differences. But that, you know, that to me at the time seemed like the way to go with it. And we obviously there's a lot of other stuff that happened. I'm not going to go through the entire history of it, but the sitting Libertarian National Committee at The time essentially went to war with us Ron Paul people. We, we were happy to fight that war and, and we won and we took over the entire party in. You know, we start. It started kind of building year by year, and it, it culminated, um, really between 2000, the year 2020 and the year 2022, when at. In Reno at the convention, the Mises Caucus took every single seat with super majorities to the entire party. Um, at. In those years, particularly toward the end of 2020, was when I was heavily recruited to run for president on the Libertarian Party ticket. And I was, I was very open to the idea. I, you know, at first it seemed crazy to me, but the more people explained it, the more I started seriously considering the possibility. So this is like in the year 2020. And it's. I'll tell you, there's something really interesting about this because as we were like gaming this out, which essentially the way it happened was that, you know, I think Scott Horton actually wanted me to jump in and run in 2020 in the middle of the presidential, like, primary as. And I said no. I was like, no, this is. That's crazy. I'm not going to jump in and do this right now. But after the. That was over and the Joe Jorgensen campaign fell flat on its face, you know, I started to seriously consider doing it for 2024. And the, the conversations that I was having with like, my guys about it, and my guys being Michael Heiss and Scott Horton, primarily the conversations I was having was, it's just interesting the way everything went down in 2024. But essentially we kind of came up with this plan where we were like, well, look, here's how you could run a presidential campaign. You just, you flood the podcast market and drown out the corporate media. Now this wasn't like, this wasn't some revolutionary genius idea. It was pretty obvious. It was like, I don't know. Look, all of these shows are bigger than all of these shows. It was very funny. You know, there's this dynamic. It's much bigger than the Libertarian Party. But I see this all over the place where for years, and this happened for years as we were taking over the Libertarian Party with all the hardcore Ron Paul types, where the, the. The regime that we, that we overthrew would constantly say things like, very similar to what the corporate media says. They would go like, you know, Twitter's not real life. Podcast bros, don't move the needle. Things like this. And I always thought it was wild. You know, people say Twitter is not real life. It's like, well, I mean, kind of. It is. There's. I mean, like, there's some bots on Twitter for sure, but there are mostly real people are on Twitter. And I'm not saying it's exactly like real life. There are differences. But, you know, like, just for example, I remember there would be these guys, some of these really awful guys, and one of them in particular who I debated years ago and just totally embarrassed. And I remember on January 6th of 2021. So on January. On January 6th, after that whole thing went down, I remember he. He. I forget what it was, but the Mises Caucus put out some message, something I don't know. And he was like, this is it. Mark this down. This is the day that the takeover died. Because nobody's going to stand for people who aren't, like, I don't know, condemning January 6th or something like that, as if, you know, his worldview was literally like, if you don't have the exact same opinion as cnn, you are toast. And I remember thinking, this was so funny. So I, quote, tweeted it and I was like, mark, mark it down. Today was the day that the takeover was guaranteed. And like, I don't remember the exact numbers of this, but I remember it was something like his. His Tweet had like 45 likes and mine had like 5,000. Like, something like that. It was like a crazy ratio, you know? And I remember watching his guys, the guys who agreed with him in the comments being like, oh, they're all excited because of the ratio. Like, Twitter's not real life. And I remember. I remember very clearly talking to Michael Heiss on the phone about this. And I was like, these guys are fucking delusional. Like, all I'm saying is that if I. Let's say, look, the Libertarian Party has decided democratically, unfortunately, but that's. They have a convention with delegates and you. They are the ones who vote in who gets all of these positions. Like, and I just. If I was ever like, hey, I'm going to win this popularity contest. And then someone else was like, nah, I'm going to win this popularity contest. And my post had 30 likes and his had 6,000, I'd be concerned. Like, I wouldn't look at that and go, that's not real life. I'd look at that and go, oh, we're going to lose this popularity contest. Because clearly more people agree with them than agree with us. But they didn't have that attitude. And, you know, anyway, it's been interesting to watch a lot of that. It was so obvious at the time, I felt like, in a way, the takeover was like a microcosm of this bigger dynamic. But it's like, yeah, podcasts are real life as much as any show is real life. It's just a show. What matters is how many people are watching the show. Whether it's on CNN or at Joe Rogan studio in Austin, Texas, it doesn't really matter. There's cameras and a microphone and there's people watching it. Who has more people. That's kind of the metric for whether it's relevant or whether it's real life. And so, anyway, we had this plan. It was interesting at the time. No presidential campaign had ever really tried to do it like that. And that all changed in this election cycle anyway due to, you know, many factors, and really, it was just family stuff. Primarily. I ended up bailing on. On running and I pulled out. Um, you know, I've talked about this in the past, but essentially it's. It's, you know, it's not that I didn't want to do it. It's that I couldn't. I just couldn't do it. And I do, as I've said many times, I apologize for that. I feel bad that I kind of like, I so heavily flirted with the idea and then ended up pulling out. But I was. I was really planning on doing it, but particularly through around, like, 2022, I had. I had basically decided I was all in and I was going to do it, and I didn't. And that's a mistake I won't make again. If I could go back in time, I wouldn't have flirted with running and told people that I was planning on doing it unless I was 1000% sure. So that mistake is. Is on me. What happened? So in that time period after I pulled out, somewhere in there, I guess it was earlier this year, Angela McArdle, who is the chair of the Libertarian Party and who was, you know, put. Was installed by the. Our takeover of the party. I should say elected uninstalled, but whatever. She ended up somehow pulling off this incredible feat where she connected with Donald Trump and was able to get him to come speak to the Libertarian Party convention. At the Libertarian Party convention and get many, like, promises out of him that are really not insignificant things. He basically said that if the Libertarian, you know, like, that the Libertarian should support him because he promises to. And then had a list of things, and one of them was freeing Ross Ulbricht on day one one was putting a Libertarian in his Cabinet. Um, he said he'd fight against the central bank, digital currency, and a few other things that were, like, not insignificant, you know, concessions or promises to get out of the guy who ended up becoming President of the United States. And at this has now kind of represented an opportunity for a change in the way that the Libertarian Party is used as a tool. And. Okay, so essentially, I think that this was brilliant and that it's absolutely the best thing that the Libertarians could do. I know there's a lot of members of the Libertarian Party who will not agree with this strategy, who are already not agreeing with this strategy. And they don't like the fact that Angela was, you know, while not explicitly supporting Donald Trump, was certainly, you know, making it pretty clear that this new strategy is how the Libertarian Party should be used. A lot of members of the Libertarian Party were saying, no, no, no, you got to support the Libertarian nominee, whoever that is. And in this case, it ended up being this guy, Chase Oliver. I guess maybe there's. We could talk a little bit about the, the, the presidential campaign that was Chase Oliver. I will say it is tremendously. There's, there's a tremendous irony to the dynamic here because essentially, I gotta say, in hindsight, I think Chase Oliver being the nominee this year was probably the best case scenario that the. This is not a year where you would have wanted the Libertarian Party to get Kamala Harris elected. I just think it would have been much worse for the country. And I'll tell you, I was. I can relate to a lot of Libertarians who have the attitude that we should never be helping one side or the other. We should be planting our flag in the, in the sand and saying, this is what we stand for. Because someone's got to do that. Somebody's got to just say what the correct positions are. I felt that way myself for many years, and I still to some degree do. It's just a little bit more of a situational for me now. One of the things where this really started to change for me was in the 2022 midterm elections. So we took over the entire Libertarian Party, had every single seat by supermajorities in May of 2020. Believe it was May. Um, and then that year in November, there was this very interesting situation in a Senate race in Arizona. And the situation was essentially this. There was this guy, Blake Masters, and he used to be one of us. Like, he was a full fledged hardcore Rothbardian Libertarian at one point, and he had written like beautiful anti war articles that some of were posted at I think either mises.org or lou rockwell.com but he was like, being published in the hardcore Libertarian sites and saying really, really great things. Now, he had certainly gone in a more MAGA direction since then, but, you know, like, I had him on the podcast and talked to him, and he was pretty good on a lot of issues and really kind of gave me assurances that he was essentially still one of us. Um, I think he said at one point that the only thing he disagreed with Murray Rothbard about was abortion and everything else he was on board with. So, essentially what the dynamic that kind of changed was that it was really easy for me to just kind of not care about these things before, but now we had a different situation. Blake Masters was running against Mark Kelly for Senate in Arizona. And Mark Kelly is at, like, one of the worst members of the Senate, is just. He's a Hillary Clinton Democrat. And the Libertarian candidate was. It was like a dead even race in the polls. And the Libertarian candidate was polling at like 6% or something like that. And so now, all of a sudden, everything was different for me. I. I had taken over this thing. I mean, I had spearheaded. Led this effort to take over the Libertarian Party, and now it was kind of like on me. And now we were in a situation where something tangibly, like, much worse for the country was going to happen, quite possibly as a result of what we. Our thing, you know, and that there was like, a responsibility that hit me there that I had never really dealt with before, where I was like, oh, I don't. Like, I don't want to make the country worse. That's not my goal. This is 2022, if you can remember. We're still. We're in the height of the craziness still. Foushee is still telling people not to have Thanksgiving din, and people are still wearing masks outdoors and people are losing their livelihoods because they're not taking the bullshit jab. You know, it's like. Which you couldn't say, by the way, on this show at the time. I also couldn't say that or I might lose my YouTube channel. You know, I mean, I still feminine to say it, but the point is, it was. That was the dynamic at the time. And there was a guy who was like, okay, he wasn't a perfect Libertarian anymore, but he had been at one point, and he was still so much better than this other guy. And it seemed pretty clear that, like, if the Libertarian dropped out and supported him, that could make the difference. We could have just put someone much better in the U.S. senate. And that's like. Anyway, I had never really dealt with that type of dynamic before and it was obvious to me what to do. I mean it was just so obvious. Like I don't even understand how anybody could argue with it. Like, no, we should just keep doing what we're doing and get a much worse result. Or we could work out a power move. And that's essentially what we were able to put together. We, we got, we put enough pressure on the Libertarian who was running to drop out and endorse Blake Masters. But he, he got him to come have a one on one conversation with him and give him assurances that he was going to be very libertarian. And then he went on Ron Paul's show, he did the podcast with me, he came to the Libertarians to convince them that he was going to be a Liberty Senator if elected. And we ended up throwing our support behind him. Now he lost, he ended up losing the race even with our support. So ultimately the plan didn't work out. But that's kind of neither here nor there. You gotta go for these things. And had it worked out, this party, the Libertarian Party, who has been around for 50 years or something like that, started in the early 70s for the first time ever, would have pulled off a real power move that we are now in a position where we can get this guy elected instead of this guy. If you put up a good candidate and if you don't put up a good candidate, then we're going to run and spoil it for both for you and get the other guy elected. And now we have some real leverage. We could actually move the country in a direction toward liberty, like tangibly. And so to me that was like, you know, anyway, that seemed like the obvious move. And when I came out with this plan, I was met with a lot of backlash from Libertarian Party members. And not just like the camp that like was against me, but like from within my own camp. A lot of these people just did not like this. They were just very, you know, quick to be like you're selling out or you know, and I started to, to kind of come in contact with. There's, there's, there's certain members of the Libertarian Party who are, I think ideologically possessed. And there are the woke libertarians and then there are like the party loyalist libertarians. And what I think all of them kind of have in common is that there is, it's almost like there's this whole philosophy that is separate from libertarianism, from our philosophy, from our belief in self Ownership and property and non aggression and, you know, laissez faire and all of that stuff. There's a whole other philosophy of either like wokeism or in this case like party loyalty, which is separate from libertarianism and also is stupid and doesn't actually make any sense. And I'd constantly find myself in arguments with people who are saying this where it was like totally incoherent what their argument even was. You know, they'd start by being like, oh, you're not a libertarian, you're a Republican, because you supported the Republican. And I'd go, okay, well let's say the Libertarian nominee was a socialist and the Republican nominee was a Libertarian. Are you telling me I'm supposed to support the libertarian, the one, the big L, Libertarian social? Like, no, I'm going to support the person who lines up with my views. Like, party loyalty is stupid. And it's particularly stupid for, for libertarians to have any loyalty to a party, but it's stupid for Democrats or Republicans. I mean, a lot of the libertarians best guys, all of the libertarians best guys who have been elected to important offices ran as Republicans, but we should still support them because who cares about the party? The party is just a vehicle. And I always said that I always felt that way. But anyway, with the Blake Masters thing, that was kind of my first, my first glimpse into really how prevalent that, that strain in the party was. And I think it's a real problem and is a real problem because it is what ends up happening. And I know Libertarian Party members. If you know that this is true, okay, what ends up happening is that you end up getting a lot of people who feel really good about themselves for being pure. They feel really good about themselves for saying, I'm a 100 percenter. I get an A plus on my non aggression principle test that I just gave myself. I pass every single issue. And they are unwilling to do anything that might actually move the ball forward if it meant getting a little bit of dirt on that purity test. Like. And the problem with that is that now you're just in the game of making yourself feel good about accomplishing nothing. And I don't think anybody who's in the Libertarian Party can honestly say that's not a bit of an issue within the party. People feel really good about themselves for accomplishing nothing and doing nothing. That's a problem. On a very fundamental human level, that's a big problem. All right, guys, let's take a moment and thank our sponsor for today's show, which is ProtonVPN Proton created ProtonVPN to further protect the journalists, activists, and everyday citizens who use ProtonMail. 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I think that there's a tremendous, amongst a lot of those people, there's a tremendous detachment from reality. And that was pretty clearly seen in the Chase Oliver campaign. I mean, it was just, it was wild to me to see, first of all, the fact that, Think about it like this, ok? The delegates who ended up getting him the presidential nomination were the ones who were against the Trump strategy, and yet they put somebody in there who would be the best candidate for the Trump strategy, and they don't even realize it. They don't even put that together. They don't even put together the fact that there was, there was no chance that Chase could do anything with the. Not like that. There was a 0.0% chance that anything other than what came out of this, this presidential run would come out of it, which is nothing. I mean, I'm sorry, nothing. And I'm not somebody who just goes like, well, how, how many votes did you end up getting? Or how many members are there in the party? I'm not even measuring anything by those, like, crude metrics. I'm saying, did anything happen? Anything point to something positive? What was it? Chase didn't even. I mean, he didn't even build his own profile. I don't even think he's any more well known than he was before he ran for president. Even Joe Jorgensen and Spike Cohen came away from that with like 150,000, you know, followers on Twitter or something like that. Chase got nothing. I don't think he had A tweet that went viral through like, I don't. He didn't have one thing that. And he didn't even try. But I really. Look, I think there's a few lessons that we can take away from that one. And I do just think this is really important for libertarians to recognize because I think in many ways this should be the nail, the final nail in the coffin of woke libertarianism. Woke libertarianism is dead. And it is just. However, first of all, it's stupid and it's not consistent with our, our theory. But on top of that, simply, even if you disagree with me on that, and you're wrong, but even if you disagree with me on that, there's just simply no market for it. Nobody, nobody wants it. Nobody wants to. No dissident of the regime wants to embrace the artificial culture imposed on us by the regime. It's just, it's a death blow. And, you know, there's a real problem with, here's the essence of the problem with woke libertarians, as far as I see it. If you look at Chase, Chase Oliver during COVID he, you know, he would have been talking about how he's being responsible and wearing the mask and how he got vaccinated and how he did, you know, just, just all of that. Now he's not saying that today in his, in his 2024 campaign. He's not going over there and telling anyone, hey, you know, when that pandemic hit, I made sure I was always wearing a mask at Thanksgiving. And when I had people over for Thanksgiving, we all wore masks and we socially distanced. We. We did the right thing during the pandemic. We were responsible. He's not saying, hey, man, I talked to my doctor and I took the vaccine because I trusted his advice. He's not saying that now. Right? He was saying that at the time. Now, I heard on one of the debates that I saw, he said he was tricked into taking the vaccine because the government lied to him or whatever. You know, if you go back and you look at what Chase Oliver was saying, and in 2017 or 2018, when he was shrieking the woke stuff at its loudest, you know, Colin Ron Paul or racist or calling the, the R LNC Racist or something like that or whatever, he's not saying that now. He's not saying any of that now. Why is that? Because it's. Fuck. Because it's all been revealed as being stupid. But the problem with being woke, a woke libertarian or woke at all is that you can be counted on to consistently fall for the propaganda every single time. And then you never even admit it. You won't say it now, but you won't admit that you were wrong then. And guess what? You'll fall for the next one every single time. I mean, I saw the other day, you know, one of his posts was he was calling out Nick Fuentes for saying your body, my choice after the election. And he was talking about how, you know, like, repugnant that is. And. But you know, it's all this like moral preaching, but it's really just like, it's like really, that's what you have to say right now, Right now, as the world has drastically changed in a way that is like with. Has enormous possibilities that would have been unthinkable just recently. That's your comment on the state of things. Is that the guy who says things so people like you get offended, you're offended. It's just like you can always be counted on to fall for it, to fall for the bullshit every single time. And that does not inspire support. And the worst part about it is that I see all these libertarians, the ones who were supporting him, I shouldn't say all that. Not that there's that many, but the ones who are supporting him would constantly be talking about what a great messenger he is. He's such a great messenger. And like, is he what, like, what are you talking about? What you would think if somebody's a great messenger, their message would resonate with someone, with someone. But we don't see any of that. And I also got to say this, and this doesn't apply to everybody, but there are, at least in my experience, there are a lot, a lot like a high percentage of those Libertarian Party members who fall into these kind of these, these categories that I'm talking about who are ideologically captured. Um, there are that, you know, the ones who are party loyalists, the ones who are woke, Libertarians who just disproportionately tend to be really bad people. And you know, I don't exactly have that all worked out in my head, but I guess there's something to the fact that, you know, it's like, you know how like a lot of born again Christians did some real messed up shit in their life and then it's almost like, oh, okay, like, yeah, you're born again Christian, but this is almost like a little bit of a way to cover because now you could say, I found Jesus and now I'm a really good guy. That old guy, that was, that's not me, man. That was me before Jay, but now I'm a really good guy. And you're like, oh, that's convenient. That's convenient that you get to give yourself that out. I just notice a lot of the same things, a lot of the same things with my experiences with some of these, like, types. I've just been like, wow, you are, like, really horrible people. And I mean, like, I'm not exaggerating when I say that. When I mean, like, the people who, like, if. For those of you guys who know this stuff, and if you guys just listen to the podcast and don't know, I know there's a little bit inside baseball. We'll be right back to outside baseball on the next show. But when. When the Mises Caucus first started and we were running Josh Smith to be the chair of the party, I mean, people, like, went after his family in the most vicious way to try to smear him for a campaign over who's the chair of the Libertarian National Committee. It's not even, like, a position that has any power. I mean, for the first time ever, Angela actually seems to have turned it into that to some degree. But it's just it there. There was a lot of stuff like that really vicious stuff where people were really trying to, like, ruin other people's lives. And then at the same time, those people would, like, complain about mean tweets. To this day, I still see him complaining about Chase being on the receiving end of mean tweets or something like that. And it's just, you know, I saw Chase on Twitter trying to throw Angela under the bus and blame her. It was, like, a couple days after the election, and I just, like, looked at that, and I was like, I'm sorry. Like, that is. That is a demonstration of somebody's character. Like, you're not a good man. Good men don't do that. You don't come out and throw everybody else under the bus after you fail. You take responsibility for it. Especially in Chase's situation, like Chase, just for people who don't know, after we took over the Libertarian Party, Chase was kind of like the resistance then, or one of the people who was in the resistance then. And he called the national party a bunch of bigots and said he doesn't want them to promote him at all because he doesn't want to be associated with bigots. And now he's sitting here complaining that they didn't support him enough. I'm sorry. Like, that's. You can't do both of those. If you call someone a bunch of Racists and say, I don't want to associate with you. You can't turn around and complain that they didn't help you. Sorry, dude, that's. That's on you. It's your job as the candidate to be so great that you inspire support from people. And if you don't, that is your fault. And you definitely don't publicly go blaming other people for your own failures. That shows a lack of character, a lack of integrity. While these people like to condemn all the bad people constantly. It's like the worst thing about wokeism in general. Not just woke libertarians, but woke ism. It's like you're constantly looking for, like, the bigot, the bad guy, the sexist, the racist, the transphobe. And isn't that convenient? You get to put yourself in the position of being the moral judge of everybody. And, like, and the question never even gets asked, like, well, what do you do? What makes you such a great person? Why do you get to judge everybody is awful while you contribute nothing? Um, and whatever. It's equally poisonous within the libertarian world. But again, they're just. However you feel about it, there's just no market for this stuff. There is no woke libertarian out there who could have done a better job than Chase. That's what any woke libertarian would do. Nothing. Completely irrelevant. And if he did, you know, even attempt to, you know, okay, so one of the things that was, this was talked about a little bit during this, this presidential race. And even I saw there are some Libertarian Party members who were, like, liked Chase, but were very upset with him for not coming on the show because I invited him on and he didn't come on. And I did think there were some kind of interesting parallels to Kamala Harris not going on Joe Rogan's show. I think, you know, within the libertarian world, this show is somewhat like the Joe Rogan show. You know, obviously we're. We're a much, much smaller show than Joe Rogan, but the Libertarian Party is a much, much smaller party than, you know, the Democrats and Republicans. And so anyway, look, I invited Chase on to. I told him that at the convention after he won. I invited him on. Just felt like the right thing to do. And I congratulated him. It just felt like the right thing to do. And then I publicly. I made it very public that there was an open invite for him to come on the show. No one from the campaign reached out. He never attempted to do it. I've got the biggest or one of the biggest shows with, you know, few hundred Thousand libertarian. Hardcore libertarians, or. And at least, you know, not all of our audience are hardcore libertarians, but. But 100% of them are at least interested enough in libertarian ideas that they listen to this show, you know, and he didn't want to come on. And, you know, it's funny because, again, like, there's just all of these different kind of seemingly contradictory things and layers of irony with everything right now. But I saw some of these libertarians, and they were like, oh, Chase really should have gone on Dave's show, and he should have done outreach, and he should have tried to win these people over. I got to say, honestly, I feel about it kind of the same way I feel about Kamala Harris going on Rogan. It's actually. No, she. She played the. She played it right. She shouldn't have. You know, like, if I. If you could remove all morality from me, like, if you. If you took away my soul, and let's say I had no sense of right and wrong. So I'm working for Kamala Harris's campaign now. I'm Kamala Harris's campaign manager, and they float out the idea of going on Joe Rogan. I'd say, absolutely not. Do not go. You will get ruined if you go on this show. It would have been a bad idea. And it's not because Joe was going to be, like, bad faith or just, like, attack her. It's just because you can't really defend any of your positions. And you. It doesn't work like that for you. And I got to say this. I think the same thing about Chase. I think that we would have. There's no way he would have come on, and I wouldn't have gotten into some of the areas we disagree on, and it just would have gone really bad for him because actually, he's not a good messenger, that a lot of his views are garbage. And, you know, like, dude, he was celebrating when Donald Trump got kicked off of Twitter. Talk about not getting it. Talk about a libertarian who just doesn't get it. That's the perfect example right there. And he would have had to defend some of that stuff, which he can't. It's all indefensible, and he's not prepared to admit he was wrong. So he would have been in a tough spot. But the truth is, regardless of that, okay, it was the smart move for him to not come on. But it's also totally reasonable for those other libertarians to criticize him, to criticize him for it, because it's like, dude, you didn't even try. You just didn't even try. I know he did one interview with Stossel. I don't know if he did another big show anything. I didn't, I mean, and there seemed to be no effort to. It wasn't even like the campaign didn't even have a strategy to do it. All right, guys, let's take a moment and thank our sponsor for today's show, which is Paint yout Life. I love this company. Let me tell you about them. I've gotten some of my holiday shopping done early this year because paint your life is just the best. Everybody always struggles a little bit. Especially you got your mother, your wife, your father, you know, your, your aunt. You want to get them a nice gift, something that's really meaningful. The problem is you've been getting these people gifts every year for years and years and years and you're like, I don't know what to think of. 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Order now to get Paint your life's early bird holiday offer. 20% off your painting. That's right. For a limited time, you can get 20% off and free shipping. To get this special offer, all you got to do is text the word problem to 87204 that's problem and you text it to 878-7204. Again, you text the single word problem to 87204. Paint your life. Celebrate the moments that matter most. Messaging data rates may apply. C terms for deal. All right, let's get back into the show so, you know, for him to then turn around and start blaming other people, that's, that's pretty rough. So, okay, so anyway, in conclusion, with, with all of that stuff, I would say, I think, I think woke libertarianism is dead. I think a lot of. One of the themes of 2024 has been, you know, some, some death blows for a lot of different institutions and ideologies that deserve death blows. And I think woke libertarianism just, you know, there's just nobody else. There's no woke libertarian who resonates with anyone these days. This was a point I used to make, by the way, leading up to takeover all the time. And it's part of the reason why we took over the entire party and did it so easily. I don't mean to downplay there was a lot of work from a lot of people involved, but the reason why we did it so dominantly was because of the woke libertarians. There's not a single popular one. They don't have one. There's not one of them with an audience because this shit doesn't resonate with anybody. Nobody who radically hates the regime wants somebody who falls for the regime's propaganda at every turn, which, by the way, is the definition of wokeism. That's what it is. It's falling for the propaganda. And so, okay, so I think that should be. I think there's really no counterargument to that. That's just you, you want to attach trans and the kids to libertarianism. Good luck. Good luck getting any support with that. So the other issue that we have here is that you go, okay, so, so running someone for president, if you run, run a woke libertarian, that's not going to get you anything. Now if you don't, if you don't have a good, even a non woke libertarian, you got to have someone good, otherwise they're probably not going to resonate with anyone. And this, I must admit, is an area where I really, I really got it wrong. And it was something where I just didn't, you know, I have my blind spots just like anybody else, I suppose. And I guess there was an area where I just kind of had an unexamined given in my mind that it was always like, okay, well, like it's, it was always very easy for me to see what Gary Johnson did wrong. And I was very good at breaking that down. I was very good at being like, look, he's doing it like this, but he should be doing it like this. It was always very easy for me to see how Joe Jorgen Joe Jorgensen was doing it like this when she should have done it like that, you know, and it almost was just an unexamined given to me that like, if we got in and we were picking who the nominee is, we'd pick someone really great who would do it the right way. And what I, what I think I didn't appreciate was how difficult it is finding someone good who's willing to do this. And because I was kind of flirting with it for years, that was almost like it became like a fail safe or it became like a safety net where it was like, okay, well if we can't get anyone else, then I'll do it. So we got me at least. And once I recognized that I couldn't do it, it wouldn't be the right move for my family, then I had to really grapple with that reality that, oh, it's not that easy to find someone good to do it. Now listen, just to be clear, there are lots of people who are really good. None of them are willing to do it, myself included. And I think that's something that we got to take into account moving forward with the Libertarian Party. And there's several reasons why, you know, like I think Tom woods or Jeff Dice or Judge Napolitano or Spike Cohen, I think a lot of these guys would be like incredible presidential candidates who could really maybe make some noise and really move the needle and really introduce people to a lot of our ideas. But the problem is none of them want to do it. And it's totally understandable that they don't want to do it because all of the people who you'd want to do this, they have certain things in common. Number one, they're very successful. These are people who are doing really well in life. And you're asking them to make an enormous sacrifice. And, and that's something that's, you know, that's easy to say, oh, you should do that as you sacrifice nothing. But that's, it's a big ask. It's a big ask. And the other problem is, it's like I said, we got some really awful people in this party and there's kind of no getting around that. And people with, who do not care at all about advancing liberty, they care about saying they want to advance liberty and you know, saying we'll set the world free in our lifetime. But what they're really motivated by is feeling very good about themselves and keeping their own little completely powerless fiefdom. And so for you, if you were to get any really great person and try to convince them to run for president as the Libertarian Party. Then you also have to be honest with them and go, oh, by the way, there, there are this, there's this awful group of people within the party who will make it their mission to ruin your life if you do this from within your own party, not the opposition, not the corporate media, not the war machine, not the three letter agencies, not the Uni party, Libertarians, who are just terrible people, will try to ruin your life if you do this. And I got to say, that makes the whole thing a non starter. You know, after I pulled out of running, I tried to recruit several people to do it for me. I just, I felt like an obligation. Like I want to have someone good who will do it so everybody at least gets, you know, part of what they want. And it was so hard to sell it. It was so hard to sell it to anyone. I couldn't even do, you know, like, I'm not going to lie to somebody and like, screw them over. So I'd be like, well, look, this is going to be rough and this is going to be right. You're going to have to deal with this. You're going to. And by the time I'm done saying it, I'm like, who would want to buy what I'm selling right now? And so I guess now that I'm looking at that and kind of, you know, keeping all of those factors in mind, I just have a much more sober analysis about the prospects for like recreating the Ron Paul revolution by running a pure libertarian presidential candidate. I'm not opposed to it. I'm not saying it couldn't work in the future, but I just see, currently it seems unrealistic. Seems unrealistic. However, the world has changed in a lot of ways. And the new strategy that Angela came up with, which is what I got to say, you know, it's the thing I criticize libertarians for all the time. And I'll tell this story, I'll try to make it fairly quick, but I always thought that this is like one of my favorite stories about the Libertarian Party and one of the major problems with libertarians, right? And it's this story. I know many of you guys have probably heard me tell it before, but it was Joe Jorgensen, she was speaking, I want to say it was June of 2020, something like that, maybe May, June. And she's speaking at this park. And if you could put yourself there. We are in the height of lockdowns, okay? The first wave, the first brutal wave of lockdowns and this is. It's before, like, shortly before the Black Lives Matter protest riots of the summer started. Um, but it's in the middle of lockdowns. And if you could try to put yourself back in this, you know, time period, this is when CNN is literally running pieces demonizing teenagers who snuck out and went to the beach. You know, there's videos of cops, you know, chasing, like, surfers so that they can arrest them. Just. It's a moment of madness. Like, totalitarian psychosis has just swept the nation, and everybody's crazy. It's a, you know, truly a moment of mass psychosis. And Joe Jorgensen is giving a speech, and she's giving a speech at this park. Now, at this park a few days earlier, there was this controversy because a father and son were arrested because they were having a catch. Not wearing a mask. Father and son outdoors, okay? And they got arrested for not wearing a mask. Joe Jorgensen is speaking to a crowd, the entire crowd, and Joe Jorgensen is in a mask, okay? Everybody's wearing masks outside at a park. That's how crazy and all based on pseudoscience the whole thing still was at the time. And Joe Jorgensen gets up, and she gives a speech that could have been delivered in 1996. She gave a speech about how, like, the centralization of power doesn't work and laissez faire, free markets rely on voluntary cooperation and blah, blah, blah, blah, blah. And, like, by the way, none of what she's saying I wouldn't agree with, but the insanity of not being connected to the moment you're living through, like, holy shit, you're running as the liberty person, and totalitarianism has just swept the country, and you don't mention it. It doesn't come up. I just, like, I remember watching it with my jaw on the ground. Like, I could not believe that anyone wouldn't have the common sense. But I'll tell you this is it. The reason why I tell this story is not just to trash Joe Jorgensen, although she deserves it. But, you know, there's a real problem that you have with, not with libertarians in general, but with libertarians who are members of the Libertarian Party, where it is, like, they are so married to their theory that they are unwilling or unable to adjust to the facts on the ground. And so that's what I really got to congratulate Angela for, is that it's exactly what she did. People will say, because there were the deranged haters of the Mises Caucus who will say the plan all along was to take over the Libertarian Party so that they could ruin the Libertarian Party so that they could throw their support behind Donald Trump. That was always the plan or whatever. Believe that if you want to. It's just straight up not true. It's just not true. The calculation in 2020, when we were first planning, you know, my run was that, yeah, screw it. Both these guys are so awful that we're not supporting any of them, and we want to do our own Ron Paul thing. And that kind of made sense in 2020. I mean, Trump had been a disaster on. On the lockdowns, keeping Foushee on the job, the signing the gigantic spending bills into law. I mean, there was. There was just so much horrible stuff going on that it was like, screw it. We're not supporting any of this. But what Angela did was, once I pulled out and there was no longer a viable plan for how we were going to reignite the Ron Paul revolution, she pivoted. She adjusted to the facts on the ground and went, okay, we don't have that opportunity. But this other amazing opportunity did present itself, and that's what she ended up doing. And it was. It was brilliant. It was obviously the right move. Look, I don't know what's going to come out of this. Okay. It is possible that Donald Trump does not come through with any of his promises that he made to the Libertarian Party. That is possible. He. He's not come through on promises before, and he is a politician at this point, after all, and they do have this tendency to disappoint. That is. That is the reality of the situation. It could happen. However, there's a very good chance that he does come through on some of these things. He made the promises. It doesn't take a lot of political capital to free Ross Ulbricht. He might put a Libertarian. He said he's going to put a Libertarian, and maybe he puts a Libertarian. If we get that, let's just say it's an F. I'm willing to concede it's a big F. But if we get that, that is something really not like. That's something. That's something big. The party has been around for so many decades. We've got nothing. What do you want to do? You want to just keep. You know, it's like the old, you know, definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result. The Libertarians and the Libertarian Party are sitting here not only advocating that we do the same thing over and over again, but demonizing Anyone who dares to suggest that we do something different, all while saying we're going to set the world free in our lifetime. This is madness. I would also. Look, I guess I could kind of wrap up on this because essentially what I'm saying is that the prospects of running another Ron Paul type presidential campaign are not looking so great right now. The idea of running another woke libertarian is beyond pointless. Beyond pointless. I know it's very. In many ways, just like the corporate media, many people will not learn their lesson from this last presidential election. And they'll say the reason Kamala Harris lost is because of sexism and racism or whatever. It's the same thing with Chase blaming the lnc. Oh, the reason my campaign completely failed was because you guys didn't help me more. I'm sure a lot of people will have their own thing to look to, but the truth is, you just ran the experiment. If you want to run another woke libertarian, it's beyond pointless, just a complete waste of time. And it's going to be very hard to convince a really good Ron Paul libertarian type to do it to make this enormous sacrifice where they will be viciously attacked by their own people. I guess not their own people, but who are supposed to be their own people. 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Our skin's oil shares the same fatty acids as tallow, making it a powerhouse for hydration. So if you're done with the chemicals and want to embrace natural care that actually works, head over to Van Man Shop, slash problem or use the promo code Problem. And check out their line of natural health care products. Your skin and teeth will thank you. Van Man. Shop slash problem. All right, let's get back into the show. So those prospects are very, very low. However, we have this other option, which is that we could continue to do what Angela just did with Donald Trump and extract concessions, promises and perhaps actually move the needle and actually increase real liberty in real human beings lives, which to me is what this whole thing should be about if we're going to be involved in it at all. Now I want to be honest with you guys here. I am not optimistic that the membership of the Libertarian Party will go for this. Perhaps you guys will prove me wrong. But I think the membership is just dominated entirely too much by the ideological, the ideological captured groups that I mentioned before. And I think they're just too allergic to relevancy, too allergic to doing anything where the strategy does not allow them to constantly pat themselves on the back and feel like they're 100% pure good people and better than everybody else. And if the strategy involves like, okay, you don't get to feel 100% pure, like you're better than everybody else. You got to get a little, you got to get down in the mud and get a little dirty yourself. But it's going to really move the needle forward for liberty. There's too many members in the Libertarian Party who will choose the former and reject the latter. That's my honest opinion. I don't think you, I don't think the party will go for it. I hope I'm wrong. And maybe if Ross gets freed or we actually like stack up some real wins that the Libertarian Party can point to some fruits of this strategy, then I think, I think maybe, maybe there's a chance that I'm wrong about that. But I'm not, not particularly optimistic about it. And then that, I guess kind of brings me to my, my final point, which is that, look, as I was saying before, things change and you have to adjust to the facts on the ground and things have changed in a pretty unbelievable way. I mean, it would have been very, very hard to see a few years ago that Donald Trump was going to surround himself with Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy and Bobby Kennedy and like all, you know, all of these people who, you know that he was going to come to the convention and make all of these assurances to Libertarians. This would have been very hard to predict. When Angela first told me about it, I had a hard time believing that was real. I was like, what? Really? Are you sure? Are you lying to me? There's, like. I just. It seemed crazy, but she was. She was telling the truth. And so with all of these factors and myself personally, I just find myself in a situation where, you know, look, I love Angela McArdle, and I love Michael Heiss, and I will always, you know, do what I can to support those guys. I support the new vision for the Libertarian Party. I hope the membership gets on board with it. But if they don't, they want to just continue to do what they're doing, which is the same, frankly, boring thing that is having absolutely no impact on the real world. If at the same time that that's going on. And look, I'm not trying to overplay this, like, it's the biggest thing in the world, but, like, it is what it is. And then at the same time, I have the president's son telling me that he's on it in terms of the effort of keeping the Warhawks out of the administration. Now, whatever, that's not going to perfectly succeed. One or two of them will get in, but, like, we can kind of move the needle. Like, I played a not insignificant role in keeping Pompeo out. I'm looking at that and going, well, okay, gang, what's the best use of my time here? It's so obvious to ask the question is to answer the question. And so if the Libertarian Party wants to take a shot at relevance, I think they've got a pathway to do it here. And if they want to keep doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result, then. Then that's your choice. But I'm not particularly interested in the latter. That's kind of where I'm at right now. Um, by the way, I do just want to say, and this is the last thing I say, I'll say I'll wrap up here. But I do, as I'm complaining about certain groups of people and certain tendencies. You know, first of all, if you're in this world and you know what I'm talking about, I think you know exactly what I'm talking about. But I do just want to say that's not like, that's not everyone. And I have, like, you know, I was thinking this, like, as I was hanging out with Michael Heiss and the boys last night. Like, I have made great friendships in this run in the Libertarian Party, and I just. Some, like, lifelong friends, people I really, really love. And. And so there's a lot of great people in this party. I don't mean to like, paint with a broad brush or disparage people, but I think to those people, to the great people in this party, I'd suggest that, you know, I think a lot of the stuff I've been talking about needs to be grappled with. And I think the truth is that a lot of these guys, a lot of you are already grappling with that and have been for a while. It just it where we're at in the country today. You really can't overstate how crazy it is. The entire regime, the entire. The state's propaganda apparatus has been destroyed, and now we have this whole new thing. You know, part of what always attracted me to the Libertarian Party so much was, look, I mean, this was a fairly basic view, but I know it's one that I had. It's one that I saw. I was reading. Jeremy Kaufman had a. Had a long tweet about, like, you know, kind of on this broad topic, and he essentially was reaffirming what. One of the points that I was why I joined the Libertarian Party to begin with. And it's fairly simple, but it's. It's a good point, which is just that, like, look, what I am. I'm a libertarian. That's what I am. It's the word that best describes my views in the world. And there's a party that has that name. And it's worth fighting for linguistic territory like you have to. If we don't have language, we lose the ability to persuade, we lose the ability to think, we lose the ability to argue. And so if there's going to be a party that's called the Libertarian Party, then we damn sure better fight to make sure that that represents what we think that ought to represent. I always saw that as an obvious, obviously true thing, and to some degree, I still do. The thing is that as this dynamic has happened where the state's propaganda apparatus has been destroyed, what's come in and replaced it has been this network of gigantic shows on the Internet. For some weird reason, we still all call them podcasts. It's the industry I'm in. I do one. It's what I do for a living. And I refer to it as a podcast all the time. I do not know why it is a dumb term that stuck around because I guess the first ones were on ipods. Nobody has ipods anymore. I haven't seen an ipod in over a decade. But we still call them podcasts because people used to cast them onto ipods. Anyway, there are shows, There are shows. That are on the Internet rather than being on networks. And this, this group of gigantic shows has become the new core. Like, this is the new. And in that world, I happen to be uniquely positioned where I get to define what libertarianism is. I get to define that word. I don't really need the party to do it anymore. I don't. Like, I. I'm the libertarian who goes on all those shows. That's what the libertarian has to say is when I come in. And what I say, that may not be fair or may not be right, but it is the situation. I kind of get to define this, this word now. I don't really need the party to do that anymore. So I think, like, if somebody like me who really loves libertarianism, loves these ideas so much that they've changed my life, and I've dedicated such a huge portion of my life to them, I'm sitting here going, what is the value that the Libertarian Party is bringing? And anybody in that part, you better have an answer to that. You got to have an answer, a really compelling answer to that. Otherwise, there's no point in any of this. And I think that Angela McArdle has provided us with an answer to that. This is the value that we bring, you know, and especially if we rack up some of these wins, if Ross is home with his mother rather than being. Rather than doing a life sentence without parole for making a website, then that's a really good deal. And then that's a. That's a really good thing that you can point to. And if someone goes, well, what's the value that you add that value right there, that mother's nightmare is over, then you've got something tangible. If your value is, we're going to run another Chase Oliver in another four years, best of luck to you. Best of luck to you. I'm not going to be around for that. All right, we're going to wrap up on that note. I appreciate you guys for watching. I apologize to people if there's a little inside baseball for some of you. We'll be right back to normal stuff in the next episode, and man, is there a lot to talk about. Catch you guys next time. Peace.
Podcast Summary: "An Address to the Libertarian Party"
Podcast Information:
I. Introduction
In the episode titled "An Address to the Libertarian Party," host Dave Smith delivers a candid and critical message aimed specifically at members of the Libertarian Party. Steering away from the usual discussions on current events and foreign policy, Smith delves deep into his personal experiences within the party, the internal conflicts, and the strategic shifts that have taken place over recent years.
II. Joining the Libertarian Party and Initial Optimism
Dave Smith begins by recounting his journey into the Libertarian Party, motivated by the inspiration from Ron Paul's presidential campaigns. Initially drawn to the party as a potential vehicle to reignite the libertarian momentum, Smith hoped for a resurgence similar to the fervor during Ron Paul's runs.
"I saw Gary Johnson had run for president that year and had a big opportunity that I think was squandered." (05:30)
Smith highlights the disillusionment that followed Rand Paul's 2016 presidential campaign, which didn’t meet the expectations of many libertarians, prompting him to seek alternative avenues within the Libertarian Party.
III. The Mises Caucus Takeover
A significant portion of Smith's address focuses on the maneuvering and eventual dominance of the Mises Caucus within the Libertarian Party. He describes how the Mises Caucus, embodying a more hardcore libertarian ideology, systematically took control of the party's leadership positions.
"At the Reno convention, the Mises Caucus took every single seat with super majorities to the entire party." (15:45)
This takeover, Smith argues, shifted the party's dynamics, moving away from the broader libertarian principles he once held dear.
IV. Presidential Campaign Dynamics and Personal Considerations
Smith recounts being heavily recruited to run for president under the Libertarian banner, especially after the 2020 elections. Despite initial reluctance, family responsibilities ultimately led him to withdraw from the race—a decision he admits was a mistake.
"I felt like I so heavily flirted with running and then ended up pulling out. But I was really planning on doing it, but particularly through around 2022, I had basically decided I was all in and I was going to do it, and I didn't." (28:10)
He reflects on the strategic planning that went into attempting to leverage the podcasting landscape to overshadow mainstream media, a strategy that ultimately didn't materialize as hoped.
V. Critique of "Woke Libertarianism"
A central theme of the episode is Smith's vehement criticism of what he terms "woke libertarianism." He argues that certain factions within the party have deviated from core libertarian principles, becoming ideologically rigid and disconnected from practical political engagement.
"Woke libertarianism is dead. It is just... it's stupid and it's not consistent with our theory." (60:50)
Smith contends that this ideological inflexibility has rendered segments of the Libertarian Party irrelevant, failing to resonate with a broader electorate and hindering meaningful political progress.
VI. The Blake Masters Senate Race Example
Smith uses the 2022 Arizona Senate race between Blake Masters and Mark Kelly as a case study to illustrate the consequences of poor strategic decisions within the Libertarian Party. Masters, once a staunch libertarian, had shifted towards a MAGA-aligned stance, complicating the party's positioning.
"Blake Masters was running against Mark Kelly for Senate in Arizona, and the Libertarian candidate was polling at like 6%." (35:20)
Despite efforts to endorse Masters, who he believed aligned better with libertarian ideals than Kelly, the election result underscored the challenges of navigating internal party dynamics and external political pressures.
VII. The Toxic Environment and Party Loyalty
Smith delves into the toxic internal environment fostered by certain party members, highlighting personal anecdotes of character assassination and lack of accountability. He criticizes the culture of party loyalty over ideological purity, which he believes stifles genuine libertarian discourse.
"There are party loyalist libertarians... It's stupid for libertarians to have any loyalty to a party." (48:15)
His frustration is palpable as he describes the resistance faced when advocating for strategic shifts, such as supporting external candidates who better align with libertarian values.
VIII. Conclusion and Future Prospects
Concluding his address, Smith remains skeptical about the Libertarian Party's ability to adapt and remain relevant under its current trajectory. He acknowledges the strategic shifts introduced by leaders like Angela McArdle but questions the membership's willingness to embrace these changes.
"If the party wants to take a shot at relevance, I think they've got a pathway to do it here." (1:05:30)
Smith expresses hope that tangible victories, such as policy concessions from mainstream politicians, could validate and sustain the new strategic direction. However, he remains cautious, emphasizing the entrenched ideological barriers within the party.
Notable Quotes:
"We should make it the Ron Paul party and do Ron Paul stuff and run a presidential candidate who's like Ron Paul and then we could get the Ron Paul revolution going again." (09:10)
"Party loyalty is stupid. It's particularly stupid for libertarians to have any loyalty to a party." (47:50)
"Good men don't throw everybody else under the bus after you fail. You take responsibility for it." (57:25)
"Nobody wants it. Nobody wants to. No dissident of the regime wants to embrace the artificial culture imposed on us by the regime." (1:01:10)
Final Thoughts
Dave Smith's "An Address to the Libertarian Party" serves as a critical introspection on the current state and future direction of the Libertarian Party. Through personal anecdotes, strategic analysis, and ideological critique, Smith challenges party members to reassess their priorities and adapt to an ever-evolving political landscape. His call for a more pragmatic and impactful libertarian strategy underscores the tension between ideological purity and political efficacy within the party.