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Ethan Cross (0:31)

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Dave Smith (1:27)

Hey, what's up, everybody? Welcome to a brand new episode of Part of the Problem. I am Dave Smith, Roland solo for this episode and of course we're going to be talking about last night's State of the Union address, the fifth that Donald Trump has given and obviously the first of his, his new, his new administration. Let me just real quick before we start, I just a couple quick plugs. Uh, there are still limited seats available for, uh, Buffalo this weekend. I'm, I'm headed out there tomorrow. Tomorrow, Tomorrow and Friday night I'll be out in Buffalo with Robbie the Fire Bernstein. And then on Saturday night we'll be up in St. Catharines. My first time back in Canada in many, many years. The early show is sold out. I believe there are some tickets available for the late show. It's gonna sell out quickly. If you want to come, make sure you go over to comicdavesmith.com right away and get them. And then of course Boston, just a couple weeks away at at Laugh Boston. There the ticket links are all available@comicdavesmith.com and of course, as I've mentioned times, the tickets are moving fast. I will be back at the Soho Forum in May debating immigration against the Cato Institute's Alex Norwash. Looking forward to that very much should be a good old libertarian scrap about where exactly libertarians should fall on immigration, with me being more of the restrictionist and Alex being closer to the open borders side of things. Okay, so Donald Trump's State of the Union last night, let's get into this. We got, I got a couple clips lined up and there's a few things that I kind of wanted to talk about it. And also I will, I will do my best to get to some listener questions in today's episode. If you guys are in the live chat, go ahead and throw some questions in there, and I will do my best to get to some of them. Okay, let me just say this to start. I, generally speaking, I don't like State of the Union addresses. I think that they're boring and lame. There's, they're just never good, they're never entertaining, they're never honest. It's, it's always, you know, it's, it's always spin. And I, I never like the special interest stories and all of that. I'm just not a fan of the State of the Union in general. So that, that's my bias coming into this. And certainly, you know, look, I'm, I'm a radical libertarian. And so anytime we're talking about a president, there's always going to be things that I disagree with them on. And there's several things that I think Trump said that I don't agree with him on. And we could get into a few of those. Great grading on a curve of that, you know, all that being, you know, considered in the background. Let me, let me just start, I'll start by saying that in terms of effectiveness, like, just in terms of the politics, which is what a State of the Union is all about anyway. So not, not saying, like, how I personally felt about the speech, like what, how much I agree with what Donald Trump is saying or don't agree with him. Just talking in terms of, like, how effective he was politically in this speech. I, I would give Donald Trump an A. I think it was his best State of the Union speech out of the five that he's given by far. I think it was his most effective by far. And he, Donald Trump has really, you know, part of the reason, of course, why this is, was his most effective State of the Union. It's, it's not just that Trump got better. I do think he's gotten a little bit better in, in some ways, but it's not just that. It's that he is more enabled to be successful by the moment that he's living in. And this really is, if you kind of zoom out, one of the very interesting kind of big picture meta analysis of the current moment, which is that in a very weird way, Donald Trump and I think America as a country, we are better off that Trump lost in 2020. We got four years of Joe Biden and then Donald Trump comes back in, in the second term. Now, I'm not trying to downplay any of the very real pain that was caused by those four years of Joe Biden, although, if I'm being completely honest, a lot of that was baked into the cake already, like the price inflation that Joe Biden that we dealt with under Joe Biden that was coming. Joe Biden certainly made it worse. But a lot of that was the result of 2020. You know, you lock down the entire economy and print trillions of dollars and start handing out direct payments, prices tend up, end up rising. And this is, this is not rocket science. It's actually fairly straightforward. However, there were really bad things that Joe Biden did. Obviously, the war in Ukraine, which we will get into, was a, you know, a disaster. That was really Joe Biden's, you know, I mean, not saying nobody else held responsibility, but the Biden administration held by far the most of it. And, you know, the very, you know, we are flirting with World War iii, a nuclear war, that's a pretty big cost. So all that being said, you know, if Donald Trump wins in 2020, and forget any of you guys who may have whatever feelings you have about the 2020 election, leaving that aside, I'm just saying if Donald Trump had one and had, you know, got a second term, there's just no conceivable way that we'd have any of the positives that we have right now. None of them. I mean, literally none of them. So we would not have had Bobby Kennedy at the Health Department. We wouldn't have had Tulsi Gabbard leading the intelligence departments. We wouldn't have had, you know, there's no chance that we'd have J. Bhattacharya at the National Institute of Health. There's, there's really no conceivable way we'd have Cash Patel running the FBI or Dan Bongino is the deputy FBI director. There's no way we'd have Doge Elon Musk wasn't on board with Donald Trump in 2020. So anyway, this, number one, it got Trump, you know, going through those years, it got, I think, essentially what happened. And this is also part of why Donald Trump has record high approval ratings right now. Is that there? Okay, so the, in 2016, when Donald Trump ran for president, the first time, Donald Trump had this quality about him that was very appealing to a lot of people, but also it was a double edged sword and it allowed, it allowed a lot of fear mongering about Donald Trump to seem reasonably plausible. Donald Trump was the first president in the history of the United States of America. This had never happened before. Okay. Donald Trump was the first president who had zero political or military experience. That had never happened before. Okay, like we had, we had. Dwight Eisenhower was President of the United States and he had no political experience, but he was a five star general who had led the Allies to victory in World War II. It'd be pretty hard for someone to look at him and make the argument, you don't have experience, sir. You know what I mean? Like it. So we, so for the first time in our nation's history and imagine, you know, this is the United States of America. It's the most successful, most powerful country that's ever existed. And we tried something in 2016 we had never tried in our hundreds, year long history. And now, okay, there was something appealing about that because he could, Donald Trump, there was certainly one aspect of it that was very advantageous to him. And this is why he was able back in 2016 to be able to stand up on, on stage and say, you know, Hillary Clinton says she's going to fix this thing. She's been here for 30 years, she can't fix it. How come she hasn't done it yet? Oh, I'm outside of all of this corruption, you see the big money, I don't need any of their money. Like he could, he could blame all of the failures of government on the people who were involved and take responsibility for none of them very reasonably, because he wasn't. And he was on the right side. Like as a, you know, just as a citizen, he was on the right side of some of these issues. And so he could, he could play that. Now on the other hand, the flip side to that was that they could play the card of, you know, you can't trust Donald Trump with his finger on the button. This guy's gonna launch nukes, the market's gonna crash. This guy has no idea what he's doing. So they could kind of play on the fear of the unknown. Then once Donald Trump was president, and especially because Donald Trump is, he is not presidential in the sense that he's not like every other president. Like every other president has this thing in common that Donald Trump doesn't, Donald Trump doesn't care about, you know, politeness or like, he just, he doesn't play that whole game that almost every other politician was playing. And so during Donald Trump now during the first term also, you have these huge protests all around the country. I mean, really, really dumb ones and some very violent ones later in his, in his first term. But there's, you know, like, if you remember, like the, the woman's march happened in early 2017. It was like right after he was sworn in, as when the women were wearing the Gina hats. It was very bizarre. But I mean, there were like hundreds of thousands of people out on the streets. Donald Trump was getting and, and college campuses, if you can try to put yourself back in 2017. I mean, it was like just a. A wild environment. So there was all this kind of like, upheaval. There was all of this. It was like, by its very nature, there was this departure from normaly and into this new thing, you know, into the. Whatever this is. Donald Trump's pissing everybody off. The media is freaking out. You got the Russiagate story. That, that really started getting traction. So now people are watching CNN and msnbc. I know it's crazy to think about now, but people were watching CNN and MSNBC because they were alleging that, like, the biggest scandal in u. S. History was going on right now. Russia had hacked our democracy and installed Donald Trump. And so there's just like, it's almost like, if you could describe, look, even 2017, 2018, 2019, at the time, we would have described this as like, we're at 11. The level of hysteria was just crazy. And then came 2020, and you're like, oh, my God, if you thought. We thought we were at 11, turns out we were at 2. Now we're in this whole new world. And okay, so you've just got all of this hysteria. Then 2020 comes, you have lockdowns, you have the George Floyd riots, you have all of this. And by the end of 2020 and for all four years, essentially the corporate media and the Democrats were arguing that, like, look, this is Trump. Like, we were kind of a normal country, we had our problems, and now this guy just destroyed all of that, you know, and even if you were somebody who was, let's say, like, center right, and you, you probably maybe voted for Donald Trump in 2016, and maybe you, you liked him. You, you were more. You preferred him being president to Hillary Clinton. Maybe you even preferred him being president to Joe Biden. But there was A feeling. And this was palpable at the end of, of 2020 where there was just like a feeling of enough already, enough. And like even I think a lot of people who recognize that, like, okay, at least 50%, maybe even a lot more than 50% of the problem is that these leftists are just hysterical when Donald Trump does anything. Still, we just don't want any more of this. And so let's at least get somebody who doesn't make this part of the country hysterical. And there was just this, there was a feeling, and this was not just a feeling. This was explicitly the pitch of the Democrats, particularly when Joe Biden won the nomination, that it was like, let's get back to normal. And Joe Biden was kind of uniquely positioned to be able to sell that message in 2020. He, look, he was already on his way to being senile, but it wasn't nearly as bad as it got over the last, the last couple years. But Joe Biden could just be like, hey, I am a dinosaur. I've been in the Senate for 40 years. Like, you know what you're getting with me. I was the Vice president for four years. I was a senator for many, many decades. Like, he in many ways represented what the American establishment for the last, you know, 35 years. So in a lot of ways, the promise was a return to normalcy. Joe Biden and his surrogates explicitly said this over and over again in many different ways, but they were very clear. This is what they meant. We can, let's just, okay, enough of this crazy new experiment in Trump. Let's get back to normal. And there was nothing more devastating to that argument than Joe Biden's four years as president. Because what I think every now look, not to be a little self serving here, but I was one of the people far, far from the only one. But I was one of the people arguing for the first four years of Donald Trump's administration that like, actually that wasn't the case. As, as I think it was Michael Malice who had the, coined the term that Donald Trump was not the river, he was the dam. You know, people thought that Donald Trump was like, like the, the corporate media's analysis was almost like Donald Trump had ushered in this new age of craziness. Whereas our understanding, which was fairly obvious to me, but has kind of been proven true over the years, was that, no, no, Donald Trump didn't usher in this craziness. We went crazy. And the result of that is Donald Trump, like, it's not, it's not that Donald Trump came and changed the political landscape to the. To the point that, like, there's this huge, like, populist movement. It's that the establishment failed so bad for so many years that the American people were so furious at the establishment that they were ready to just pick Donald Trump because he was the biggest middle finger they could find. So in. In this scenario, you know, it's like, Donald Trump isn't the fire. Donald Trump was the spark, but the issue was that the. The floor was covered in gasoline. Now, Donald Trump happened to be the spark who came along, but, like, when you had this situation, any spark could have set this thing off. So anyway, the four years of Joe Biden really just disproved the idea that if you remove Donald Trump, we return to 1985 or something like that. If you get rid of Donald Trump, we go right back to whatever you think normal America is. The fact is that Joe Biden became the president for four years, and nothing went back to normal. In fact, it got even crazier than it had been under Donald Trump. And so there was something. It's like the American people were so furious with the establishment that they were willing to vote for Donald Trump and make him the president in 2016. And then the American people were so frustrated with the craziness that they were willing to give the establishment punishment one more shot. And then Joe Biden blew that hand. And so now it was like, now, by the end of four years of Joe Biden, Donald Trump actually felt like more of a return to normalcy than another four years of this insanity would be. And so, anyway, I say all of that to say this is why Donald Trump has his highest approval ratings, and this is why he was able to give that speech that he gave last night. This is why he was able to be as successful as he was with the speech, which I really do think there's no. I mean, look, man, like, people in. In the corporate media and people in, you know, the. The, you know, liberals and leftists who hate Donald Trump, and there's still plenty of them, they can try to spin this any way they want to, but this was just a huge win for Donald Trump. I mean, in terms of. For. Again, leaving aside the substance, in terms of the effectiveness, it was an A plus for him. Let me ask you something, guys. How well do you sleep at night? Over the last few years, we've seen how wild things can get, and we've seen how quickly the shelves can go bare when a crisis hits. That's why I protect my family. With my Patriot supply. I love their three month emergency food kit. 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We got a couple of the clips played there, but there were some lines that were just killer, that were just like very like really hit home. I don't want to give them away because we're going to play a couple of the clips, but I'm sure you guys have, have seen a lot of them. But I did think the, when he was going through the Social Security and talking about the amount of people who are aged, you know, like he said, like we had this many thousands of people who are between the age of 150 and 159. And he goes, he goes, it's a healthier country than I thought, Bobby. It's just great, great line. The Pocahontas thing, we'll play in a second. Great. He was just. Donald Trump has found a way. I think David Sack said something to this effect. But Donald Trump just threw out the speech. It's like he's figured out and, and this was always something about Donald Trump that was, this was true, it's been true. It's why he's been president twice. He's always able. The, the analogy that I used to give is that it was, it would almost be like you were at a poker hand or you were at a poker game. And like the. Imagine almost like you could pick your hand and then there's like pocket aces and no one wants to play them. And Donald Trump just comes along and he's like, I'll, I'll play pocket aces. Those are really good cards. I'm quite happy to play those. And for whatever reason, all of the establishment politicians, many of this is because of their. The pressure from donors. The pressure, like their own constraints. And there's several of them. And not just the pressure from donors, but like, the pressure to be able to go through the revolving door and get some cushy job after you're out of politics or any of that stuff. But they have these constraints, and one of the rules is you're not allowed to play pocket aces. Like, Donald Trump just didn't have those constraints. So it was just like, I'll play them, you know, like securing the border. This is like a wildly popular issue. Yeah. What David Sack said is that it was something along the lines of, like, Donald Trump was able to race to the 80 on every 80, 20 issue. You know, like, it was like all of these issues that are like, 80 agree with this, 20 disagree. Donald Trump would just consistently put himself in the 80%. You know, it's. It's like, whatever. Like, dudes shouldn't be competing against high school girls in sports. Like, just like the most common sense thing that somehow in this crazy last decade in America has become an issue that for whatever reason, most Democrats, almost all of them, are constrained from agreeing with. Like, they cannot do that. But he can come out and just say it. And then like, most Americans can go, oh, yeah, right. Obviously, we agree with that. You. You guys take the 20% who don't agree with this and will take the 80%. Is the game that Donald Trump was able to play all night. He also, I mean, he. He was sharp. He was on point. He delivered the speech. Well. Donald Trump usually is not the best at reading a teleprompter, but he. He really got it done. And then it was like such a huge contrast where not only does he did he have an A plus in terms of effectiveness, but like the Democrats, they had an F minus. I mean, it was just like if I couldn't believe it, you know, first of all, I've been watching State of the Union speeches for a long time. There has never been one quite like this in terms of how wildly disrespectful and childish the opposition party was. I remember back what. I can't remember which one it was, but it was one of Obama's State of the Unions when the Republican congressman screamed out, you lie. And Obama was saying something about how Obamacare would. Would not give health insurance to illegal immigrants. And one of the Republicans screamed out, you lie. And this was like a Huge controversy in the media. It was like, hey man, like, you know, the norm is that you could clap or you could not clap. You could even maybe boo at certain points, but you don't scream out in heckle and call the President of the United States a liar. Like the entire corporate media was like, that is just, that is bad decorum and that's just not right. This was like a controversy. Donald Trump went in there, he was getting heckled immediately. One guy had to be removed, others walked out there, typically in a State of the Union, the way it would almost always be is that like on controversial Partizan issues, the opposition party wouldn't stand and clap for you. But then if you just said something that was just like generic, like everyone could get behind that, you know, then like everyone would clap. Republicans would clap for Obama, Democrats would clap for George W. Bush. Like that was just part of the State of the Union. If he said something that they were like, yeah, even we agree with that. The Democrats wouldn't clap at all. They did not clap at all for Donald Trump the entire time. In fact, it's very interesting what they did clap for, which was continuing the war in Ukraine. Anyway, we'll play that clip in a second. But I mean like, they wouldn't even clap. They wouldn't even clap for like, he's like, hey, here's like a little kid with a life threatening illness and he always wanted to be a cop. So today we're going to make him deputy Secret Service, blah, blah, blah, and we're going to give him a little badge and his dad picks him up at like, Democrats wouldn't clap for that. They wouldn't clap for anything. They wouldn't clap for the American who was returned from Russia, who had been imprisoned by Russia, like literally. And, and look on top of that. And look again, I don't really. These, these, I don't care about these stories. I think it's kind of, I always find it kind of in poor taste. Every politician does it, but I don't like it when they kind of like use someone who's going through a tragedy or something like that and then try to score political points off of them. Not a big fan of that, but they all do it. And man, it makes you look bad when you just don't clap for something that like is just. Everybody should agree that's a positive thing. They, the Democrats just, I mean, the word was like, is impotence. I don't know. Their whole thing was like, you're gonna, you're gonna hold up false signs while the President's giving his speech. You know, you've got like, you've got a popular president who's got his, his highest approval ratings that he's ever had, and you're just sitting there being the grumpy losers who won't even give him credit for anything good he does. It's just terrible optics. Terrible. It's also, I got to say, and this is maybe me personally, I don't know, you know, how much everybody agrees with this. This might just be my own temperament, but I just hate the idea of like heckling and hissing and booing and it's just very childish. It's a very, it's a, an extremely infantile response. You know, I hated when the Libertarian Party did that. There were people in the Libertarian Party who did it. When Donald Trump came, like, I totally understand if he says something you disagree with and you want to boo or what, I could get that. But this, like, what do you like of triggered, college kid? Like, I just, I, I don't know, I just. Not my style. I don't like. And I really don't think it played well, especially when you have Donald Trump out there. And this really is, look again, this is still Donald Trump's best quality, right? If you look at Donald Trump through his entire life, the thing that's most impressive about him is his, he's the, he's the best marketer, the best self promoter in history. There's just nobody like him became world famous from being a real estate developer. What? Who the fuck becomes world famous from being a real estate developer? Real quick, Think of famous real estate developers. Okay, you got Donald Trump. Give me five more. Donald Trump is the most famous man who's ever lived. His silhouette is more recognizable than Jesus's. And he, you know, I mean, like, he's, he's just X and he's great. So what you have here is. And, and the reason he's great is he knows how to create the opt. He knows how to put on a show. And so here you have Donald Trump at the height of his popularity, at least so far. And here he is getting on the 80 side of every 8020 issue. And here are the Democrats being children, helpless to stop him anyway. And just what we're gonna, we're gonna scream till we get kicked out and then a bunch of us are gonna walk out of the room. That's your ace in the hole. It was just, it, it was terrible. And, and it's. Look, there's one thing, like I've talked about this quite a bit, I'm sure, because it was really one of the major stories of the election. But look, I used to say this when the Mises Caucus was taken over the Libertarian Party, it was one of the reasons why we were successful. This stuff, social psychology is a huge part of this stuff. And people could dismiss, like, vibes or whatever, but this is, this is how politics actually works, whether you like it or not. And believe me, I'm one of the ones who doesn't really like it. I really wish that the way American elections and American, like, politics worked was that it was issues driven. And like, the merit of people's arguments about policy positions is what should determine who votes for who, you know, and that should determine who the American people support, you know, who has the, the best argument about how monetary policy is going to lead toward prosperity, or who has the best argument for what foreign intervention we should be a part of or not a part of or what, you know, like, I wish that was the way it worked. I'm kind of a dork about this. Like, but look, that's just not the reality. It's just not true then. And everybody knows that. Everybody knows that. There are people all throughout this country. I mean, there are people by the tens of millions who vote in elections, passionately prefer one candidate to the other, like, might hate that candidate's guts and love this candidate. And they don't know anything about policy. They've never read a book about policy in their entire lives. Probably not even read, like, too many articles about it. Maybe seen a few shows on something once, or people. That's just the reality of the situation, that people get emotionally invested. There's cultural forces, right? Why do you think red states stay red and blue states stay blue. People vote the way their daddy voted, the way their grandfather voted the way, you know, like, that's just. This is the reality. And when you understand that what Donald Trump was able to do throughout the entire campaign is that he made the Donald Trump campaign a party. It was a fucking party. That was Donald Trump. That was his campaign. There's going to be drinks, you know, there's going to be dancing, Kid Rock's going to be there. Hulk Hogan's doing a thing from the 80s, Tony Hinchcliffe's telling jokes. Rogan and Theo Vaughn are there. Like, it was just like, oh, this is cool. This is fun. Every speech, every campaign rally that Donald Trump gives, it was like, it was a night of entertainment for the people who went there. On the other hand, you could have a screaming old man in Joe Biden who's going to take away democracy. Or you could have Kamala Harris, you know, warning you about the dangers of, like, it was just like that. That sucks. And here again, he's able to do it. Here again, Donald Trump's up there. He's being funny. He's taking popular issues. He's talking about how great America is going to be. He's selling you on how everything's going to be so wonderful. And then here's a bunch of grumpy children in the crowd. Which would you rather go to? You know, like, if I, if I told you there's a, there's, there's two rooms in an office building. I go, one of them is like the company Christmas party, and the other one is full of HR people getting everyone in trouble. Do you think you might have a preference on which one of those rooms you walk into? This is the magic that Trump's able to create. And it really is just. I don't know, it's, it's incredible to watch. Incredible. 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And they've had one focus, I mean, one focus since at least November, probably, if we believe some of the reporting about the internal polling. They've known for quite a while that they were going down in this election. And their one focus is like, okay, how do we get back? We're down and out and Trump's higher than ever. How do we deal with that? And then to look at it and you're like, and this is what you came up with. You'll have an old man wave his cane. You'll. You'll have a bunch of miserable, like, ladies heckling. Okay, all right, all right. Anyway, let's, let's, let's play a couple of the clips. I got, I think I got two clips lined up in either order. Natalie. Let's just, let's go to one and get a little feel for it.