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Republicanism VS MNGOP | REAL REPUBLICANISM w/ Professor Penn & Steve Boyd | EP248
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This is an iHeart podcast. Time is precious and so are our pets. So time with our pets is extra precious. That's why we started Dutch. Dutch provides 24,7 access to licensed vets with unlimited virtual visits and follow ups for up to five pets. You can message a vet at any time and schedule a video visit the same day. Our vets can even prescribe medication for many ailments and shipping is always free. With Dutch, you'll get more time with your pets and year round peace of mind when it comes to their vet care. Cross our hearts and hope to die by these 50 countries differing so much.
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In race and religion, in language and culture.
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It is a big idea.
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A new world order.
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A
Well, I know they're lying. They tricked me once, but they're not going to trick me twice. The time is now foreign. Welcome back to the Professor Penn Podcast. David Penn, your host. Glad to be with you as always for episode number 248. Coming to you on this Tuesday the 21st of October, 7.30pm Central Standard Time. We have a guest in studio today, someone who I, I know somewhat not great. Going to be a again, a chance to make a political connection. I want to welcome into the studio Mr. Steve Boyd. Welcome, Steve.
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B
Thank you. Good to see you.
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A
Steve was a candidate in the 2024 cycle. His aspiration was to become a U.S. congressperson from CD7, that's in Northwestern Minnesota. For those of you that are listening nationally or internationally and we're going to tell a tale today, I'm going to ask questions because I don't know myself the particulars. I just got broad outlines and rumors and I'm not into broad outlines and rumors. I want to know what happened in this campaign and I want to share with you before I start talking to Steve. If you're national, I'm going to tell you if you are in the state of Utah, this is happening in Utah. If you are in the state of Florida, which we think is such a red state, it's going on in Florida, it's going on everywhere. And that is a battle for the heart and the soul of the Republican Party. Because no matter where you live, and I'll tell you if you're an international viewer or listener, it's going on in England. I see you all out in the streets there, so I know something's going on. I'm watching Tommy Robinson, for example. I mean, I'm watching all over the world the perturbation that comes with the fourth turning where we're confronting, in my opinion, an international Evil, which is seeking to take control of we the people, wherever we the people live. You know, there's we the people in Tanzania, theoretically, because we want to spread the philosophy of Republicanism. And I want to say. Steve, just let me do this. Steve, beyond just in a second, what came up in the last episode, from the feedback that I got on Ax and on the YouTube dialogue, I introduced something that I called the four pillars of republicanism. And I did that because I don't think people understand what it is to be a Republican. You know, it's not being in the party. Republicanism is a philosophy of life. It's based on the idea that every citizen of every country is the sovereign of their own life. They're citizen sovereigns that we respect as Republican, the rights of minorities that live amongst us. We have protection for minority rights. We're not a mob. We have a belief in the ascendancy of the human soul, that. That we're children of God. We protect minority rights, that we are involved in civic life. Republicans are involved in civic life. And when. I mean involved in civic life, that is an infinite. An infinite kind of. It's an infinite kind of a thing that we can choose from. How are we going to involve ourselves in civic life? For example, Steve Boyd ran for Congress in 2024, and now he is a member of the Republican Party sitting on the CD7 executive committee. I don't know that he wants that advertised, but it is. It's critical for us to find a way to be involved. I mean, you know, freedom does not just spring up by itself. It has to be tended. It has to be watered.
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B
It has to.
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A
And every once in a while, as one of our founding fathers said, you know, it's going to get sprinkled with the blood of tyrants and patriots. We want to avoid that by being involved in the political process. And before I go down this rabbit hole with these four pillars of Republicanism, I'm going to use up the whole show. Go find it online, go back and look at it. We'll talk about it again on Thursday. The one that I really wanted to get to was involvement in. In the political process, which Mr. Boyd. Steve actually went out there and did that. So welcome Steve. Let's go back. Let's go back before 2024. Tell the audience a little bit about yourself and how did you reach that moment of activation when you decided that you must be involved in the political process here in Minnesota?
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B
Yeah, and I'm actually going to back up a little bit past 2024. And again, thanks for having me. I've been looking forward to this. My activation really happened more in the 2020 range, where I think a lot of people happened around that 2020 range with what was going on and even prior to that. But I've always been interested in politics, even to a young age. But it was more kind of the angry Republican watch the news and feed on that, but didn't really have a real principled basis to what I believed or, you know, involved. And it wasn't until I studied the Constitution and understood fully the principles that we were founded on, the timeless principles and what that meant not only for our need for involvement, but also, you can clearly see not only the wrong direction, but the path we were on, got involved, and then for me, first went to caucus, all that fun stuff.
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A
When was your first year you went to caucus?
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B
First year I went to caucus would have been 2022, I believe.
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A
Wow, you're really recent to this, right?
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B
It might have been 2020, but I. I want to say it was 2022.
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A
And for those of you who are listening, caucus is coming in Minnesota and wherever you live, there is a political process in your backyard. We're a political action community. My number one mission right now is to get people in Minnesota or whatever state you're in, into the political process. There's a lot of ways to do it. You're going to share your way. One of the easiest and most effective ways is to become a member of your local party. And if you're a leftist listening to me, hey, the Democrat party needs you. They're lost in the wilderness. They need good people of good moral character to come in and anchor them, just like we needed in the Republican Party. Because we talk about a uni party, which means there's one party, right? Two wings of the same foul bird, and we got to clean this thing up. So you something motivated, you went to caucus? Yep.
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B
Yeah. And I, you know, to be honest with you, I was pretty dismayed at what I saw, convicted myself, that I just kind of let things happen. But you kind of expect everything's just kind of being done and taken care of and you know, that there's. There's no dysfunction behind the scenes, that it just kind of goes on. I didn't understand the full process, how it started with caucus. You know, you talk about. I mean, that's. That's a topic we should talk about for the whole thing is getting involved early because half the time people get to the ballot and they think, well, I don't like the options. They have no idea how much influence they could have on the options.
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A
You're starting to sound like Dan Schultz. The precedent. That's the whole point. The point of being involved in the party is if we're going to improve our governance, we have to improve our candidates. And the way we do that is through the endorsement process. By becoming a delegate, you have a vote, you become the most important person in America.
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You.
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You say who the party is going to endorse as a candidate.
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Power of your vote at that level is enormous.
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It's enormous.
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B
Yeah. You think you're throwing a vote away when you get to that last ballot and doesn't matter because there's so many. Well, that's not true either. But you get down to that local level, those local endorsements, it's huge. Well, you look at the congressional district. What is it? 400 and some people in our district that make the endorsement.
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Who's going to go with the Republican endorsement in the election, the general election for your congressperson, and probably going to end up in northwest Minnesota or very likely could end up in Washington, D.C. right. 400 people make that decision. It's incredible. And, you know, that process is not pure, is it?
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B
No, it's not. It's not real pure. And I think, too, you know, before I get into kind of the rest of answering the rest of your question, that people say they want involvement, but the reality is there's a lot of people in control that don't. Don't want that involvement.
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A
Oh, you're talking about the party hierarchy.
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B
Yeah, well, that. That would.
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A
Can I tell you a quick story, since we're just. We have an hour and a half to chat.
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B
Yeah, we got this.
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A
Going to tell you this, you know, storytelling needs to be a bigger part of the Professor Penn podcast. Too much lecturing stories. People like st. I like a good story. I'm going to share a good story with you about the same time you went into politics. So did I. 2020. Why did I go in? Because I'm pretty good at math. And when I sat there with my abacus calculating Georgia, the math didn't add up. And I freaked out because, you know, the election didn't seem to have integrity to me. Scared me, and I immediately jumped into action and called my local Republican Party committee, which I found by just going online. Here's how you do this. You go to the Secretary of State's website. They have something called a precinct finder. You put in your address, and voila, you know where you are. On the battlefield. And I found out I was in at that time, it was called SD42 here in CD3, I tried to track down the Republican Party executive of that committee, a man who became my mentor in politics. I was lucky. His name's Dave Kylo. Good dude. And, well, he was a little bit slow to respond to me and because he was vetting me out. So just remember now, when you try to enter the party, there's a lot of people that show up and say, you know, choose me. And then they never come back. So the people that run these committees are, you know, sensitive to their time, their investment there. That's different than closing the door, Right? Okay. So, I mean, there's wanting new people, but wanting good people.
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Right?
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And then there's closing the door. I'll tell you a story of closing the door. So I joined the party. Dave Kyle was mentoring me. I said, dave, I want more Republicans in our neighborhood. And in CD3, I got an idea. I want to start a program. I want to call it the Masterclass. And people go, oh, that's Masonic. No musical. I just like to throw that in. It's not Masonic. I'm not a Mason. Anyhow, I said, we're going to start these classes, and I'm going to come in there and use all my powers and all my skills to fire people up about being involved in politics. Like you did in 2020. Like I did in 20. Full of enthusiasm. He said, you must go see Randy Sutter, the chair of CD3, and get his approval. I said, I don't want to do that. He said, hey, you're an officer of the party. You have responsibilities. You have to ask the party for its support. So I went to a CD3 executive committee meeting. I made a presentation to the board, and Randy said to me, I will support you under the following circumstances. Number one, you pay for it yourself. Which, you know, it wasn't that expensive, but it was, you know, okay. And then number two, this is 2021 now we're talking about. Never discuss election integrity at any of your meetings. I said, wow, that's a heck of a price to pay. But I guess I'll pay it because I want to bring people in. So I went and I started going. And, you know, lo and behold, after four or five sessions, we're over 100 every time, 150 words getting around. And Randy Sutter started to appear at the meetings, and he took them over and he shut it down. And I said, randy, why would you do this? And he said, David, we don't need any more Republicans. We need more work from the Republicans we already have. And I was so naive about politics at the time. I didn't understand until many years later that he was concerned about more people coming into the party. Right. David Hand. The word came down from David Hand.
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B
It's counterintuitive, doesn't it?
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David Hand. The word came down. He said, stop bringing people in from all over the state to these meetings. Stay in your lane. We don't want people coming out of their districts. And if you go back to 21, 22, nobody knew each other. I remember the first time I met you. I was thrilled to meet you because I was meeting another person that was constitutionally grounded in being a Republican. I, you know, I don't know if it was a big deal for you. It was for me because we. Nobody knew each other. Now everybody knows each other. Much to the dismay of the constabulary, the Emerson, the Fishbox. Oh, you know, babies, we're. We're getting organized now. I digress. That's my story of. They don't want to change the delegate mix of the party because it will threaten the power structure as it is currently composed. Do you agree with that statement?
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B
I would. I would caveat that a little bit to say I have found on the local level, your local county BPO use, in many cases, there's a lot of really sincere good people that want involvement and are working hard to do that, especially over the last few years. There's a lot of new. New chairs, a lot of people that got involved. And so I wouldn't say, and I. Obviously you're not saying either, that it's a. Across the board, but as you work up the. Work up the ladder, it becomes more and more. But on the county level, I would say don't be afraid to go get involved because they're going to run you out. That's not necessarily the case because I.
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A
Know it depends what your board is and depends what part of the state.
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And if it is that way, then go get involved and change it.
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Right. And how do you do that? By going to caucus with your neighbors, electing each other as delegates, and then moving yourself up the ladder. And that's what we're gonna have to do. I mean, the country can't be saved without citizen involvement because the professional political class that's in there right now brought us this $37 trillion debt. They've brought us the endless war. And no matter what they say, no matter how they protest, in my opinion, they're part of it. And that's just my opinion and I've.
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B
Seen over and over too. And this is one of the things we fought against and really worked on during the campaign is that you have a lot of people that go to get involved. They'll show up for a caucus or they'll show up for a meeting that are professional people. They have families, they're smart, they have a lot of skills to bring to the table. They're busy because they have a lot of skills to bring to the table. They're involved in a lot of things and all these other areas, they're really effective. Business, church, whatever, they're really effective and they're getting things done. Well, when you show up sometimes to a political meeting, a party meeting, it'll drive you crazy if that's the way you think about getting things done. Function, efficiency. And a lot of people don't stay involved that we need involved because they look at it as a waste of time and they're not wrong in its current state. But the mindset we have to have is that that's the people we need to step in and say, okay, this has got to change because this is important. And so maybe establishing the importance of involvement is our biggest challenge, regardless of the soul sucking nature of it at times that we've both felt. I'm sure. How do we re establish that? I think I boil it down to a sense of duty. We've lost the sense of duty that no matter if you want to or not, we have an obligation.
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That's being a Republican.
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Right.
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Republicans involve themselves in civic life and I think something we share in common, we're concerned about the common good. Those are the four pillars that we're citizen sovereigns. We protect minority rights. You involved yourself in civic life, you're still involved in civic life. I'm still involved in the party as a delegate. And we care about the common good. See, this is the difference between being a Republican and being a liberal. Liberals are all about me, me, me, me, me. Republicans are basing a lot of their political energy and philosophy on something that's existed for a couple thousand years. That is love your neighbor as you wish to be loved the common good. And we lost that. You know, Republicanism lost that. Hate to say this for those of you that are Ronald Reagan fans, but we lost it during the Reagan administration. Nixon financialized the dollar in 1972, removed it from the gold standard. Before that we had rich people. We didn't know who they were. They lived right next to us. In the same small little house that we lived in. Nobody showed money. There was no money to build a McMansion. There was no money to have, you know, three pickup trucks in the garage didn't work that way. Nobody had a three car garage. I mean, you know, life changed once that dollar got financialized. And we had that movie Wall street with Michael Douglas back in the 80s. Greed is good. Greed is a sin. Yeah, you know, greed is a. You know. Tanner, do you marry. You've add this movie to your list. Tanner. Tanner's got a big beat, doesn't like to watch movies. Wall street, the movie Wall Street.
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I have. Are you talking just Wall street or wolf on Wall Street?
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Well, the wolf of Wall Street's a completely different one.
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Now.
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This is the original Wall street with Michael Douglas. And he gives this iconic speech to a room full of investors where it says, greed is good. And that typified the 80s. And, you know, that's me, baby. I mean, that was a young adult in the 80s. And what we were told was go get rich. And what we did is we created a stratified society. And right now 90% of the equities are owned by 11% of the citizens. So if you've got money in the stock market and they're pumping dollars in there every year, borrowed and created dollars. I get a kick out all these people that think they're genius investors. A monkey could have made money the last 20 years. Just put it in index funds. Sorry. If you think you're a great investor, great. What will happen when that money no longer goes in the market and the bubble collapses? Then we'll find out who a good investor is. But we got away from the common good as Republicans. That makes us not Republican, makes us something else.
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B
We got away from our principles.
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A
We got away from our constitutional principles and from our historical principles. If you believe in God or not. But the. The principles of western civilization that preceded the Constitution by thousands of years. That's why we both got into politics. Freaked out. 2020 was a freak out year. So you went to caucus and you saw ineffective politics frustrated you.
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B
Yeah, so I got involved. To be fair, I would say at our local level, again, good people running it. And I just got involved because felt the pull to say, you know what that sense of duty thing. Right.
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A
You know, I fit. I felt the pull too.
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B
Yeah.
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A
It must have something to do with faith in God.
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I think so.
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I felt the pull. I actually feel like I've been prepared my entire life for this.
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Right.
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Does that make sense?
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B
To you 100. Because as I get farther in the story, you'll find out how much of a. The faith pieces.
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A
Let me get out of the way.
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B
No, you're good. Please proceed. I enjoy the back and forth. So just got involved locally, ran for a delegate to the convention, and me and some other new folks that were there, so. And at our level, they were thrilled to have new involvement. Right. At our local county level, that was all great. Went to the first convention and I was like, oh, boy. My take coming out of there was, I see now why no one wants to be involved. And I also see now why it's more important than ever that people get involved.
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A
You know, I have a metaphor about this. Let's say it's about 1550. The year's 1550. And you and I are sauntering along on horseback on a trail in jolly old England. It's in the forest, right. And we come up to a fork in the road, and on the right fork, that's the direction we're supposed to go, there's three bodies hanging upside down with the head cut off. And I look at you and I say, steve, I don't think we should go to the right. That's kind of a message. Maybe we should go to the left. Right. That's what those conventions are all about, is disincentivizing the involvement of American citizens that are seeking participation in politics. You agree with me?
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B
Oh, yeah, yeah.
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This is. And this is a congressional district 7 convention we're talking about.
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B
Right. And I still didn't fully understand what was going on at the time. And. And it's not like from that point, I'm like, I'm going to start thinking about running for office. That still wasn't on my radar. What I actually did was I. I was involved with an organization called Patriot Academy. Don't know if you're familiar.
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A
I've heard of that. In fact, I had Merlin, Carol Hex, and Carol talked about a great, great length.
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Yep, yep. So I was one of the first in the area to start doing the Constitution classes. The Biblical citizenship, the Constitution Alive. So we did those. Put several. I don't know, we had a few hundred people over a month period, a few months period, going through that. We developed a youth class that we. I used some of that curriculum, developed some curriculum, did a lot of hands on. We had them coming for once a month for three hours on a Saturday afternoon for six months. And we went like pre. Like Mayflower Compact all the way through the founding of America and the Constitution and Declaration of Independence and then into the political process and understanding that completely. And that was phenomenal. I mean, I had 4012 to 18 year olds coming and wasn't sure what to expect. And they would just, they just ate it up.
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A
It was, they're not learning school, are they?
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B
No. And they, they loved it. I mean, I couldn't get them to. We. I thought, how am I going to keep their attention for three hours? Well, it turned out I was having to shut them down 20 minutes after we were supposed to be done. Like, guys, your parents are here. We got to wrap up the conversation. You know, not what I expected. It was incredible. And I still prefer working with youth over adults in this realm. But that's kind of what we had focused on, really, was continuing to do that, get people involved, educate on the process, educate on the Constitution. Most people had no idea, number one, what the Constitution even says for the most part. But even more importantly, the principles that it was founded on and the intent behind the Constitution. Most people have no clue, even in the Republican Party, right? So that was my focus, no intention to run for office. In fact, my wife was very supportive of everything I was doing with the Constitution, classes and stuff. Even though I didn't have. I was running a business. We had five kids, we adopted three. Our lives were pretty busy, right? But the one line in the sand was, you're not running for office of any kind. We're talking like local county commissioner, anything, any level. And I was fine with that. You know, we were in a place that didn't make sense. And you talk about faith, some will find the reason why I ran to be crazy, kooky, made up. I don't care. Whatever. I'm going to tell you the truth. This is why I ran. I would be out working at the time. I was doing a lawn care business, spraying, fertilizing lawns, running that I'd be out working. And I just had this, this pit, this, this feeling that I, that I had to run for that office, specifically that congressional seat. It wouldn't go away and I had no idea why. I had no aspirations, didn't want to. That's not where you start. You don't start at that level, right? None of it made sense. So I just prayed about it. I said, God, if this is what you want me to do, I, I guess I'm willing. I don't want to, but I'm willing. But you're going to speak through my wife, because I hadn't even mentioned it to her. What I was thinking, she thought you.
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A
Were struggling with this.
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B
I didn't even mention it to her because I knew how she felt about it, and she's amazing. And she would have been supportive and would have been like, well, if that's what you need to do, I'm behind you. But I didn't want to put that on her. Right.
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A
Well, she'd already created a boundary.
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B
Right. And I didn't want to. I didn't want to put that on her. That wasn't fair. And so prayed about. I said, God, if you want me to do this, speak through her. And so we're sitting in the living room two weeks later, not even two weeks later, and we're talking about. Just got through the. I think it was just after the governor election, talking about stuff, and she just looked at me. She goes, you know what? I think it's time. You need to run for office.
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A
And I went, wow.
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B
I mean, she said. She goes, looking back, and you look like you'd been hit by a truck. I'm like, I felt like I'd been hit by a truck. You know? So it just started out, this journey where it's like, all right, we'll just keep. We don't know what this means. We don't know what the purpose is. We don't know what the outcome is, but we'll just keep going through open doors until that door gets shut and just try to be obedient in it.
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A
I think that. Just let me book this. You said something that I think is really critical. We don't know God's plan, and we don't know what. I don't know what my place is in the plan. So I try to stay away from figuring stuff out now, at this point.
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B
In my life, not always easy, but, yeah, I.
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A
Well, I just try to figure out what do I got to do today. And when I, you know this idea. And people are going to say, well, well, wait a second. Maybe Boyd's a schizophrenic. I mean, because people are going to say, maybe Pen's a schizophrenic. Well, I'm going to tell you, having a relationship with the Holy Ghost is like going on down to the batting cage and hitting fastballs. First time you get in the cage, you're not going to hit the ball. You got to stay in that cage and keep practicing. The requirement is upon me to make myself available. God's always available. You know, it's me, my arrogance, my sin that creates that separation. So when we really want to find out like you're leftist and you're listening and you're going, ah, these people suck. Hey, let me tell you, just as a matter of self exploration, like the Marines, Be all you can be. Wouldn't you like to know whether or not this is true? Because this guy, he's a straight shooter. He doesn't seem like a, you know, he's very soft spoken. Doesn't seem like a crazy. I am a little bit wilder, but I run a business, I've got kids, I'm, you know, grounded in reality. And yet this is part of my life, and it's part of your life we can talk about. And I feel sometimes sorry for people that don't believe. So easy for it would be for them to discover a relationship with the most high God, if they put their arrogance down. You got to empty your cup. They say this in the, in Asia, if you want to learn something, you got to empty your cup first. You can't. How can you pour more into the cup if the cup is full? Got to empty it out first. You got to start with, you know what? Maybe I'm missing something. I tell people all the time, you're an expert on half the story that gets you a C minus at best. Right. You're missing. Well, they say that half the story's never been told.
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B
Right?
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A
Right.
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B
Right.
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A
So when you say you had that and then you had the awe, but of, Lord, if you want me to do this, speak through my wife. And you're sitting there less than two weeks later, and your wife is saying this to you, which is a reversal of her previous boundary. You must have been floored.
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B
I was floored. And I'll say I got as about as clear of a answer as anyone's going to get outside of the audible voice. That doesn't mean I accepted it right away. I'm still fighting it. I mean, I don't want to take that on. I didn't know how to do it. Right.
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A
I don't know what it means.
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B
Right. And so I still fought it, I still questioned it, but it was just confirmation after confirmation. It's going to get beat over the head. So I finally just surrendered and said.
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A
All right, you didn't know what the plan was, but you woke up that day and she said, I think you should run for office. You had a. You had a mission suddenly.
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B
Right.
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A
That you didn't know you were going to have.
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B
Right. And my faith carried me through that. But also a quote from John Quincy Adams was really. I just had to remind myself not every day, like every hour of every day. Right. Was his quote. Duty is ours, results are God's.
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A
Say that again, please.
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B
Duty is ours, results are God's.
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A
We don't know the plan. Right. He's just said it right there.
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B
And win or lose, it didn't really matter if we're doing what we're supposed to do.
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A
We don't know what the plan is and how everything fits together and what it means and how we're building forward course. If we have faith, all things function for good.
- [31:15]
B
Right? And I'll tell you that that mindset of, you know, win or lose, it's not what matters, it's how we do it. That's not real popular in the political world.
- [31:23]
A
You know, that's just very, very appropriate. There's a woman that was quoted in the Star Tribune today, Kelly Fenton, and you know, there's a group of people that say, you know, winning, it's the only thing. And they don't like it when I say no. If we went through lion, we didn't really win. You know, we just had a, a North Star, they called it. The North Star Forum was run down here by the Star Tribune, the, the very even handed Star Tribune. And they, they were talking about the future of the Republican Party of Minnesota. And they had Zack Duckworth, Julia Coleman, Tim Palenti on a panel and it's on, you can go see it on YouTube. And both Tim Pawlenty and Zach Duckworth talk about. The trick is to appeal to the base of these crazy ass MAGA voters and appeal to the centrists and the moderates so that we can get a trick. They actually said it. It's on video. They actually talk about the importance of tricking people to get elected. Not something you ascribe to.
- [32:32]
B
No, no. I think that's frankly why we keep losing.
- [32:37]
A
We agree about that. See, we've never spoken before. Isn't it great to find a kindred spirit? That's just great.
- [32:44]
B
Well, David, I had so many people that I know supported voted for me that didn't agree with me on 80% of what I believed in. But they wanted genuine, they wanted real. They wanted someone who's willing to have a conversation, simple as that. And I think that's a bigger majority of the population than we realize.
- [33:11]
A
Tanner, didn't we just have a pollster on that talked about authenticity? Yeah. Who was that? Both of them did. Barrison. Oh my gosh. Barrison, Mark Mitchell and Richard Barriers, Yesmussen, then Richard Barris.
- [33:23]
B
They both talked about how authenticity is the most important thing right now, especially in the younger generation.
- [33:29]
A
That's exactly what they said. They said that the younger people have had it with the trick. They're looking for real. And so you tried and I was there. I went to some of your events. I saw you very soft spoken, very straight ahead. You just rapped it out. This is what I believe, which was great. But while you were doing that, you made this commitment to run. This must have been what, 23?
- [33:57]
B
Yeah, it would have been early 23.
- [34:01]
A
And at that time, you were a, Were you on a BPOU or were you a delegate? What was your status in the party at the time?
- [34:07]
B
Yeah, so I was a CD7 delegate in local delegate was not in the local BPO leadership at that time. We had great, great options at that time. But I primarily, again, was. I was delegate, but I was primarily focused on education stuff.
- [34:26]
A
So you popped up and you said, here I am. You're an educator. I did the same thing down here with the masterclass. I was doing the same thing. What is this constitution? Where does it come from? What did the people think when they wrote it? What were they trying to accomplish? Let's discover what it is to be Republican. What? We were doing the same thing. We didn't even know each other. I mean, because we both saw that the party and the party participants were lacking in some fundamental pieces about what we were espousing to be. You know, it's not a social club or a party membership. Being a Republican is a lifestyle. It's a philosophy of life. And you were trying to spread that to young people.
- [35:03]
B
Being an American, I mean, this is, it's for everyone to get back to understand the principles of why we, what we were founded on, how we ended up here. And then also it helps you understand too, how we, how we ended up here, how we are, what we are today as a nation, how far away we are from those basic, basic principles.
- [35:24]
A
And I, and I, I have a very simple diagnosis for that. It's we the people are ill. We've fallen away from what made us great, which was our faith and our adherence to the philosophy of republicanism. People don't know this, but every state is promised in the constitution a republican form of government that's never been tested in court. But if we keep going down this communist pathway, someone's going to test it.
- [35:52]
B
Well, yeah, if you get away from the basis of truth for the argument, we can have an argument over how to carry that out, how to, how to govern from a agreed upon basis of Truth, a moral compact, if you will. Right. But once that's gone, how do you, how do you debate with someone, how do you dialogue with someone, how do you govern with someone? That there is no basis of truth. It's all relative. I mean, that's where we. I think that's where we really. And you talk about Marxism. I mean, that's the essence of it. Right?
- [36:30]
A
Well, the two philosophies, Republicanism and Marxism, I look at them as twins. They're twin philosophies. Twins. They have the same mother and father. And the mother and father of Marxism and republicanism is the tyranny of feudalism. Both political philosophies emerged in Europe in an effort to throw off the unholy rule of the church and of the kings and queens, the hereditary rules of colonial. The colonial powers, England, France, Spain. I mean, this was tough to live there because if you are a common person, you were inventory and somebody said, hey, wait a second, these people get diseases and die. What is this? They're divine. They're not divine. That's a scam. Okay? So the Republicans said, everyone is a sovereign. We're all sovereign. That's a high bar, because it's a lot of personal responsibility. The Marxists said, that's a scam. Nobody's sovereign. People suck. So the two philosophies are both wrecking balls for feudalism, republicanism. And if you're a leftist and you're listening, it'll make you the king or queen of your own life. You want to stay a Marxist, you're just going to trade out one group of unholy rulers for another. Only in republicanism can we be free.
- [37:50]
B
Right?
- [37:50]
A
And you tried to teach that to young people and you got caught up in the thing, had the pull. I had the pull. And all of a sudden you found yourself, I'm running to become a U.S. congressperson.
- [38:03]
B
Right, well, and just to kind of play off that a bit too, it's also the recognition that those rights that we have, that sovereignty that we have doesn't come from us. It doesn't come from a government.
- [38:15]
A
That's why the Marxists, the way they are, they don't believe in God. They think God is a scam. So of course.
- [38:21]
B
And you lose your value of life as well.
- [38:24]
A
That is the fight that's being had right now. And what you said is, how do we even talk to people who have a different worldview and a different framework of thinking about humanity and thinking about the nature of the universe? And I'm going to Say very lovingly. Mm.
- [38:41]
B
Well, we have to remember when we're having those. I get asked this a lot when we do, especially, like, youth events and stuff. It's like, how do I talk to someone that acts this way? You know, in the wake of what happened with Charlie Kirk. Right. You know, he was a. He was a model for having that dialogue and that debate without giving up, without giving in, holding the truth, but also doing it in a respectful and loving manner. Right. My thing for them is it's not always the person you're talking to that you're going to reach. And again, duties, ours, results are God's. It's not on you whether that person is convinced or not. But sometimes you got a whole other group of people watching that dialogue. So that's why we have to watch how we deliver the message. And for the most part, you're convincing others in that same debate.
- [39:28]
A
For the most part. On Accident on the podcast, I try to model respect. And for all the people that are going to listen to this now, many of whom don't like me and don't like you, hey, you're welcome to come here. I mean, when I'm doing my solo podcast, I'm a political educator, I'm going to tell it like it is. But when I'm interviewing, you know, I want to highlight each person, give them the respect that they're due, listen to them. I have to agree with people. Just don't come in here and lie to me.
- [39:55]
B
Right.
- [39:55]
A
Come in here and lie to me. I'm going to light your ass up, because I know when you're lying. You know, I can feel it. And sometimes it's not about feel. It's, you know, I just know because I, you know, I have the experience, the education to know. And I think you ran into some of that, that backstabbing and lying, didn't you?
- [40:14]
B
Yeah, it's, I think, prevalent everywhere, but it's. It's also prevalent in our. In our own party.
- [40:21]
A
Well, that's really what I want to get to. And I'm going to tell you why. If you feel set up, you can just take us in a different direction. But I see that the party, led by its current chair, Alex Plekish, is trying to divert our attention as if the past has fallen away. What happened to you up in CD7, what happened to Royce White statewide, the Michael Broadcorp story, all this stuff, you know, it's like it's supposed to be ancient history. Like, it went away. Like, we're talking about the future of the party, but the same people. I mean, you're still alive, kicking. And, you know, you're right here. You're. You're laying it out there. I mean, Royce is running. And these same people that worked against you and Royce and other candidates around the state wasn't just you and Royce. A lot of people experienced this, you know, where the party would work against an endorsed candidate, try to pervert the endorsement process. You know, these people are still in the party. It's not like it's gone. So for me, this particular broadcast is really about reminding people all over the country, all over the world, how perverse the professionals really are and to what lengths they will go to hang on to power, not to serve the common good. It's not about the common good. It's about power and their personal benefit from being in power. And I think you ran into that. Am I right or am I wrong about that?
- [41:55]
B
Yeah. I mean, unfortunately, there's people that have their entire identity wrapped up in their position in the party, even if it's a volunteer position. Right. Myself, my identity has nothing to do with the party.
- [42:10]
A
Me, too. We've never spoke. I think this all the time. Why do these people cling to volunteer positions that are ineffective and what they're ineffective in what they do? I mean, they don't even get the joy of effectiveness. And I'm thinking, why do you care? Why do you hate so much? What are you hanging on to anyhow? That's an earthquake.
- [42:36]
B
Well, they talk all the time about unity. And my question is always, okay, but define what we're unifying around. And the answer is always, I've been told multiple times, my belief is that the Republican Party, conservatism, whatever, we're joined by. Excuse me, we're joined by a shared set of views, principles, values, beliefs. Right? That's what makes you, or should make you a Republican or a conservative. Right. I've been told over and over that, look, the only purpose that the Republican Party has, the only reason we exist, the only thing we should be doing is just electing Republican candidates. That's our only function. And to me, that makes no sense when I talk about, as a Republican Party, if we say we believe these things, we should also be spending time convincing, espousing these beliefs, teaching, bringing other people into this Republican, These set of beliefs. Right? And really that that next step of electing Republicans takes care of itself if we're actually doing the job of.
- [43:55]
A
Of building a community.
- [43:56]
B
Exactly.
- [43:57]
A
Building a community.
- [43:59]
B
Unless, of course, you don't want them to hold those people elected to those set of beliefs, you know, that's. Then that's a whole different story, right? But they look at me like I've got a horn grown out of my head when I say, well, in and off year, why don't we spend time educating, why don't we spend time teaching people about what we truly believe? Why don't we spend less time talking about how bad the Democrats are? Obvious, right? Spend less time just talking about how bad they are and more time talking about what we do believe and what our plan is and actually inspiring people.
- [44:31]
A
To join, clarifying what it is we believe, which we seem to be confused about. That really is the core of the disagreement in the Republican Party is we don't agree anymore about what it is to be a Republican. And you know, President Trump, you know, he's shifting around out there. I mean, it's hard to get a good mooring. So I say to people all the time, they go, did you see what Trump did? No. Did you hear what Trump said? No. Why? I have no effect on President Trump. He doesn't know my name, he's never going to know my name. And even less cares about my opinion. But in my local precinct, my neighbors, I can affect my local neighborhood. And that is what Republicanism in our Constitution is meant to engender, a sense for the common good. What can I impact locally so that I can build that community and coalesce a set of beliefs? And look, you and I, I mean, you know this, you and I have not really spoken like this. And you just go, I mean, I, I'm amazed by it. I mean, I look at it as, this is just me. I look at it as miraculous because we've never had this in depth conversation. And everything you're saying, on my own independent pathway, I've come to very similar conclusions thus far in the conversation.
- [45:55]
B
Well, here's the problem. Too many people get their beliefs about things, politically at least, from their candidate. Instead of knowing what you believe, understanding it, and choosing candidates based on those beliefs, it's been flipped. You know, you can see it if a candidate flips their belief on something, they say one thing and then start doing another. All of a sudden their team now believes that way or excuses it rather than holding to those, those principles that we said we believed in. And so I guess it's no different than in the church where you're getting your beliefs from your pastor rather than, you know, a relationship with Jesus, yourself and being in the word yourself. I suppose it's the same type of thing. We're just intellectually lazy all the way across the board. Maybe.
- [46:47]
A
But I said the problem is not our politicians. We have a sickness in the people, and the sickness is reflected and projected externally. Yes. Sick people. We get sick candidates.
- [46:59]
B
Well, we're getting exactly what we deserve right now.
- [47:02]
A
You get the government you deserve.
- [47:03]
B
Absolutely.
- [47:04]
A
Who said that? Somebody said that.
- [47:05]
B
Boy, you know what? I was just thinking that maybe it's.
- [47:07]
A
Adam said that. I can't remember.
- [47:09]
B
It was one of those incredible founders. Yes. You should know that off top of.
- [47:12]
A
My head, you get the government you deserve, and what do we have? Okay, so what happened? You know, because this idea for me, about what happened to you, I really don't know. I only know the broadest of outline through rumor. And I would like to really get it on the record for all the delegates that are listening, all the Minnesota voters that are listening, all the voters all over the country. Because I'm going to tell you down in Texas. Okay, Texas, which I know a lot about. I mean, that's the Republican Party of Minnesota, only with money. I mean, you know, it's like this is going on everywhere.
- [47:49]
B
Yeah. Texas has its own sort of problems, that's for sure.
- [47:52]
A
Right. So we can use your case as an example. I would like to learn it as an example of what happens when a outsider gets the calling to fulfill his mission, to pursue the common good and be in civic life. And you just go about it and you're just not corruptible. You know, you're just going to say, this is what I believe. And if people come to me and I win, great. And if I don't win, great. As soon as you say that, that scares those Republicans.
- [48:23]
B
That's a very frustrating candidate for people in power. One that doesn't.
- [48:27]
A
Yeah, Royce says the same thing. Royce just said it to someone. I was witness to it. My ego is not tying up in winning and losing. I'm just what Roy says, which I think is super cool. I'm going to hold the principle and try to move people towards the principle.
- [48:47]
B
Right.
- [48:47]
A
But I'm holding the principle. Tell the story. So you. You jumped up. You said you're going to run. What happened?
- [48:54]
B
Well, believe it or not, it's not a real welcome thing for people to jump in and create a challenge within the party. I think you're probably aware of that.
- [49:04]
A
Oh, yes, I am.
- [49:06]
B
You would think that we would welcome debate, we would welcome competition. Being that we are conservatives and understand business and those types of things. You would think we would welcome that chance to sharpen. But that certainly wasn't the case with a lot of people. It was right off the bat. It was just an indignant nature that, well, how dare you challenge, how dare you run?
- [49:33]
A
And you were challenging a sitting congresswoman, Michelle Fischbach, who is still the congresswoman from CD7. I have to ask because when I read what Alex Plecish writes about her, because he just endorsed her in a letter to all the delegates before we even had a party process. And, and I got this letter and I thought, Alex, what are you doing? Who told you to do this? Did you come up with this abomination on your own or has somebody got their thumb on you now? Because it was a very bizarre letter to get the party endorsing a sitting congresswoman who has to be candidate again in 26 and saying the party's backing her. And it's like, what kind of a scam is that? So you know what, I only read the. Because, you know, I'm interested in my own neighborhood. I only read the broadest outlines about Michelle Fishbach. Why did you challenge her? What was it about her? I'm really. If you don't want to get into the weeds about it, I get it. But I want to know what is she doing that she couldn't even be endorsed in her own endorsing convention? Because that was the result we'll get to. She couldn't get the endorsement from her own party. It was tied, if I remember correctly.
- [50:53]
B
Right.
- [50:55]
A
Why, why did, why was there so.
- [50:57]
B
Much resistance to her, you know, and I'm not going to get too far into the weeds on Fishbok. But what people I get asked that question a lot and it's really hard. And you might understand it. Maybe you don't. I think from understanding the story I told about why I decided to run, it was never about Michelle Fischbach.
- [51:20]
A
Okay.
- [51:21]
B
It was never about it. Yes, there are things I can point to and say. I think a representative should spend more time in their district actually interacting and being available and taking questions and being accountable to people. I think that's an area that she needs to grow in now. She's been better at it this last go round. I like to think that we had an effect on that. Right. I think it's such a solid, red, conservative district. We should have a rep from that. And this is what I would talk about this. We should have a rep from that district that's willing to push that envelope, that's willing to be bold on these issues. Lead in Washington Be outspoken, take some of those tougher stances because you're secure. You're secure. Yeah. You're not. You know, and they always like to point back to Colin Peterson. How did we finally got away from Colin Peterson? And you know, there's a lot of credit to go around as to why western Minnesota turned red. But really what happened in western Minnesota was the Democrats walked away from western Minnesota. You know, the Democrat Party now is not the, the Farmer Democrat party of, you know, 20 years ago. Right. They walked away. They're. They're not getting it back unless they, if they get smart and moderate, they could get some of that back. I still do believe we have to be careful about that. But, you know, especially culturally, they went so far left, so extreme. That doesn't fly in western Minnesota. You know, again, this is not about farmer and labor anymore. Really. The Republicans would become the party of the working class. Right. But it was never about Michelle Fischbach. It was about, this is what I believe. This is what I feel called to do. We putting a pressure on. It's too easy to get comfortable. I don't care who you are, you could take our best congressperson, our best senator. I think they should have a challenge every time, keep you sharp. Right. But we boil everything down to money in the party. And yeah, we need money to win. But I would argue that authenticity and a message is more valuable in the long run. And sharpening. We see what happens in Washington when you get comfortable. Right.
- [53:56]
A
I think your argument is compelling that if you're in a R +20 district or R +10. I mean, I don't know what it is, but it's convincingly red Republican. It gives you an opportunity as the representative to, like you said, push the envelope of the ideas, and that's not happening.
- [54:18]
B
Yeah. So at the time, January 6th was a big issue. Right. We had people being prosecuted in prison for years. Was there anyone in Minnesota on a federal level talking about that?
- [54:36]
A
No, no, of course not.
- [54:37]
B
Not a chance.
- [54:38]
A
There was nobody talking about election integrity either.
- [54:40]
B
Right. So we did. And election integrity, the issue of life. I'm heart, extremely pro life. It's a core issue for me. Right. I'm told by, you know, party stalwarts, don't talk about that. We need to stop talking about life and abortion because that's why we're losing. That's not why we're losing. It's because we suck at talking about it that we're losing. We're not getting the right message out. We're having we're having arguments about how many weeks it's okay to kill a child. You've already lost at that point, you know, and again, it's education. Right. And so, so I just. If we can get number one involvement. That was a key part of our campaign was involvement getting new people involved. That is in, in fact, that was one of the main criticisms I got during the campaign. Now get this, I might have to repeat it for you. One of the main criticisms I got was how many new people we got involved.
- [55:45]
A
Tanner got a kick out of that one. From the cheap seats. Yes.
- [55:49]
B
Because all these new people you're bringing in next year when you're not around anymore, if you lose, they're not going to be here. So we got all these new people we got to entertain and, and find jobs for. But if you go away, they're going to go with you. They're not going to stay involved. We've seen it before.
- [56:08]
A
Well, yeah, because you push them out.
- [56:09]
B
And so I said, I said that's up to you. If you inspire them with a reason to stay involved, they'll stick around. But if you, the person that helped them get involved, if you put your foot on them, kick them out and they see a dysfunctional, corrupt process. Yeah, you're probably right. They're probably not going to be involved.
- [56:33]
A
How about just not having any events for these people? Never inviting them, never reaching out to them. I mean, I see this down here in CD3. Cycle after cycle, all these people come in with like the Jensen people came in. I pigeonholed a couple of them and got them involved, but there was lots of them. They came in for a specific reason. They wanted to get Scott Jensen the endorsement.
- [56:53]
B
Great.
- [56:53]
A
The party didn't reach out to any of those people. They didn't want them. I mean, they never called them, they never had events for them. I mean, when you go to. We have this thing down here in CD3, it's called Pines and Politics. Pines and Politics. Do you have that up in CD7? That's their big thing down here, Pyneson Politics. You go to the Pyneson Politics, it's the same 30 people every time. I mean, there's no new people. And the average age of these people is 462 year old. So, you know, my whole thing is getting in new people. And I'm going to bookmark that. We're going to come back to that. So you brought in, they criticized you brought in all these new people. You were new, you were challenging an incumbent. It wasn't really about her. I get that. Which is really new information for me. You'd been asked, called upon to do something. You weren't focused on her. You were focused on what you were supposed to do. Right. And your comment also, that in a very overwhelmingly red district, you can press the envelope. And obviously that was, to me, from the outside. Doesn't seem like Michelle Fishbach is pressing the envelope of Republicanism. Just. That's just the way I see it. In fact, we don't even hear from her. She seldom makes the newspapers.
- [58:11]
B
I made Star Tribune a lot. Yes, you did.
- [58:15]
A
Yes, you did.
- [58:16]
B
You know, but a little sidetrack here. In many ways, the Star Tribune was much fairer to me than many people in our own party.
- [58:27]
A
Boy, that's saying a lot. Say that one more time so everybody in the cheap seats can hear this one.
- [58:33]
B
The Star Tribune was much fairer to me than many people in our own party.
- [58:38]
A
What happened in the party? Can we just get a little of the blood out on the tracks?
- [58:43]
B
You're getting me in trouble. I'll probably. This will be.
- [58:46]
A
No, but, you know, these people are still around, waiting in the weeds with their knife, sharpening them up. I get the knife in the back all the time, you know, I mean, it's like. And I'm just a delegate. I mean, I'm just a guy. I mean, I didn't. I haven't stepped forward to run. Haven't felt that pull yet. But I'd like to hear what happened. I mean, the nitty gritty of it. So. And does it tie into the ottertale fiasco? Is that related to that?
- [59:16]
B
That was definitely a part of it. And so that's, you know, the first issue is the fact that I did. There's a. What you call an endorsement pledge. When you run, they want you to sign a pledge that you would honor the endorsement and drop out of the.
- [59:30]
A
Race if your opponent is endorsed.
- [59:33]
B
If your opponent is endorsed, don't go.
- [59:35]
A
To a primary, don't cause a primary, because it's a waste of party resources. Right, Right. Got it.
- [59:42]
B
Yep. And so I refused to sign that pledge for a couple reasons. And I voiced these reasons right from the beginning. Was honest about it from the beginning. Number one, the endorsement process hasn't been honest. It only affects those that are new to the process. Right. So we have too many times where someone wins an endorsement against an incumbent. Almost every time, that incumbent still runs the primary and gets supported by the party in different ways.
- [60:15]
A
Could be a House race, could be a state Senate race, could be a national race. But it's over and over and over again.
- [60:20]
B
Over and over again, they've proven it that the endorsement doesn't really matter unless we win. Unless we win. Right.
- [60:27]
A
Endorsements matter for us, but not for you.
- [60:31]
B
So the endorsement process is great when it's done right, but it wasn't being done right. So there was that. There was the Otter Tail county fiasco that just continually wasn't addressed, you know, and they had issues with delegates up there through their caucus, people being added to a list, you know, a basic fixing of a endorsement in a state senate race. Full disclosure, a good friend of mine, Nathan Miller, is one that was affected by that as a state senate candidate. And so that's still. I mean, CD7, you know, and the state party, they kept saying, wow, there's nothing we can do. You know, we. This is their own issue. They need to take care of it. Well, it just can continually get kicked down the road and kept getting worse and worse because there wasn't a stand on. Like, this was done wrong and this can't happen. Right. And so that was still in the works. So those delegates, the biggest county in the district. Now, you have to understand, for those that aren't familiar with CD7, it's 37 counties. It's the entire western third of Minnesota, minus a couple counties at the bottom. It is a massive. It's one of the. I want to say it's the second largest district geographically outside of full state ones. I think there's one in Texas that's bigger, and I could be wrong on that, but it's one of the biggest districts geographically. But the largest delegation is from Ottertail County. 37 delegates out of. You know, I don't remember the exact number. 400.
- [62:09]
A
Hey, Tanner, when we put up the description for this podcast, could you put the link in to the podcast that we did on Otter Tail? Yes, because we did an entire podcast, and really that was a big controversy where people were seated as delegates and then were unseated.
- [62:28]
B
Right.
- [62:28]
A
And what I think I'm hearing you say is had the original delegates, that one maintained their viability, you might have been the endorsed candidate at the CD7 convention.
- [62:41]
B
And we don't know for sure what. How that turns out, but the fact is that it's almost 10% of the entire delegation is from one county, that those seats aren't settled in a manner that should be done correctly. We're going to hinge the endorsement on that.
- [62:59]
A
Do you feel maybe you can't answer this? Do you feel that the problems that the Otter Tail delegation suffered was specifically designed to maintain Michelle Fischbach as the endorsed candidate.
- [63:14]
B
There's factors there. Absolutely. Yeah. They knew that it hinged on that. Be. I don't think it started out that way, but they saw the handwriting on the wall, so to speak, progress we were making. Yep. And we had a lot of support in Otterto County. Right. So that was. That was.
- [63:33]
A
So that was 10% of the overall congressional delegation.
- [63:37]
B
Almost.
- [63:38]
A
Delegation to the CD7 convention was 10% of the delegates, and they were unseated by the Republican Party in Minnesota for reasons that we can cover in that podcast that Tanner's going to put in the description if people want to go back and do the history. Because if you're in Minnesota, and I'll tell you, if you're outstate, hey, this is going on in your state. So it's really helpful to understand how these people are clinging to power and the lengths they will go to cling to power. And I. Nobody's ever told me this, but I always suspected that part of the motivation for unseeding those delegates was to pervert the endorsement process in CD7. And that is a stunning thing to hear.
- [64:22]
B
And that's. Amen. It's what I. What I hesitate to do. And it's hard not to do when you've been through stuff. But I try not to assume intentions. And so I try to go on concrete evidence, facts, hardcore stuff. Do I fully know what the intention of all the dysfunction around that is? No.
- [64:45]
A
It doesn't matter what the intention was. The facts are, it mattered. I say this all the time. Incompetence, evil. It doesn't matter. To me, the results are the same. So it doesn't matter. The outcome was 10% of the delegates, a large percentage of which would have supported you were unseated. That's the reality of what happened.
- [65:08]
B
Yeah. And so that was a factor.
- [65:09]
A
And let me just say, in a red district, whoever gets that endorsement is likely to win.
- [65:16]
B
Oh, yeah? Yeah.
- [65:18]
A
If the primary. Did Michelle Fischbach sign the primary? The pledge. The pledge not to primary?
- [65:24]
B
She signed it initially, yes.
- [65:26]
A
Huh.
- [65:27]
B
Of course, there's more to it, but the final factor and the reason I didn't sign it was that our. And this is still going to be a controversy, but it's. It's pretty cut and dry if you ask me. The chair of the District seven, who. The chair would oversee the entire convention. The endorsement at the time, Craig Bishop. Now, I have. I have absolutely nothing against Craig. Craig's a Nice guy. We've gotten along. He's been, you know, he was never nasty to me in any factor. But the bottom line is he worked on the congressional staff of Michelle Fishbuck.
- [66:09]
A
Yeah, we have that throughout the state. It's a little strange, isn't it?
- [66:13]
B
It's a little strange. And so you have an employee on the payroll. On the payroll. Not of. And now they'll say, well, it doesn't. He does. That's a lie. It doesn't work for her campaign. True. It doesn't work for her campaign.
- [66:23]
A
It works for the congressional delegation.
- [66:25]
B
Let's just be honest about it. Right. So you have an employee in her congressional office that is overseeing the endorsement process, and he wouldn't recuse himself from that, David. That's plain. It's not right. And so I'm like, I'm not signing into an endorsement process that's run by an employee of my opponent. That's. That's very.
- [66:47]
A
That's a very good point, isn't it? We got that down in CD6 also. We got somebody down there, Mr. Benson.
- [66:53]
B
Right.
- [66:54]
A
Same thing. Working for Mr. Emmer.
- [66:56]
B
Yeah.
- [66:56]
A
And then you aggregate all these people up into the hierarchy of the party. And then I thought the people were supposed to run the party.
- [67:04]
B
Right.
- [67:05]
A
I thought, in my naivete, my childlike heart, I thought it was a party where the people could come, the citizens could come to practice the art of politics. Little did I know, as I was told by Alex Pleish, knock on doors and lick stamps and put them on envelopes. We don't care what you think about politics. We don't do that here. That's why I call Alex on my podcast. Mr. We don't do that here. Mr. Sutter. I call him Mr. We don't need any more Republicans. I got one more of the Three Stooges, a guy named Larry Frost. He told me history didn't matter. I call him Mr. History Doesn't Matter. Like the history of our faith, for example.
- [67:49]
B
Interesting.
- [67:49]
A
Yeah, it's nice, isn't it?
- [67:50]
B
Yeah.
- [67:51]
A
These are the people that run the show. Mr. We don't need any more Republicans. Mr. We don't do politics here, and. Mr. History doesn't matter. And if you're in Minnesota and you're a citizen and you're hearing this, the only way this changes is if you feel the pull and you get involved to save your country, you got to go to caucus, you got to be active, because if you're not, this is not. Steve Boyd and David Payne cannot change this. We're just here as educators to show the way for you to get involved. Because if you don't do it, hey, hope you like communism. Generally, what they do when communists take over, go look at the history. The first thing they do is they round up all the Christians and kill them. That's what, you know, if you go look at, back at the Russia, what happened when the Bolsheviks got into control? They just killed all the Christians that they could. Certainly all the Christian hierarchy, the priests, the ministers. Dead. All of them. Dead.
- [68:46]
B
Right.
- [68:46]
A
If you like that kind of thing, just stay home and watch Monday Night Football. It's great. Go ahead. I digress.
- [68:52]
B
Yeah, no, so that's. That was the main thing, you know, I didn't sign that. So that, that caught a lot of grief throughout the, throughout the party structure, that I wouldn't sign the endorsement pledge and, you know, proceed. That would go to primary if I didn't get the endorsement. So by that we didn't get the list of the delegates. And I knew that and I made that decision. Right. That was the thing. If you want.
- [69:18]
A
Oh, they wouldn't give you the delegate list because you wouldn't sign the pledge.
- [69:21]
B
Right. And that's the, that's the agreement. And, you know, that was the rule at the time, so I accepted that.
- [69:26]
A
Where did that rule come from? From the party itself.
- [69:28]
B
Yeah. State party, party bylaws. Right. It would be in the district party. I don't think the state party.
- [69:35]
A
Oh, it's congressional district.
- [69:36]
B
Congressional district. And I didn't fight that. You know, it was. That's. That's the rule. And I made a decision.
- [69:42]
A
You were honest.
- [69:43]
B
And I know this is going to hurt me, but I'm standing on principle here that I'm not going to just play the game, you know, and that was the thing the whole time. I'm not going to play the game. I was told all these times, all these people, this is what you have to do, you know. Yeah. It's against your principles. But, hey, if you want to win, this is what you got to do. I don't want to win that bet, you know, so. So we just.
- [70:07]
A
What is that biblical? What profiteth a man to gain the world and lose his soul? Right.
- [70:15]
B
Well, and here's the thing, David. If, If I made that compromise at the very beginning of my campaign and then expect to go to Washington and hold my principles. Are you kidding me?
- [70:25]
A
You didn't have any principles?
- [70:26]
B
No, you made the one.
- [70:29]
A
You gave it up.
- [70:30]
B
You can never make the one.
- [70:31]
A
It's a slippery slope.
- [70:33]
B
You can never make the one, no matter how small. And that's the way I looked at it now. It would have still been almost impossible to get there and not get sucked in somehow. Yeah, that was the thing I was most worried about. And the main reason I didn't want to go because I didn't want to become what I was running against in principle. So we just pushed forward. And you understand the process. Not everyone does understand the process, but you go, your first step is to try to convince all the. I still ran for the endorsement and that was part of the controversy too. Well, why, if you're not going to sign endorsement pledge or not honor it, why are you running for it? It's like because everyone runs for it, even if, you know, because that's the thing.
- [71:18]
A
It's just the race.
- [71:19]
B
I mean I knew that had I signed it and I won the endorsement. Do does anyone actually think that Fishbok was going to drop out and not go to primary? Let's be honest with ourselves. She would have. Right, right.
- [71:34]
A
We got the same thing. I just, I've been to these governor forums. Phil Parish and Jensen both said that they're not going to sign the pledge. And you know, come on, Senate, I mean the day after Royce won on the first ballot, the whole hierarchy of the party said he's no. They're still saying he's no good. There's an article in the Tribune today. This, that's why we're have you're here. It's great to get to know you. I have an agenda. I want to unmask these people because they're still here perverting the political process so that my children have to go off and fight in endless wars and we go broke. I mean it's the same people. Nothing's changed. It's just a lot of yeah, yeah, we're doing great this time. We're going to win this time. Who's going to win? What are we going to win? That's what I'm asking myself. Who are we sending forth to win?
- [72:24]
B
And consistently sending out more and more vanilla candidates, less and less conservative candidates, more appeal to the middle candidates over and over, trying to win, going away from our principals a little bit more every time to try to go and appeal and win rather than actually just.
- [72:42]
A
Going out and hold the principle, see who comes to us.
- [72:44]
B
Yeah, right.
- [72:46]
A
So you, you and I'm going to call it a four leg race. First leg, get the call. Second, get the endorsement. Third, get the primary, fourth run of the general.
- [72:58]
B
Right.
- [72:58]
A
So you Got the call. Kind of a miracle story, in my opinion.
- [73:02]
B
Yeah. Yeah.
- [73:03]
A
Now you're working towards the endorsement. Can't have the list of delegates. What happened?
- [73:09]
B
We worked our tails off. We had a volunteer force of up to 300 people at any. At the peak of it. And we had a team at every county convention that would allow us some. Some we were banned from.
- [73:27]
A
Yeah. Wait a second. Some of these county conventions, some of these local political units had their local convention and they didn't allow you to come and have a table and didn't allow you to speak.
- [73:37]
B
Correct? Yes.
- [73:38]
A
Well, that's very nice.
- [73:39]
B
Yes.
- [73:40]
A
That's so Republican.
- [73:41]
B
Yes. Yeah. You know, because we didn't sign the endorsement pledge.
- [73:44]
A
Well, there's always a reason why.
- [73:47]
B
Yeah.
- [73:47]
A
We get to give up our Republican values.
- [73:49]
B
Right. So. So we worked hard. We had. We had a team at every single convention to either speak on my behalf or I would speak if I could. We did over 150 in person events, whether parade, whatever, over the whole time frame of things. But we worked our tails off. We cobbled together our own list based on meeting people and trying to figure.
- [74:15]
A
Out who the delegates were.
- [74:16]
B
Trying to figure who the delegates were, do our best to reach them. I would say. We couldn't reach. Didn't have an idea WHO. About 30% of the delegates were going to the convention.
- [74:25]
A
That's tough.
- [74:26]
B
Yeah, that. That severely handicaps you. So final push into the convention. Do the speech, you know, do the whole thing. And as you mentioned, we. We ended up coming out of there without an endorsement made. She had a. She'd lead, but you need 60% of the delegates to get the endorsement. And neither of us reached that threshold. So we went out of the convention with no endorsement and onto primary.
- [74:59]
A
Do you have any relationship with Michelle Fishback at the time? No. No conviviality. Did you debate her?
- [75:06]
B
No.
- [75:07]
A
No debate.
- [75:08]
B
No debate.
- [75:08]
A
She wouldn't debate you. Oh, that was nice.
- [75:11]
B
Yeah.
- [75:13]
A
Did you ask for a debate?
- [75:15]
B
We did nothing. Would. Nothing. We didn't press it too hard to be. To be perfectly honest. We went after it a few times, but it. I. We appeared at the Farm Fest forum on the same.
- [75:29]
A
Hey, Noreen, when you're watching this, if you'd like to bring Michelle in here, I'll debate her. Love to. Don't know her. Could be a great conversation with. Why don't you send her on down and rebut Mr. Boyd instead of leaving this in the void, you know? Leaving Boyd in the void. No, we want Boyd on the field. I want you on the field, there needs to be debate, particularly when we're iron sharpening iron. We want to ask questions. You're reflecting the sentiments of many of the delegates, many of the constituents in your district, and none of that ever got aired out. Basically it was a. You were. They tried to ignore you is what I'm getting from that.
- [76:10]
B
Yeah, that was really the, that was really the thing that just, I think, tried to pretend it just didn't. We weren't there. And that was fine. You know, we got a lot of, a lot of media coverage considering. Worked really hard, got right to the people and got a ton of signs out there, all that type of stuff. Just kind of a combination of your traditional, you know, door knocking, getting the signs town to town.
- [76:40]
A
Door knock in us in a, in a. In a district the size of CD7.
- [76:44]
B
Yeah. And I think, wow. I think we door knocked. I should, should have the number in my head. I was over 20,000 doors.
- [76:52]
A
How did you feel about that door knocking? Was it, was it fruitful work?
- [76:57]
B
Yeah, I mean, I think especially when I could do it myself, I tried to get out there as much as I could myself. And just having those face to face conversations, number one, people were kind of shocked to have a congressional candidate on their doorstep, which is kind of sad. But we kind of did an approach that it didn't yield the results I was really hoping for. And maybe that's just because of the climate that we're in and how far we've gotten from involvement. But we would go door knock a town and then have an event in that town a few days later. So we'd be not only door knocking, but also inviting them, you know, so.
- [77:38]
A
That was knock, knock, knock. I want to invite you to the event. That's very smart. That's a great tactic. If you're listening and you're running or you're building your own constituency, knock, knock, knock. I'm here to invite you. I'm going to use that in W3PB.
- [77:53]
B
And it's really challenging in a district the size of CD7.
- [77:58]
A
It's not in W. Hey, let me tell you now, Mr. Boyd was running for a national office. What you want to run for is to get elected in your precinct. Your neighbor, who you need to appeal to is walking distance from your front door.
- [78:12]
B
Right.
- [78:12]
A
Please understand what Mr. Boyd, what Steve just said, he said, go knock on your neighbor's door and say, you know, I want to bring you to caucus and could we go out for coffee and invite people out? I mean, that's a good tactic.
- [78:26]
B
Well, and sometimes, you know, we had 200 people, sometimes we had three. And frankly, it was fine either way to me because I always felt like whoever was supposed to be there was there.
- [78:38]
A
You're a better man than me, Gunga dun. You know, I look at our numbers, and when we do local politics, the numbers go down. Which, you know, I hope you're hanging in here, audience, because nothing is more important than electing, you know, authentic Republicans to office. And we're telling a story here now about what happened. So you're out there, you're burning the shoe leather. You're holding the events. 150 events.
- [79:03]
B
Knock down $20,000 on our vehicle.
- [79:05]
A
50,000 miles if you need tires. If you're driving 50,000 miles a year, you can go to target.com. see, now I'm trying to get better at this because this is how we pay for this stuff. And we're not paying for it yet. Target.com. everything you need in tires. Here's a candidate drove 50,000 miles if he needs tires. Steve, you go to tiregette. You can find me best price. We'll put them on right by your house. The price is right, the service is great. 100% guarantee, and you get to support the movement. That's why we're doing this here and that's why we're asking you to buy your tires at Target. Okay, back to the hunt.
- [79:39]
B
Good plug.
- [79:40]
A
Thank you.
- [79:40]
B
Thank.
- [79:41]
A
50,000 miles of driving. That's a set of tires. Yeah. You bought a set of tires, didn't you? Not. We did not. For me.
- [79:48]
B
No, I did.
- [79:48]
A
Next time.
- [79:49]
B
Next time.
- [79:49]
A
Next time, call me, please. Okay, so we're. We're closing on the primary.
- [79:54]
B
And frankly, I think we owe a lot of the success we had to the people. We had so many people involved that spent, you know, like our core team. I didn't have a political team. We had. We had a lot of people that believed in something. I had one. I had a consultant that I had met through Patriot Academy. He helped with some of the ins and outs of the political system. I had a young man who was the governor of the Patriot Academy leadership Congress came up from Texas and, and lived here for the summer, really, to help with the door knocking and organizing the volunteers. And he. He made a whole lot less money than he could have staying home. And he was engaged and getting married that August. In fact, I think he got married three days after the primary. I mean, and that's the type of sacrifice we saw because they believed in something you know, he didn't have to come up here and work for pennies on the hour, comparatively, and. But he understood the Constitution. He understood what needed to be done, and we owe a ton to him. He came up. We had a local team of people that. And then throughout the district, we kind of organized by area, and we went to each county, you know, bpou meeting that would let us talk to the people there. And I will say, most counties were gracious, whether they agreed with it or not. Most of them understood that it's an open, open competition, and we're glad to have options. It wasn't the case everywhere. So we just leaned in where we. Where we could and then get to convention and, you know, come out without the endorsement and run the primary. So it was just. It was a. Just work your tail off. I don't know how many parades. I mean, some Saturdays, we did five parades in a day.
- [81:36]
A
How long did it take you to recover from this venture into the extreme?
- [81:41]
B
I'll let you know.
- [81:44]
A
Good. Let me know. That's great.
- [81:46]
B
Because, you know, I mean, honestly. Yeah. I mean, there's definitely a lag where I just didn't want to do anything remotely political for quite a while. And I still struggle. I'm gonna be honest with you. I still struggle to be involved in party stuff.
- [82:05]
A
Just because of the way you were treated? More or less.
- [82:09]
B
Partly, maybe the futility, it seems at times of.
- [82:14]
A
I have the same thing. I mean, I just ran for a party office, and I. I got that feeling like, this is just futile, dealing with these people.
- [82:21]
B
And I. And I have a party office, and. Well, maybe not after today, but.
- [82:27]
A
No, that's. Tell Brett to come down.
- [82:30]
B
Let him take the heat, you know.
- [82:32]
A
But, Brett Busman, you're watching this come into the Professor Penn podcast. We're friends. You're more than welcome here. You know, we want all the people to come here, and we. Because really, what I am seeking is just so you know, I am seeking unity. I'm seeking unity with all these people. And I'll tell you why. You gotta be a really pernicious actor to not unify with the base of the party. When you see that in Minneapolis, we're gonna have a socialist mayor here very shortly.
- [83:04]
B
Yeah.
- [83:04]
A
Very likely that the Democrat Party, as you were saying, it's not the Democrat party of our fathers and our mothers. It's. It's quickly becoming a socialist party. It's catering to the young people where our party is not. That's why it's so great to hear you were working with young people because you see what the age of the Republican Party is when you're out doing these events. I mean, it's just awful. But you go to a. If you go into this Democrat socialist camp, it's young people. It's people Tanner's age, because they don't get anything out of free market capitalism. Because we don't have free market capitalism.
- [83:43]
B
Right. But that has changed, especially young men. We have a huge opportunity to capitalize on if we're going to do it, if we're going to actually get serious about it. Young men are the most conservative they've been in decades, but we're not giving them anything to join.
- [83:57]
A
I got to tell you, Charlie, Kirk wasn't. We had Mark Mitchell on from Rasmussen, and he tried as much as he could to dispel that as not accurate, that his polling tells him that young people are overwhelmingly atheist, overwhelmingly socialist. And we've got this example from Turning Point, which was like gathering in everybody that was gatherable, so to speak. But he actually said something that was rather terrifying, that in that young age cohort, I think it was, what, 19 to 29? He said 18 to 29. 18 to 29. There's more people that self identify as LGP, LGBTQ plus than Catholic. So we do have a foothold in there. But then when we have young candidates, and I would have to say you still qualify because you're only young rolled by comparison. You're still a young candidate. You didn't get any support. Royce White, half black, half Mexican and 34 years old. No, he's not the right guy. Come on. Who are these young people going to relate to? You know? And I think it's critical that we break back as a party tactically and organize to work with these young people. We just don't do it. I mean, the party itself has no initiative that I can see to get out and work with the inner city, the urban city. Where we lose the election statewide is in the cities. Nothing going on there. Nothing going on with the young people. And then a cohort. And I have to ask you a question, because maybe you got your finger on this pulse. There's this sentiment rolling around that lots of Christians don't vote. Do you believe that that's true?
- [85:57]
B
Yeah.
- [85:58]
A
Wow.
- [86:00]
B
Yeah, absolutely. We have two factors there. You have the lie of what separation of church and state means. So there's a lot of Christians that believe that we shouldn't be involved in politics enforced by a lot of pastors. Thankfully, we have a lot of really good vocal pastors that are dispelling that now. So you have that, and then you have. I mean, what is there currently? If you just. If you look at Minnesota as an example, what is there when they're telling you, don't talk about life, don't talk.
- [86:38]
A
About this is the party we're talking about.
- [86:40]
B
This is the party we're talking about, things like that. What is there for them to jump on board with?
- [86:49]
A
I tried to explain that to Stan Hamilton and Rod Kern right down here in CD3, where this idea is being promoted right in my district. And I said, rod, great idea. You can go cater to CD3. You're going to strip out of the party. For every one new person you get, 10 are going to turn their back on you. Because there's a lot of people that view Republicanism as faith kind of together. Rod, do you get it? Of course they don't get it. You know why they don't want to get it? Because they're progressives.
- [87:25]
B
Well, I got called a Christian nationalist during my entire campaign because I made Faith Forefront. Because I said, look, guys, you need to understand, I'm not talking about making laws, about making you believe or worship the same way I do. I'm talking about if I'm going to represent you, you should know who I am. And this is what guides me. This is the foundation I draw from. And so I'm going to tell you who I am. And, you know, I think one of my favorite moments of the campaign was the headline from the Star Tribune. Now, this piece was supposed to be kind of a hit piece, I think, but the headline was, Steve Boyd wants to make America Christian Again.
- [88:04]
A
I remember that.
- [88:05]
B
And I'm like, yeah, they get it. They finally get it.
- [88:08]
A
It's hilarious.
- [88:09]
B
Not by force, but by example. By, you know, and taking our. We have this mindset in the church many times. I think now as Christians, that we're supposed to make God lord of our life in all these areas, except for politics. That's supposed to be separate. That's separation of church and state.
- [88:31]
A
That's interesting, isn't it?
- [88:31]
B
And it's like, no, we're supposed to take our values, our worldview, which is a biblical worldview, hopefully, and apply it to all areas of our life. That would be what's guiding us. They don't understand worldview or we don't want to talk about it. That might be what's guiding us, but we certainly don't want to talk about it, because then that would be a violation of Church and state. Right. And I mean, I think, you know the history of separation of church and state, where that came from. Most people think it's in the Constitution. That's how sad that is. But. But yeah, no, I think a lot of Christians are not voting.
- [89:06]
A
Well, okay, so we have these cohorts. We have young people not being systematically educated by the party because the party's just here to win, not to educate. We got the urban centers, which are complete. There's nothing going on in the core urban areas. And I'm out here in CD3 and they're beating their chest like something's going on, but really nothing's really going on. In fact. In fact, we've got three elected officials. There's 12 Senate districts. We have three House members. That's it. In CD3, two of them are getting ready to trade my gun rights away. You know, Andrew Myers. Andrew, I hope you're listening. Saying that you're going to use artificial intelligence to determine who can and cannot open a own a gun. You couldn't get any more World Economic Forum than that. You couldn't get farther away from the Republican Party than saying you're going to use artificial intelligence to determine freedom. Right. You're not a Republican. Fly right, Andrew. You have a chance to change. See, this is what I think. I think these professionals will fly right if we make them. If they're more afraid of the leftists in their district than they are their base, they're going to go cater to the people that they think has elected them. You know, and we got these people in the, you know, they don't stand to the principle. They move to someone else's principle. That's what we're talking about here.
- [90:38]
B
You're saying I'm going to switch out everyone. You just have to turn the pressure different.
- [90:42]
A
I want the constituents of Andrew Meyer and Danny Nadeau to stand up and say we don't. We understand that guns can be misused. We understand it. It's a mental health problem. Why did the Constitution. I'm going to ask you, Mr. Boyd. Steve, why do we have gun rights in our Constitution, in your opinion?
- [91:03]
B
It was instituted for protection from a tyrannical government.
- [91:08]
A
And you people are trying to disarm me. Okay, try it and find out what happens to your career.
- [91:17]
B
It wasn't for hunting.
- [91:18]
A
No, that's exactly correct. And these people are perverting this. And if I ever have felt more strongly about this issue under the circumstance of we're going to use artificial intelligence, the beast.
- [91:37]
B
Where does that Come from the beast.
- [91:40]
A
To determine who can and can't. And you're going to make me defense. And they're. And then I'm going to play. On my podcast Thursday, President Biden said, oh, you know, you know, if you guys are talking about AR15s, hey, if you really want to defend yourself against the government, you need an F15. That's from a president saying they're going to deploy the military hardware against the citizens. So really, give up your guns, surrender. You're outmatched. That's not the point. The point is philosophically, ideationally, spiritually, we're sovereign. That's the point. We're Republicans. So, Andrew, Andrew, you're a Democrat or fly. Right? And you'll have my support. It's very simple. See, this is where we got to get to with these people that are professionals because they are interested in winning. They're not going to hold to a principle and then lose with dignity. They're going to chase foreign gods. And this I cannot abide because my ass is on the line. And I know what happens when Communists take over. They kill people like me. Why do I know that? Because I got a whole family full of people that are buried in the Ukraine that were killed when Communists took over. And I know their stories, and I know how they died, and I know who killed them. So if you're wondering where I found it and where did I hear it, where did I read it? My grandfather told me. Now, I guess you could say my grandfather lied to me. Lied to me, told me a story to manipulate me. I was about 5 years old, 6 years old. Why would my own grandfather lie to me about how his brothers and sisters died and why they died? I don't think so. I think that's oral tradition. So I have it seared into my soul. What happens when godless ideologies, when materialist ideologies, when Darwinist ideologies prevail and crowd out the philosophy of Republicanism?
- [93:50]
B
Well. And how do you think our founders came up with what they did? Because they had witnessed what happens when you don't have these protections. Right.
- [93:59]
A
And they just tried to protect us. Right, Sheepdog. Where's the sheepdogs? Well, you're a sheepdog. So I got a question for you to end the podcast. What do I have to do to encourage you?
- [94:14]
B
I think I know where this is.
- [94:16]
A
Going to get you back in the game because you're building a brand. And obviously, I mean, I know you got. I mean, think about what Steve said. He's Got two kids, three adopted five kids, a wife, a family. That's a full time job right there. He's operating his business life. He's got a faith Life. He's on CD7. He's practicing Republicanism. He's civically involved. He's already giving all he can. But you got a brand up there, brother. You got a brand. We're short. We're short good people. In fact, I know who a lot of them are. There aren't that many. I'm sorry, if you're listening to me and you're in the congressional and you're in the legislative delegation and you think I'm speaking against you, I am speaking against you. But here's what I believe. If your constituents would get involved, you'll fly, right? And I'll love you because you know, you're a professional. It's your career. It's not my career. It's not Steve's career, it's not Royce White's career, it's not Mike Wiener's career. We're doing this because we felt the pull, the call to save the country at this very critical moment. We would like you to also feel the pull. Might start by going to church. Might find it there.
- [95:35]
B
Good start.
- [95:35]
A
It's a good start, right?
- [95:37]
B
Find one that's preaching truth.
- [95:40]
A
You got to start somewhere, right? Anyhow, Steve, it's great to have you and this is the first time you and I have had a chance to talk. Went just about the way I thought it would go, except that we had so many spiritual awakenings in common without any. We didn't take a class together.
- [95:58]
B
Yeah.
- [95:59]
A
It just happened. Why is that?
- [96:03]
B
I believe it's because we're looking at it from a principle base rather than a strategy base. So when you start with a principle, you're going to get joined on that.
- [96:12]
A
You're going to be pulled forward into something you didn't really know what you're getting into.
- [96:17]
B
And in answer your question, how do I get you to. It's not up to you or me. And my would be my answer to that.
- [96:25]
A
Great. I'm going to sit here patiently then. Tanner, do you have social media? Steve, are you on social media?
- [96:34]
B
I am not as active as I probably should be.
- [96:37]
A
Would you like to share any of your coordinates with the audience?
- [96:41]
B
They can certainly. I'm on Facebook. Just look up my name. Steve Boyd. Somewhat on Instagram as well, but I haven't used it as much as I probably should.
- [96:52]
A
Well, I'm ferocious on X as much as I can at Prof. Penn podcast and one of the tactics that we're doing is we're putting together a digital army on X. It's much bigger than it was a year ago. It needs to be hundreds of thousands of people coordinated and reposting and supporting each other. There's also, and I sent you a link to this, there's a new group on Thursday nights at 7:30pm in Minnesota called Minnesota Speaks. It's a great place for Minnesota citizens, or if you're from outstate, just to see what's going on. You know, it's a place people come to talk. When I go in there, I get very controlling about strategy and tactics. It's good to talk about issues, but we know what the issues are. Yeah. What are we going to do about it? There, see, there's the warrior. Yeah. So Minnesota Speaks is out there. Those of you who are into the precinct strategy can find Dan Schultz on Axe. He's running spaces on Tuesdays and Friday nights. Sometimes hundreds of people show up. It's really interesting. No issues, only strategy and tactics about getting involved in politics. Thank you to Dan for doing that. Free People Radio needs your help. Go to the store. Go to tiregat. We don't need millions and millions of dollars, but we need enough money to run a political operation. And you understand what that is. So I want to thank you for coming in.
- [98:19]
B
No, thank you.
- [98:19]
A
You're always welcome to come back when you're down here in the cities.
- [98:22]
B
Sounds great.
- [98:23]
A
Great to see you, Tanner. Thank you very much, sir.
- [98:26]
B
Of course.
- [98:26]
A
Have a good night, everybody.
- [98:28]
C
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- [99:24]
A
This is an I heart podcast.