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This is an iHeart podcast. Cross our hearts and hope to die.
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By these 50 countries differing so much.
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In race and religion, in language and culture. It is a big idea.
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A new world order.
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Well, I know they're lying. They tricked me once, but they're not going to trick me twice. The time is now foreign. Welcome back to the Professor Penn Podcast. David Penn, your host. Glad to be with you as always for episode number 250 coming to you on Tuesday 28th October. Man, I can't believe it. Tanner. Good morning.
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Good morning.
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This year is almost in the can, baby. Yeah, it's almost done.
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It's almost the holidays and it's episode 250.
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Crazy, crazy. Good morning to you.
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Good morning.
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Thank you. And guess what, everybody. I have in studio today a guest, one of our getting to be a regular national committee man, AK Kamara. Welcome and good morning, sir.
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Thanks for having me. Yeah, I think what this is episode three.
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This third time you've been here.
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Third time. Yeah.
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Yeah.
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I got to say, you're looking the sharpest. I love the beard, dude.
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Yeah.
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You know, it's really funny the only. My wife hates my beard, by the way.
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Too bad.
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We've been married 21 years. And of course, all that really matters what my wife thinks about my aesthetic looks. But she doesn't like it because she likes my baby face. Right. When I'm shaved, you really can't tell that I'm 41. When I grow up my beard, you could definitely tell that I'm in my 40s because I got a lot of grays.
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Got some gray in there.
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But I like to wear a sole patch for facial hair. And I hate when it's like crooked.
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Right?
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It's like a thing for me. And I shave.
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Wait, wait, wait, slow down.
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Yeah.
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Cuz we actually have people watching that have no idea what a soul.
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So. So it's the tuft of hair that's underneath your lip. Sometimes mine is square, sometimes it's triangular. And when I go triangular, I'm trying to always keep it triangular. And I went too far on one side.
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Uhoh.
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So then I had to just shave the whole thing. Now it looks dumb because I pierce my labr, which is the lower part of your lip. And when I was 14, with a safety pin.
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Right.
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And so I still have a hole there and it's not centered, so it bothers me. So all that to say I grow out a. A whole beard for about a month.
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Yes. Yeah.
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Then I'll shave it back to just a nice full Soul patch that I'll just kind of maneuver. And that probably happens once a year.
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Any chance you play the trumpet? I have a friend of mine. No, I got a picture in my phone. I have a friend of mine. This past Friday night, you hung out with Wynton Marsalis in New York City.
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Oh, wow.
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Yeah, they're. They're. Well, they're not palsies, but they met.
B
Sure, sure.
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Friend of mine from California, which goes to show you, this dude. This dude is a man of the left, a real man of the left. He's so far left that he's almost right. Does that make any sense to you? He's coming. He's coming around the corner. You know, he's a businessman, but, you know, he is committed to a liberal set of policies and agendas. And I've known him since 1999. And we talk. Not every day, but we talk multiple times a week. We're friends. And you see, this is just what needs to happen. Yeah, we talk. We're super respectful with each other. We're very political, but we really love each other. We really don't have a personal divide and we really hold very divergent views. I'm not going to mention his name. He called me up one Saturday morning. He goes, dude, I go, what? He goes, I got to tell you something, but you got to promise don't tell anybody now. Nobody knows who this is. And he goes, man, I can't take it out here because he's a business person and he cannot make money in California because he's an honest business person. In other words, he doesn't employ non green card or non citizen labor, which puts him at a tremendous disadvantage. Yeah, of course he does everything lawfully. So if you do everything lawfully in a business environment where people are cheating, it's very hard to make money. Yeah, I mean, I. I struggle with that. With Target.com. where are you, Mr. Producer?
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I. I just never want to cut in and interrupt you.
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Well, we're just going to tell you right now. See, now, ak, he just bought a set of tires, but not for me. Next time. That's not going to happen. Next time.
B
That's right. Next tires are coming from you?
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That's correct. We're going to hook you up, all your friends, family, neighbors, target.com. it's the best deal on tires in this country. And what's super cool about it, for a man like you who's always on the move, I got a feeling you never have any extra time. There's always something to do You're a national committee man, and you got a family and you got a job. I mean, you're trying to make this all work. Target, you know, it's online. So the way the tire store thing works. Go to the tire store. There's a bunch of people in there. You want to buy tires, you wait in line. The salesman comes out. What's his goal? Say, the most expensive tire? Because that's where the money is, right?
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Of course.
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You wait, takes an hour, pick the tire for half hour. You know, okay, I'm gonna buy it. Put them on. We're a little bit busy right now. There's a coffee pot in there. Of course, that coffee has been in that pot since about 1974, just burnt. You know, if you drink it, you're drinking it at your own risk. Right. But you go sit down in there, AK and we'll get to you as quick as we can. And four hours later, you're out the door, and you're a man on the move. So it'll take you four hours to buy a set of tires? No. When you go online at Target, you buy them online. You call in and talk to me if you need to. And the tires are waiting for you at an installer's right by your house. And 45 minutes later, you go in. I got an appointment. In and out. Everything's paid for online. It's so convenient for a man on the move. Dad, you didn't know that, did you?
B
I literally didn't.
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Well, that's the beauty of the Target. And we're using Target to fund this. And you know Tanner, AK because he is, as you know. I mean, you do know this guy's got quite a following. Social. You know, you're one of the few people that are really working this social media thing, like Free people radio. Yeah, we got a handful.
B
Yeah.
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Got a lot of pretenders out there. Mostly muddy in the water. Sure. But you're actually moving the needle trying to. And AK Walked in here. He loves the studio you love. This studio is badass, isn't it?
B
It's awesome.
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It's.
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It's the best studio that I've been in in Minnesota. There's only one other studio that I know. Their revenue was like $20 million a year. They're a national podcast. That was nicer. Like, this is. That's like. It's honestly the best studio that I've been in.
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And you know what would get us to 20 million views is that the people that are watching today repost the links. Oh, yeah, because see, myself and I struggle with this. Like, I've really taken up an interest in strategy and tactics. That's one of the reasons I wanted you to come in today to talk strategy and tactics with the national community. And so I would get the latest and the greatest from the mothership. I want to know what's going on. But, you know, when I focus on strategy and tactics, we do lose a lot of our viewers and listeners who are in for entertainment. Sure. So I'm trying to balance out an audience with building an army, and I'm in it for the army part. And you know that that's not good for business, really. However, we're going to try to have some fun. And if you're watching from England or Australia, I have people watching me in Somalia.
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That's amazing, man.
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Oh, it's great. We got a great international audience. So what we're trying to do is we're trying to hold it together. Repost these links. Number one, AKA is on X. You're following me on X. I'm following you. We don't talk to each other very much. Yeah. But we're out there watching what each other are doing. We're trying to create a digital army. One of the strategies that I'm saying constantly to my people, that I'm the people in my lane, we have to have a digital army of hundreds of thousands of Minnesotans. Repost the links.
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Yeah.
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To this podcast.
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Tanner's going to talk real quick, everybody. We're going to be putting together a YouTube course here pretty soon to actually show you guys how you yourself can become little video producers and screen record the clips that you want to share. Post them all over your socials. I'll even go as far to show you how to share the links effectively just so we can build this army and then we don't have to keep getting in the way of the entertainment piece, I guess.
A
Well, no, because we got to keep saying it, though, Tanner, because, you know, we need people all hands on deck. I mean, here we go. 2026 is right around the corner.
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Yeah.
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Holidays are here.
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You know, it's funny in this exact same vein. So one of the things that I do as national committee, man, because I have a social media following, if I didn't, maybe I would still do the same. I just don't think there'd be as much of a desire to have me come out. But I go to different bpous, which are basic political organizing units across the state, and I just try and get them jazzed up. I give them a bunch of information that is pertinent to Minnesota of things that they can do that will help flip Minnesota Red. And so I actually just gave a. I put together a PowerPoint presentation, which I never do, but I was asked to so people could visually look at some things and they could maybe take pictures. And I put a lot of the sources and things in this presentation. But the presentation was why President Trump is the most popular Republican with non traditional voters since Ronald Reagan, and how that means that he can win Minnesota, how a Trump aligned campaign and strategy can actually flip Minnesota. And so I go through and I break down all these stats about how Trump in his truest essence actually is able to have a more diverse group of non traditional voters that even Reagan. So Reagan was able to win a decent percentage of the black vote, decent percentage Hispanic vote, decent percentage of the, the youth vote. But Donald Trump did better in all of those non traditional categories. The one thing that Reagan was far better at Trump at doing was winning the white vote. Reagan won almost 70% of the white vote. Trump is like hovering around 56. So it just shows that Donald Trump's messaging, the platform issues that he ran on, are wildly popular with non traditional Republicans. And what do we need to win in Minnesota? Non traditional Republicans. And so I gave the speech and in part of that, I explained that you need to have Republicans or people that identify as Trump supporters, even if they're not Republicans that want to flip the state. They have to be effective at not only redefining the narrative that the media sets in Minnesota, but we also have to amplify messages. So into your point of sharing the links, I ask people like a handful of questions. I'm like, have you ever heard of this podcast? Have you ever seen this documentary that is relative to Minnesota and like, you know, fall Minneapolis, everyone raises their hand. So good. We're good there. But then I asked, do you share this on like a regular basis just to remind people that this is an example of a narrative that was set by the left media that we need to push back. And then I'm like, have you watched A Precarious State? And about half the hands went up. And I'm like, you need to watch this. You need to share it. Even if you disagree with certain things like the premise. I think Rick Kupchella is one of these guys that he's a Democrat, like we'll call him an old school Democrat in Minnesota, and he believes that the Democrat Party can be saved from the Marxists. I don't Think that that's possible?
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Oh, pursuant to that. Let me just give you a little color. Sorry to interrupt. What was your thought?
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Yeah, I will.
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Do know that Hakeem the wise one. Jeffries. Yeah. The House Minority leader. That's juice, right?
B
Yeah.
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He came out and he endorsed Mondami in New York last week.
B
Saw that.
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I mean, now that is very in. This is apropos to where you're. I'm gonna just feed that to you.
B
Yeah.
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And you keep on rocking.
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And so I think Rick Cupchella represents something that just. It's not going to happen. Democrats are not going to shed. They're Marxist DSA types because they're the ones that have all of the energy in the Democrat apparatus. So I think Cupchella represents this idea that you call out the more radical DSA Marxists in the Democrat Party, maybe they can excise them and then Democrats can continue to win. That's what I think that Cupchella has.
A
That was the whole point of Precarious State.
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But now the funniest thing is happening, which is he's now realizing that the left has become a cult. And because he's against the cult, he's now going to be deemed a right wing, fascist, radical Trump supporter. And he's seeing it happen in real time. And when I see videos come up and full disclosure, I was in a precarious state for 30 seconds. They came out to my house for an hour, they interviewed me. I gave them so much good information, but they wanted to not show me as a partisan because I was like, I'm the Republican National Committee, man. So when I show up for 30 seconds, it says, AK Kamara, business owner. That's how they framed it. And then I talk about moving to Minnesota, but I gave them so much juicy information. And I went after the Democrats and their ideology. I went after the Marxism, but they didn't want to use it. So my point is, right, going back to my speech that I had, I'm like, here's all these different things. And I was asking, have you watched this? Are you sharing this? And then I showed all these different podcasts and I'm like, are you watching these podcasts in Minnesota? Are you sharing them? Because it's up to us to push back against the counter narrative. And most importantly, understand nationally, legacy media is dying and it will die here in Minnesota. But we're always behind, right? They always have that. You know, you can say it's a leg effect, right?
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Right.
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There's this five year leg or whatever, but so I'm saying to folks, we need to hasten the death of the legacy media because they no longer represent the truth or the people. So the way to do that is everyone that doesn't agree with the legacy media's Democrat agenda has to push back. So find people like this podcast. Share it everywhere. Even if you might disagree with some of the things that you say or that your guests say, the point is, is that it's pushing back against the legacy media's narrative that is 100% supporting the leftist Marxists and the uniparty. Like, let's be very clear about.
A
Oh, wait, is okay, now, you know, that's kind of a setup. Yeah, I'm going to bookmark it. Keep going.
B
But ultimately, you know, that's what I gave the speech about, is here's how we actually can win in Minnesota. We actually lean into the things that President Trump has ran on and what he is doing right now. It is still wildly popular. You had on a previous episode, the pollster Mark Mitchell.
A
Mark Mitchell, which had some effect on you, because I heard you in Park Rapids.
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Yeah, well, I've been. I've been a Mark Mitchell supporter.
A
I've.
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I've been watching Mark Mitchell for, like the last year. I think he's one of the best pollsters. Rich Barris is really good, too.
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We had him on also. I know you did. You know who got that for us, don't you?
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Shout out to Robert.
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Shout out to Robert.
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Yeah, man.
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And Robert is your number one supporter. You know that, right?
B
Yeah. And so this is how all these things work out is I was already aligned with all this stuff that they're saying. I just didn't necessarily have the data. And this is what I find you could say this is. I. I think this is like the true spirit nature of Christ. And I think that this goes deeper than the surface level of politics. And this is a spiritual war. And so there are certain things that intuitively I believe. Right. It's just there's something there. When I hear it, I'm like, I've already believed that. And then I'm connected to someone that's been doing the research. I'm like, there it is right there. So again, understanding this, this move away from what we would call the traditional paradigm of the conservative values into a, As I termed, you know, coined on this show, pop cons.
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Right.
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Populist conservatism. I didn't know of a better way to describe it, but it's people that have been conservative aligned that come to the realization that A lot of the, the basic premise of what conservatism is has been bastardized and warped, hijacked, hijacked by uniparty globalists. And this is to me so important. So again, I, I'm seeing it, I feel it. I, I understand this is why Trump has been as popular as he has been. It's why Trump has been thwarted every step of the way. And then comes along Mark Mitchell with all this polling data that shows that's exactly what's occurring and so many of these different facets and same with Rich Bear. So the way that I kind of look at it all back to wrap up my point and put a little bow on it is that as I go and I talk to different Republican groups, this is information I'm giving them and when I'm explaining to them part of all of this strategy, right? Because it depends on who your candidates are and how well they're able to do these things. I'm just one voice in the sea. I'm just one guy that's trying to represent the Republican parties to the national. So as someone that supports. If you're a listener or you consume media that comes from right of center and you support President Trump and his agenda of America, first you have to get used to on a regular basis sharing content like this that comes from the show on a regular basis. Because if you don't, then nobody else of your friends are going to hear it. And I think that again, the, the, the ship is sinking. Legacy media is dying. There's no way to stop it because they lost trust and faith of the people. And the American people always win out. The population of your citizens will always win out over a long enough period of time. But we can hasten that death so we don't have to live through so much more suffering because that's what's around the corner. If we don't change our tune, there's a very real possibility that we lose everything in 26 in Minnesota and nationally. Like it's not a guarantee that we are going to be able to hold things.
A
I am so glad you said that.
B
Yeah.
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Cmobile.com I'm so glad you had the bravery to say that in your role. You're being very real politic about this.
B
Yeah.
A
Because every time I look at. Well first of all before we go there, what AK is saying is there's a tactic. Let's form a digital army. AK saying if you want to win, you know it's not an excessive amount of work to repost a link.
B
It's not.
A
It's a very passive minimal man. It's. Yes, it's minimal and if that's what you're doing now, there's a group. Have you heard of the group called Minnesota Speaks? Okay, there's a group that's formed up Thursday night, 7pm There's 200, 300 people gathering. There's another group I saw is doing Sunday nights. I just couldn't do it last night. There are new efforts to leverage digital technology to create community.
B
Oh you're talking about on X been.
A
I'm talking about X bas.
B
I've seen it. I'm just. You said at the beginning I'm a busy man. That's my problem. So I do what I can in my lane. I just can't do it all the time man. I used to be able to. I used to go on X until 2, 3 in the morning and I would be in X chats and and it helped me at the beginning of getting to get connected with A lot of folks. But I agree that, like, you just, you have to share it. So I, I need to even, you know, slap my own hand and say I need to start sharing when that space is going on so people can join.
A
We'll give you a lot of.
B
Even if I can't be on it.
A
So we'll give you a lot of shorts out of this broadcast. You can share them all over the place. You know, the, the, the bravery for you to say in your role, let's not be taken 26 or 28 for granted. Yeah, that, that's what I want to hear because I'm listening to the other voices and I can pick on people personally, but it's really not important because it's not a big deal. I've just been living through this for 20 years now. Up. This is our year. I feel a little bit like peanuts, like Charlie Brown and people in the party are Lucy. And then I just go to kick that ball and on my back every time I land on my back. And I think that it's much wiser to take this as we're, we're underdogs and we still are underdogs. And I'm going to just say why I think we're underdogs, particularly in this state. I, I give great props to Marion Rare for calling out the University of Minnesota and she said something quite brave, that thousands of people at the University of Minnesota make more money than Tim Waltz. It stopped there. President Trump is assaulting the university system all over the world because of the ideology that's not really going on here in Minnesota. The center of left leftism in Minnesota is that university. It's working unfettered. The teachers unions. I've had legislators on here and, and, and what are you going to do about te? They want to talk about it because they got teachers and teachers unions in their districts. We have a level of fear because people want to keep their jobs in show business. I get that. It's not my. See, they can hate me because it's not really my job. Yeah. I can, I can be very honest or as honest as I can be in the search for truth because my dog bowl is not filled by the machine.
B
Yeah.
A
So we have this group of people that are rah, rah, rah for the party. We're going to win. This is our year. But the same forces are at play that were at play in 24 and in 22. And here's the forces and you just alluded to it. We got a group of people in the party that are espousing a kind of Republicanism, which I consider to be the hijacked model of Republicanism, a globalist Republicanism. And because of your role, I want to be gentle around this, see how far you want to go with it. But we have this cleavage in the party. And clearly when you're out in social media, you're not hiding about what you think, particularly in terms of the technocracy or digital technology being used to imprison people. You're right out there and people still look at me and go, what? I went out with somebody just on Saturday because I'm always building peer to peer relationships. Somebody that's not a great supporter of yours. I like to see it heals. Reverend Christopher.
B
We get into it, brother.
A
I know, and I, and I, I defended you in our, in our, at our meeting. But, you know, I looked at him and we started talking about globalism. And I think Reverend Tim's pretty smart, pretty cool dude. Right? But it was no surprise he really didn't know a lot about globalism.
B
Of course he doesn't.
A
And when you say that. And I actually looked at him, I said, is it any surprise to me that a black man focused on the issues in his community does not see the link between the global and what's happening locally in his backyard? And this is what we're trying. What I'm trying to do is I say this global agenda, it's right down here in Minnesota. So what's happening in the party? Again, there's been no endorsements, there's been no primaries, but the same folks are waiting in the weeds and they're stabbing people in the back before we're even into a contest. I got a problem with that.
B
Sure.
A
I really do. Because. And just to go a little bit farther, there is this arrogance, this kind of presumption. And you just said it's vox populi. You can't go against the voice of the people, the will of the people for very long. Okay. But there is a group of people that are trying to shape that voice and minimize that voice. And here's what it is. President Trump lost in Minnesota. MAGA can't win here. Which is exactly the opposite of what you were just saying.
B
Exactly the opposite.
A
Okay. So you know who these people are and you know what they're doing. So this cleavage in the party, it's right there again. So let me tell you what my tactic is. Ready? Yep. Because a lot of them are going to be listening to you. Want to see how far you're going to go here on this podcast. So I got all their ears right now. And I'm going to tell you people, I don't like you. Number one, you're either lying to yourselves or you're lying to the people. You're not going to get by with me on that. And when you lie, I'm going to call you out and I'm going to be brutal about it because I think your ideology is brutal. Brutal to the people. The day after the primary, whoever's are, I'm door knocking for them.
B
Yep.
A
The day after the election, we're getting back in the ring. So all this thing about unity, there's no unity. There's using each other to accomplish Republican victories. That's a new strategy. I don't want to fight with these people. I'm not going to draw my sword first. These people are hacking away. And we're not even into 2026. We had articles in the Minneapolis Tribune. We had videos published by that same mainstream media here locally in town talking about RIP Kupchella. You kind of got to. You kind of got a thrill out of him turning into a Trumper, didn't you?
B
No. See, here's a couple points, right? The thing that I have respected about you the most, David. Right. And what I try and apply the same to everyone else. I will go on anyone's show. I will have relationships with anyone that wants to actually make this country better. And the thing that I like to always challenge people when I'm talking to someone, let's say that represents the, the old Republicanism. I actually disagree that they are intentionally. Okay, I'm not saying not every single one. But in general, the people that I've met that are part of the old Republican guard, they think that their formula is the best formula to save America.
A
We're talking about in the grassroots of the party.
B
Oh, I'm, I'm saying beyond that, I'm gonna take a step that, that you're, that you won't go to. Which is fine because this is the difference between you and I and, and I can disagree with this foundational difference. Unless. And I'm. We had a conversation before we went on air about showing receipts, and I'm very. I do want to see these receipts. But more specifically, unless I have something that can show me the intent of someone, I genuinely. If I agree that they want to have the same thing as me, such as they want America to be better or save America, I genuinely and generally take them at their best. I don't take Them at their worst. And so if someone, if I believe that they actually fundamentally and truly in their heart, want to save America or make America better, but we disagree on how to get there, I'm going to take whatever their solution is with their best of intention, not their worst. And so when I have two different people that have two different solutions, the old Republican Guard, which I don't think will work anymore, I mean, the statistics, but polling, that battle has been lost because of, if I'm being very candid, the desire for power has corrupted the idea of having a free market capitalist system. The free market and capitalism that we have in this country has been supplanted by Marxism and leftism in order to corrupt the system. And the globalists that have went along with it, that have been from the right, are doing it because it keeps them in power. Right. I don't think, though, that they would look at you straight in the face and you said, here's the truth. This will destroy the United States. And they will look at you and say, good, I want it to happen.
A
No, no, they believe. I, I agree. Let me just say predicate. I agree with you that many of them.
B
Many of them, not everyone.
A
No, no. But it's my generation, a lot of them, because, hey, you know, Ronald Reagan, I mean, I was in my 20s when he was president, and that philosophy. I was just watching a speech on YouTube from Reagan in 64 when he was back in Barry Goldwater. Man, this guy. Oh, this guy was something.
B
Yep.
A
I mean, just fantastic. But again, between 64 and 80, something changed in Ronald Reagan because he promoted a kind of globalist free market, free trade, pro immigration policy, which has proven to be, over time, the numbers that you're talking about, rejected by the bulk of the American citizens. But the American citizens don't even know how to articulate what's happened to them. In many cases, right. We. We get caught up in this group of activists. We got all these buzzwords like globalism and nationalism, and we all, we're all in this kind of subculture. And you pop out of that subculture now, like I said, I was talking to Reverend Tim. He wasn't really sure what globalism was. And I was so surprised by that. I kind of asked him if he was playing me.
B
Sure.
A
But I really think he was sincere. He didn't really get it. He doesn't see that link. Well, those people, I believe that many of them believe in Pax Americana. They believe in the American empire. They believe that American values in American economic organization are Better for the world than anything else.
B
Agreed.
A
And they believe that will bring the best benefits to the American people. I think they believe that. Yep. When they're talking to you, I don't think they really believe that.
B
Sure. I mean.
A
I mean, I'm just being frank about.
B
No, yeah. And this is. This again. This is what is important. I think it's important to have this conversation on your show. See, you and I, we agree up to that point, and then we diverge. But because of that divergence, I'm not going to throw away all of the other things that you and I agree on so much more about. And so for me, it's like I recognize that this is the case. I won't go to the point unless I have direct evidence of an individual that that's where they're at. So instead, I'm still going to talk about what I think is important and what ultimately, at the end of the day, I think that I can provide you so much information and data to show you that the reason why your solution, the old Republican Guard, is failing is because you had a huge blind spot for one of two things. Either someone was lying to you. Right. And they tricked you, or maybe you really have made a deal with the devil and you're okay with it now. Again, for most people, I think that it's a absence of information. It goes against everything they believe to be true. Your generation, you grew up under Reagan. You saw the economic prosperity that came.
A
I lived it.
B
You lived it.
A
Right.
B
And it. It did build up this amazing thing all through the 90s, but started in.
A
The 80s, let me tell you. I started importing tires in 1987. I was actually encouraged by my government to go do it. To spread American democracy and free market economics all over the world. Yep. I was empowered. But let me just say one thing. Just hold your thought right there. It doesn't have to be even insidious or negative. It's just as simple as all this. To me. My Constitution grants me rights not because of government, because of a creator. The country is set up where the most important. You know that in the Constitution, a republican form of governance is guaranteed to every state. What is a republican form of governance? Republicanism is a life philosophy. It belong it. You know, there's four pillars to it. I'm a sovereign of my own life, but as the king or queen of my own life, I respect minority rights. I'm involved in civic life because I'm a Republican and I believe in the common good. The common good. Once you've left those four. When you take one of those pillars out, you become a liberal or a progressive. Okay. One of the most wonderful parts of being an American for me is, and we talked about this on the last broadcast, and I'm doing it. If I go to caucus with 10 of my neighbors, we're all electing each other. Oh, yeah, we're actually in the party. We're players. Governance is in my neighborhood. Even though we, through our own lack of engagement, we've allowed power to get aggregated all the way to Washington D.C. which is so far from Reverend Tim's community, for example, or even from my community. But the way the country's really set is that governance is supposed to be in my backyard, that the most important person in the whole deal is the individual citizen. Would you agree with that, Steve?
B
Agreed 100%.
A
Okay. That's not happening. Not because those people perverted the system, but because the individual citizens gave up their Republican rights to be involved in self governance, to be civically engaged. Left the power vacuum. Professionals filled the vacuum. That's not on them, that's on the citizens. But now what is free trade? Now you talk. Kristen Robbins is welcome on this podcast. Okay. My passport looks diplomatic. I've been to Japan, China. I've been in China over a hundred times. Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia, Europe, countries in Europe. I've been all over in my career. And I, because I'm involved in international trade, I realized that international trade is already world governance. It is world governance. It was the Trojan horse to bring about world governance. And Trump's thrown some sand in those gears right now. But if you're an American and you love America and the sovereignty of the American way, why would you subordinate American interests to global governance? And that's my point. That's why I'm not going to give these people the pass that you are. Because these are educated, aware people who have invested in internationalist structures and institutions at the expense of my fellow citizens. So I don't, I mean, because I've actually lived it. And I'm one of the few business people I remember in 2015, no, 2008, it was the first trade case in the tire business. The United Steel Workers sued to stop the importation of a certain class of tires or to tax it so they could keep their jobs. And they were out in Washington D.C. wearing their T shirts. They weren't kind to the people that showed up there for the other side, which was my camp.
C
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A
You know, I, I spent hours, hours, dozens of hours researching the usw and I thought, man, these people are communists. You know what? Our system is so wonderful. They held the line when the elites were selling them out. They held the line on American manufacturing. That's where this came from, was from the left saying, wait, Chuck Schumer, you sold us out? Yeah. Nobody was representing their interests, nobody. Until President Trump came along.
B
So here's, here's what I want to say, the reason why I think that until you can show me on an individual, and I know sometimes it's like that's such a high bar, AKA how can you set this bar, but on an individual basis of showing what is their actual intent, instead of me making the, the leap in the assumption of saying, well, these are smart people. I agree, they're smart people. But the one thing that I know for a fact is that if you believe something, and I don't care how smart you are, intuitively, there is a gut flash in your gut. Intuitions come first, strategic reasoning comes second. So if you intuitively believe in free market capitalism and that it, you can export freedom and democracy across the globe. When someone says those words and it gives a flash of like, absolutely, it will be so hard to change that person's mind with facts. It's not going to ever work. I can feed them, feed them, feed them, feed them. The only thing that we can show time and time again will actually help them change their intuitions is that they have to experience a moment where they intuitively connect with someone else and then they discover that they're wrong.
A
An epiphany.
B
An epiphany, brother. And so this is, this is what I'm saying. This has been my argument and this is why I approach Republican politics the way that I do. I don't beat over the head the old guard Republicans with what I know is the truth. The reason why I believe that Thomas Sowell and Milton Friedman and all these great economics economists, all of their work is still valid. The thing that no, none of these people will acknowledge is that the systems that they describe don't exist right now.
A
They were perverted.
B
If they did exist, it would work. I am not here to say that Thomas Sowell, Milton Friedman and so many other great economists are wrong. They're not wrong. Free market capitalism does work, but you have to have a system that allows it to work. And the system that we have created is not free market capitalism in any way, shape or form. And so because of that, you having to get someone to believe that that's not true, like I, at the same group that I spoke to and I said it at a group that I spoke to before that I said, understand that the idea of free market capitalism is dead with gen zers. They don't believe in it. That's, that's the Mark Mitchell and that's Mark Mitchell's argument. And I, and I've known that before because again, you look at the data when you define what is free market capitalism and then you ask when's the last time that America truly like had free market capitalism. It's been a long time, man. And we, we because we actually believed in the ethos of that we were able to be as successful as we are as a, as a country, but over a long enough period of time in that system being corrupted and perverted. Now you are seeing on a global scale what happens when as you said before, this trade is basically under the guise of creating a global one world government, which is what has happened. That is not free market capitalism. That is the thing that free market capitalists have been yelling against and shouting into the wind saying the idea of centrally planning and controlling governments will never work for X, Y and Z reasons. You're seeing why it doesn't work because that's what we've had. It's just, it seemed like it wasn't because it feels like it's so disconnected because people didn't understand that you have the bank, you know, the International bank on Settlements and that you have the IMF and you have all of these institutions that have centralized all the planning of how economies are run across the entire globe. So we've had that. But most people don't actually realize that we Have. Tim Christopher has no idea because he believed the whole notion that we have a free market capitalist system. So many Republicans in the old guard still believe that's true. President Trump, he's had the foresight and he's seen that that's not the case.
A
He's a businessman.
B
Well, it's not that he's just a.
A
Businessman, but that's a big part of it.
B
No, it's a huge part of it, but he actually has seen it. He realizes how weak America has become. But more importantly, he's trying to cut against the inevitability of what happens when the centralized plan systems fail. The old economic liberal world order, an economic system is collapsing, as all centrally planned systems do. And in the dying gasps of that collapse, you will see turmoil and war like we've never seen before as those systems die. And Trump is trying to do everything in his power to avoid that. And that's what I truly fundamentally believe he's looking at.
A
Fail. Soft.
B
He is going to fail. There's just no way to keep the current system propped up under itself. It just, it can exist.
A
Actually, I just want to say this point because I've lived it. I was in China in 93. When I went there, there was no cars, People walked bicycles. Hey, if you were on a bicycle, you were upscale. Rickshaws, a moped man. Oh, my gosh, you hit the big time. Motorcycle, you're a baller. Cars, you were part of the government. Okay. It was incredible to be there and over the course of my lifetime, watching that country left tens of millions of people out of poverty. I mean, what they've done, and I'm not trying to be a cheerleader for the Chinese, it's just a fact. The Chinese are about China. They made us think it was all one happy family for many years. And then Trump unmasked the Chinese in his first term. But they have a state centralized economic model that is so powerful and so efficient when compared with our messy free market capitalism. And they pantsed us for two reasons. Number one, we're a Christian country. We value honesty and transparency, and we want to love our neighbors. We wish to be loved. They said, oh, look at these dummies. It took us a long time to recognize that they were playing with a different rule book.
B
Yep.
A
Well, Trump helped on that also, and that's extending right till today. There was just today the announcement of a potential trade deal framework that's coming rolling out. So what is Trump doing in doing this? He's saying, well, wait a second, we've got our system, which has been, as you've been saying, quite consistently not what we think it is. And you can see that because the Trump administration's taking stakes in mining companies and chip companies. This is not free market capitalism as we've known it. To confront the Chinese model. We didn't succeed in getting them to be like us. We're becoming like them. And there's great danger in that. Great danger, because that world architecture of trade still exists. It hasn't. It really has not been diminished. And what Trump is doing, I think because I'm a participant in this system, he believes that our system can be saved. Yep. And how he's trying to save it is with this tariff revenue. You know, it could be as much as $6,800 billion a year, which means the big beautiful bill is not a deficit bill, it's a revenue positive bill over a 10 year period. He's trying to shore up the system, people. And I was just reading Amy Klobuchar this morning. Oh, these tariffs, look what it's doing to the people. Hey, you know, which do you prefer? Paying a little bit extra for a hard good or complete economic collapse? And then we don't know what's on the other side of that. Because in a collapse, you know when you go down to your ATM Tanner, do you have an ATM card? Yep. Do you use it?
B
Yep.
A
How'd you like to go down there and say, give me 50 bucks and it says, ha ha ha. It laughs at you.
B
Yeah, no, I've thought about this. As soon as that day happens, I'm heading straight for the woods.
A
He's a hunter.
B
He's gonna be self sufficient.
A
He's got a little self governing. But you know, the. My point is that I think President Trump is trying to save this system. I think he's. But at the same time he's also negotiating for its replacement.
B
Yes. Yep. So I, here's what I would say. Not only is he trying to save the system, because you said a soft fail, and I think that that's the best way to describe it. There is a new system that is coming. And the reason why a new system has to come is because again, when you have a free market capitalist system and you do not set up guardrails, then it will, I think, show at this point the inevitable creep of having globalists take advantage and they will use your free market capitalism against you unless you set up hard guardrails. And so that's to me what happened.
A
Right.
B
Every single system developed by a human will be adapted to those that were on the opposite side of not receiving the benefits because they didn't go with the system. And humans are smart. God gave us these amazing brains. We will figure out a way to rig the system and use it against itself. That's the ever changing dynamic of humanity. And so it's like this chess game that's being played by humanity on a broad scale. And so the old system of, like free market capitalism, baby, let her rip. Everything will take care of itself. That doesn't work without the guardrails. Because again, as you've seen what the current system. This is my contention, and I think all the data bears. It has turned into a centralized plan and controlled economy, just not by the people that we thought it would be. And I'm not saying like a nefarious, you know, global, shadowy government. No, I'm saying it's, it's much less nefarious from that perspective. From an organizational standpoint. It's just how power coalesces. If all of a sudden you have all of these nations agreeing to this broad set of rules and you start to gain more and more power, you're going to have a natural hierarchy that's going to design itself to keep that power that it has. And that's what has happened. And so I think that Trump understands that once your free market capitalist system is basically rigged against, the only way to actually push back against it is you have to compete in the system that you are now competing against to then regain control, then to tear it down. So I know that that's the gambler. If Trump were to succeed, and let's say it's not Trump right now, it's, it's the, the mega movement over the course of the next 12 years succeeds in truly reshaping the global economy. To put back the idea of having sovereign nations, right, that are able to do their own thing and coming up with trade agreements that keep each other honest. So we don't do the forever war thing, thereby taking all the power away from centralized organizations. We do that. The question is, will we give up power in 12 years or in 20 years? Or were those people be corrupted by the power that stands before them? And so this is going to be this continual back and forth. And I know that I'm getting super esoteric and super in the weeds when I come up with these analogies, but I do want to bring it back to the point that when I'm looking at the old Republican Guard and what I view as this, this new movement of Republicanism that I represent, which is this understanding that the people at the core of everything are who we are fighting for to empower and give them back the agency that our constitutional republic demands if we are to continue. You need to understand that this is the way that I view it. It's not my own original idea. And I heard a guy that's a Civil War historian that believes that we are entering the Civil War period, a new civil war in the United States. And what he described as the sides are a constitutional republic versus a multicultural democracy. That is the battle that is occurring right now. Those that represent the multicultural democracy of the United States are the people like Amy Klobuchar that will say things like, trump is destroying our democracy. And she's being like she's telling the truth. Her viewpoint as a multicultural democracy person is under threat. Is under threat with the idea of removing illegal aliens from this country, having tariffs. So the global trade stranglehold that these other nations have in the United States is pulled back, therefore depowering all of these centralized plan systems that is under threat because that's their multicultural democracy that has been created. President Trump represents restoring a constitutional republic.
A
Even to the point of this podcast.
B
Yeah, 100%.
A
Because we are a decentralized free people radio. We're not part of the mainstream narrative.
B
Right.
A
And so that's the importance of reposting the links. But, you know, I don't really view it quite that way.
B
Sure.
A
I'm just going to give you my own little spin on this. Yeah. You know, the Republican Party, when I go to certain places, people tell me the brand is ruined. It's ruined. I hear this. I hear this from Republican Party officers. You know, I can't think of anything more noble than. And this is where you get into. It doesn't matter what actually happened, because some historian has a PhD and he was taught, or she was taught by a PhD and that PhD was taught by a PhD. Going back to the way back, they're just peddling a narrative. And the narrative that I want to see emerge is, is that Republicanism, that Abraham Lincoln quit the Whig Party because the Whigs were in a uni party with the Democrat. You know, people, you know this. The Democrat was the party of slavery. Yeah, right. Yep. There was a uni party. The Whigs said, hey, hey, hey, if you help us keep the Catholics and the Jews out, we'll help you keep your slaves. It's all good. Let's keep it together. It's working. The power, the institutions, people were in power. They were Making money. And Lincoln said, no, no, slavery is an. On all these different dimensions. I'm starting a new party which is dedicated to human well being, human freedom. Okay, what's the difference now? Okay, now we have neo slavery. We have this, I heard somebody say 40 million people. Nobody knows the number, but we have millions and millions of people in this country that are permanent monetizable underclass that were brought here not by the mega Republicans, so to speak, but there was a lot of Republicans that were in on this, of course, for business reasons. And there's people are here and they want to naturalize them, get, get them the vote. Maybe they already have the vote. There's a lawsuit right now from the Trump Justice Department here in Minnesota trying to get to the voter rolls. Who's on those rolls? We have automatic voter registration here. Get a driver's license, you're registered to vote.
B
Yep.
A
Now, they're supposed to be guardrails, but you were just talking about wink, nod, nod.
B
We won't show what those guardrails are to anyone.
A
Right, Right.
B
Just trust us.
A
Why not? We're all Americans, aren't we? But that, that's, that's another very interesting aspect of this is that just like people have this faith in free market capitalism or free and fair elections, we're all Americans. No, we have two competing visions. And this goes back to the founding of the country. The founding of the country, the slave trade was here at day one. That's a business model, free trade. There's no more free trade than trading in people. That is the sine qua non of free trade people. What's different? They're trading in people right now. These people are in all of our Cities. We got 20 counties in Minnesota that are designated as sanctuary counties. There's some controversy about that. I get it. But I'm watching Omar Fatah Omar, very interesting character, by the way. Came right out in a debate with Mayor Fry and said, I'm pushing back on the Trump administration and we can't be helping the ICE people. And I'm here. His. One of the planks of his candidacy is I'm fighting back against Trump. What's Trump doing? He's trying to remove non citizens from our population. So what is the difference? What is the difference between that war in 1861 in this Neo slavery system that's being established by Democrats? The monetization of these people is so profound. This kind of reminds me of the British, you know. Oh, the British ended slavery, abolition. You know what I think? I think they figured out that chattel slavery was very inefficient compared to wage slavery. That's what I think.
B
Sure.
A
I'm not going to describe any. Now, I know there was Christians in there that were in it for the good. Things are mixed. That's what you're saying, Things are mixed together. It's.
B
They are. And here's, here's. I think you made all of these very excellent points. A couple of things that I'm going to kind of tie into. So when I talk about this dynamic in our relationship, even right. Of you'll lay out this is what you believe is happening and occurring. And I'll say, here's what I believe and we might have some disagreements. Ultimately, when I think about the old guard of Republicans and I represent this new guard, the thing that I don't want to do because I do believe that we need everyone on board is that I'm still going to try and convert the old guard Republicans. Now, what I've found in my, my kind of journey, those that finally accept what I'm saying to be true will do one of two things. They'll either say, well, I don't care. Right. I'm leaning in and therefore I'm like gonna leave the Republicans. I'm gonna actually join the Democrats because.
A
I heard Vin Weber say that I got the receipts.
B
Sure. And then what I've also seen, though, are the old guard Republicans that do have an awakening and they like, I guess again, my intuitions have now changed. So that's what I'm doing. Maybe, maybe I'm doing a bad job at it, but the reason I'm able to actually, you know, bridge the divide between the old guard Republicans who I have many friends that I love and care about, that love and care about me that are still in the old guard, that even though they hear me say this, they just intuitively they're not there yet. I'm not going to say, well, get out of my way, you know, anything like that. I'm going to recognize they're doing what they're doing and I'm going to continue to preach the message that I'm preaching in a certain sense and continue to move forward. And I think that I have the people's will on my side. And so at the end of the day, maybe this fails. Maybe I'm this guinea pig of a, of a study case. Can a new Republican America first unabashedly pro Trump that will go around and will tell old guard Republicans that they need to lean into Trump's values That's how they actually will win Minnesota which goes against the conventional wisdom, which goes against you know, former governor Pawlenty which again an affinity wise Palenti was the reason that I stayed in Republican politics. That man to this day if I were to meet him, I promise you he'll remember who I am even though I haven't talked to him in years. Same with Senator Norm Coleman. Now they represent the old guard. I fundamentally don't believe that they are bad people. I just think that their intuitions are so misaligned because they believe the old thing. My point is I'm going to still continue to try and convince these people because I think that they are gettable. Now maybe I'm naive and I accept that I might be it's a case by case basis but that's, that's my position. So I move forward. I will never change what I'm saying. Okay Unless maybe I'm the run that's in the wrong and my intuitions are wrong but I don't think that they are. I think that the data and everything else is overwhelming. So that's kind of how I move forward. I have, you know, friends that I've made on in the new movement that I'm like continue to go forward and I don't even advise people. I won't ever say hey, you shouldn't go after this person. No, go after whoever you want to.
A
Politics baby.
B
That's what it is. And, and I'll continue to stand by what I say. Like you you said earlier I'm pro keeping a caucus in state executive committee. We had a conversation about it and I said I will do everything in my power to keep us a caucus state. If the Democrats because of the DSA taking over their party.
A
That was right. In precarious state the woman Beck tired.
C
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A
Yes, she said this process, but I hear the very same thing on the Republican side. I know these people that are of the old guard, they kind of view. This is so interesting because both parties, the DSA and MEGA Y kind of the same people, kind of.
B
They're against the existing order, they're against.
A
Corruption in the existing order, and they have different solutions about how they're going to work it out. And I view the Marxist solution as being extraordinarily dark because it does not believe in God or the human soul. Correct. And the Republican. You know, I just. I mean, I want. I'm happy. Like, I was talking about my liberal friend, you know, if you believe in a human soul and you believe in redemption, you're going to be a Republican. If you don't, you believe that humanity is a monetizable unit. They're. They're two distinctly different philosophies. And I think we can talk to people. And I do. I talk. Watch this. How old Were you in 2000?
B
I was 16.
A
I was in my 40s. Watch this. If you're in this audience and you voted for George W. Bush, raise your hand.
B
I actually did in 2004. Yeah.
A
Okay, so we voted for Bush. I. You know, and I. And I said this, too. I don't know if I said it on the podcast or before, you know, this old guard, which really holds. Swear in the party still. Yeah, they do. If they win, you know, the endorsement and they win the primary. Because there's going to be primaries, it seems like, you know, unfortunately, I'm going to work for these people. I mean, I do view them as being better than a DSA candidate. And why do I say a DSA candidate? Well, here's my problem with y'. All. And I mean, I'm not going to call you out by name just in respect that you're friends with. Now, look, you could be friends with me, too. You know, you can come on here. I wouldn't treat any of those people any differently than I. I would talk to you just like I talked to you. And I wish they would come on here.
B
And I've said this to people that have asked me about you, and I say, David Penn is one of the most respectable people that I've ever met. Where even off camera, he's like, hey, let's have a conversation about things. Let's be very meaningful with your time, whatever you want to talk about. And you would have, on anyone, anyone that you've been critical of, you would have them on your podcast and you would be respectful.
A
I would listen to them. In fact, I said to Kristen Robbins, I met her husband at the. The last Central Committee meeting, and he walked up to me. That was weird. But he was, you know, he was brave enough to walk up to me, which I have to respect. And I said, tell Kristen, come on. I said, I'll let her talk for an hour and a half, rebut me. And if she can convince me, I feel the same way about Adam Schwartze. I mean, and I tell. And I say this all the time. I don't know these people personally. I don't know their hearts. I am not a judge. What I say is, I'm not taking a chance because of the line that goes on in politics. If you worked for globalist organizations, you may have had that epiphany. I voted for George W. Bush. I am a reformed globalist. I believed the exact set of policies and philosophies. That old guard still holds. I just had dinner with Norm Coleman two years ago. We sat and talked about turkey for an hour, because he had an agenda about turkey and about Erdogan. I've been to Turkey 10 times, so, you know, it was interesting to talk to him. I see. I see what he's saying. I see what these people are saying. But you know what I really see? I see the suffering in North Minneapolis. I see the suffering out in the outstate the. I see the suffering in my own business. There's no money in the B. Because of that centralized planning, if you're a very pejorative term, a small business person, hey, you're under pressure with these interest rates and the way the economy is working. Trump is trying to change that, which I appreciate, just on a survival level for my own business, for my own economic future. But I can talk to any of these people. I can talk to leftists. I can talk to socialists. I'll talk to anyone, because, like you, I want to evangelize them and convince them of the beauty of the philosophy of Republicanism. Because who wouldn't want to be the king or queen of their own life, right? If they really understood that that's what we're fighting for, who wouldn't want to respect minority rights? Because I'll tell you, there's people in the party that don't want to. And you know those people. The American Nazi party's right down the block. Go join it. Because we are Republicans. The whole formation of the party was about freeing the slaves, about making American citizens. Yep. Don't we all want to be involved in civic life? Or we want to sit on our phones and watch pornhub? Come on. Which is more healthy, you and I having this dialogue, or we not know each other?
B
Right.
A
And I want to thank you for coming on, because in your role, it's quite an extraordinary thing considering how some of these people talk about me. And I'm going to just say this. They started it. I joined the party in 2020, right after 2021, right after the election. I came in with full desire to serve the party, full desire to build more Republicans in my district, full desire to elect Republicans, and full of energy. I'm not into chicken wings. I'm not into having beers, and I'm not selling real estate. Okay. I'm into it because I want to win. And when the party realized the elders of the party in my district, CD3 who I was, that I was really going to bring in more Republicans, they shut me down. And I didn't even understand why. And as you said so appropriately, show up at caucus with 10 people, you own your precinct.
B
Yep.
A
They don't want that. They don't want new Randy Sutter, who's now out of the party. So I'll mention his name, told me we don't want any more Republicans. David, stop. We want more work from the Republicans we had. And I didn't understand what he was saying. They don't want to take a risk. And I'm thinking, man, come on now. You're not even getting paid for this job. How can you cling to power when the benefits of power are what. What is the benefit like uak. You're getting paid by the National. No. There's no money in it, is there?
B
Nope. And. And here. Here's what I'll say, too, is, you know, just because you mentioned Randy Sutter. Randy Sutter and Barb Sutter are two people that I love very, very much. In regards to the conversation that you had with him about him not wanting more Republicans in the party, I don't know what he meant by that.
A
I do.
B
Now, unless he specifically said because of X, Y and z reason, you're taking what he said, and this is what I love about this tension. He said that.
A
Right?
B
That's. That's what you said he said. And I believe that that's what he said. What did he mean by that? Now you can tell me what you think he meant by it. I can tell you what I think he meant by.
A
Well, would you please proceed? I'd like to know, if I were.
B
To guess, he doesn't need more chefs in the kitchen.
A
Right.
B
We have this thing that we're doing that we want to run, that we think that we have the best, best strategy of how to win. We don't need any more chefs in the kitchen. We definitely need more voters. We need more people to be going out and voting. But when it comes to running this thing, we don't need more. And that would be my most generous interpretation because I know that Randy, he and I have had a lot of conversations and he supports me. Like, again, with all of the things that I have said to you about how I view the world and make America great again and being an unabashed Donald Trump supporter, Randy Sutter supports me and my run for National Committee. Man, I talk to Randy on a pretty regular basis. And again, him and Barb, they. They have told me, ak, we want you, and this is going to sound absurd, we want you to be one day the chair of the rnc. Me, with everything that I've said unabashedly. So that's where to me, there's got to be a disconnect. And I'm not saying that. That, you know, maybe I'm wrong. Maybe this is like 4D chess and I'm just not seeing the forest of the trees. I accept that. But based off of my interactions, that's what I mean by you take someone and even if they say something, the question is, are you interpreting that from the best possible light or the worst possible light? And again, I'll say this. The caucus system empowers the people. It creates the lowest possible barrier to entry to being involved in the Republican Party. And there's two positive things that come. Number one, it discourages stagnancy. If you become stagnant in controlling your bpo, you and you just get along to get along, go along to get along. You're going to have a bunch of new people show up that will take over your bpo. So that means that you better be acting in the best interest of the people that live in your community. So that's like, number one. Number two, I actually want to have as many possible people involved in the Republican Party. I'm not worried personally about too many chefs in the kitchen, have a million chefs, because the best ideas will win out. And I'm like, iron sharpens Iron right. So I will never ever support a system that gets rid of the endorsement process and having a low barrier to entry. I want as many people to show up that can take advantage of system. The only guard rails that I want is you have to be able to con, you know, I would say submit to that you will support the Republican Party in this cycle. That's my only caveat. You can't come in as a Democrat to muck up the system. You have to give your support. And if anyone has material evidence that you are actually just here to subvert the system, then I think you should be able to be challenged in your caucus, in your precinct caucuses. So because of that I also support the endorsement. Whoever we endorse out of our convention, I will support 100% full throated. I hope that no one challenges for a primary. I know that there's probably going to be people whoever wins the primary at that point I'm going to support them as well because ultimately I'm going to support the Republican, but I will not back away from whoever our endorsed candidate is supporting them full throated 100%. And that to me is like let me be your anchor that not all is lost. I think that you're right. But going out and doing what you do on this podcast is going to actually help change hearts and minds to get more people to be on the side of the people. Because ultimately that's what this is all about. I might disagree with like your maybe specific prescriptions or even your diagnosis of certain things, but in general you get it. You understand that this system, this new system that is arising that is currently in power, this is the Republican Party that currently exists with new philosophy. Philosophy. This is what exists and is basically trying to get everyone else across the country to fall in line and to go with it. And those that won't are going to be swept out. That's what's going to happen as long as the people continue to push for it. And I'm going to continue to be an advocate and a voice for that.
A
And let me just say, relative to Randy Sutter, I don't know Barb, other than by face. Randy Niles, always, always without exception, work with each other with a great deal of respect. And he was out to saw my legs out from underneath me because you know, I was in the ring with him. But I mean person to person, I have high regard for him. He was a good antagonist for me because he was respectful. I don't like these people that just come up and want to Fight with me. I don't. I'm not. Because I'm not. That's a waste of energy.
B
Sure.
A
And there's a system. There's a system there and it requires constituents. It forces you to become political, which I had no real interest in it and I hope, well, hey, if I'm going to pursue this, I'm going to have to get political. So I can just say to these people, and I'll say to you, because I'm in CD3 and I know what's going on in CD3. CD3 is a problem for the state of Minnesota. It just is. Because if you want to talk about where the old guard lives, it's in CD3 and CD6 and the idea that's in CD3. I will say this as someone that's in the muck and mire with these people. They don't support President Trump or any of his agenda. I'm talking about the power structure that exists here in the party, in the bpous and in the executive Committee. These are not Trump centric people. And the problem I have with it, you know, everyone needs to pursue their own political agenda. Like for me, like you, you're a candidate, you're always running, you're getting along with everybody, shaking hands, easy to get along with, friendly, have nice things to say about everybody. That's very intelligent. We all need to be doing that and reaching out, putting our hands across the aisle. But when it comes to the agenda of CD3, it alienates both the inner city and the out state. So I'm going to just say as a national committee man concerned about Minnesota, if we're going to have unity, we can't have policies or political directions that run right into the face of where the party's at today. And I'm just calling these people out for doing it. I mean, they're doing it. You don't have to. That's why I have a role. And that's what. No, but that's what these folks don't understand. I'm not going to make you out anybody here. I respect what you're doing. You're trying to create a constituency, a unity. What did I say? Whoever is the endorsed candidate and wins the primary, I'm going to support them. I'm falling right in behind you, which not everybody is going to do, but I am because I have this platform. If Kristen Robbins is the endorsed candidate for governor, I'm going to support her with everything because who's ever running on the other side is worse than her in My opinion. But the role that new media plays, what I believe we're holding people accountable and shining spotlights on what they're doing, which has never happened previously. And since these people are professionals, they might fly a little bit different when everybody's. They don't like it. Oh, I wouldn't like it either. Yeah, but see, no, and you, you. Did you notice there was a moment there where everybody was on social media? Yeah. And then they said, wait a sec, we better back this down. Because as soon as you do that, you get the, you get the pushback, right? Yeah. But, you know, there is a effort in CD3 and I'm not here to debate it. To go women's white, a woman's right to choose, you know, because, you know, we have a leftist, highly educated. CD3 is where the professionals live. Right. So we're going to cater to these professionals by saying, okay, well, we want this female vote. We're going to soften our pro life stance and platform and Constitution. Okay, I'm cool with that if, if that's what emerges through the democratic process. But you go out state and you do that for every suburban female vote you'd pick up, you're going to lose 10 Christians out state. There's a very big effort here. I'm this I will name names on to address gun rights. In fact, that same dude, Randy Sutter, told me at a breakfast. In fact, I went into the breakfast and my confederate, Dave Kylo, said to me, don't say anything mean, just get along. I said, no problem. I'm a businessman. And Randy said, what we need to run on is gun control. And Kyllo turned red and went crazy. And I watched it. I mean, now it's hearsay to you, but to me it's my memory. And Randy's ex military, I mean, he knows how to use a gun, I think. So what we're doing here in CD3 is in stark contradiction to what's going on in other communities. And I'm just going to say to you, as the leader of the band, get that baton out and start making beautiful music. Because if we're going to have unity, it's got to be real unity. So when you say people are going to get swept away, I got a broom in my hands. Yeah.
B
You know, here's what I want to say, and I think it's important to clarify this, is that my objective as the Republican National Committee man is to be able to help Minnesota Republicans win. Right. And I understand that all of the things that I believe I'M not going to change it from congressional district to congressional district when I go and I talk to people. However, I will acknowledge and accept that at the end of the day, the people that live in the areas are going to want different sets of values to be represented. It's unequivocal when you look across CD3 of who the elected Republicans are and you were to look at all of the positions and where they stand on everything, that they are not going to align with someone that's from City 7 deep in Aiken County. It's just you're not going to find the same alignment. And I believe that that, again, is part of our representative democracy and constitutional republic system, that different people from different areas have different needs and wants. But the one thing that I will continue to say is the reason why I go out and talk to people is I do believe that people can be converted. Now, Randy Sutter saying that he wants to run on gun control, I would be curious about, well, what does that mean?
A
Call him and ask him.
B
And I think I probably will. And, like, say hi for me. I will. And say, well, what specifically? And what he might end up saying could be vastly different. It could be like, oh, yeah, I hate the Second Amendment. And then I'd be, okay, fair enough. Now Randy tells me, hey, second man. Or he's like, well, here's what I meant by it. I'm not saying that I want gun control. I'm just saying, like, these specific issues which are deemed to be gun control, I think are reasonable or whatever it might be, because I still think that reasonable people can disagree on things. I am, and I've said it out loud multiple times, I believe that every American who is not mentally unwell should own a firearm and carry it every single day. That's what I love. That's what I would love. I think that we should have a constitutional carry across the entire United States. That's what I believe. I don't believe there should be restrictions on type of firearms, on magazine capacities. But I understand that if I'm running for office, and I say that because of the narrative having so much control in the Twin Cities legacy media that is not dead yet. It's dying and I hope we can hasten its death. You will lose everywhere in CD3 because that's not the narrative that the people actually believe. The people in CD3 right now believe that there should be gun control. That's the narrative that has taken hold now for the people to go and change that. I'm going to always advocate for that. And I think as you alluded to new media, independent media is how we change that. But you just can't run on that same otherwise you will lose everything. And maybe, you know, there's an argument about okay if you lose, but you stand on your principles and your values. I'm just saying that I fundamentally think that there are people that are from these congressional districts that they believe it because the narrative has taken such hold. So I think we have to change the narrative.
A
This is such an interesting there's nothing.
C
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A
Place and I'm not trying to pin you into a corner.
B
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
A
But if you think about what's been going on in the Star Tribune article which featured Pawlenty and Fenton and Weber Coleman and then this, I can't remember the guy's name. He was the involved in the Pawlenty campaign. He was just on a video. That was Ryan McClung maybe. Yes. Yeah. He owns a PR company. Yeah, he. There's 15 minutes. I don't know if it's KSTP or Care11. They're, they're saying the exact same thing that you just said, only they're saying it about the Trump movement. What they're saying you just said, hey, you know, if you go into CD3 and you're going to stand on the principle of what you just said, which if you ever want to run probably should clip that out because somebody's going to find that. No.
B
Yeah, but that's why I feel I'm called to do what I'm doing.
A
No, I get it.
B
And if I run, I'll stand by everything I've ever said.
A
But what you just said was. And I just. I've been saying this, and I was talking to Representative Weiner about this, that every American citizen should get gun training in high school. And it was really weird because Tim Christopher and I had lunch, as I was saying, and he talks about gun issues because his community is so hammered by this. And I didn't know what he meant when I asked him. And he said, well, my problem with, you know, Brian Strausser is they could come right into my community and teach people. His idea about guns is gun training would be an opportunity to teach people, thou shalt not kill.
B
Sure.
A
It's beautiful. Yeah. Beautiful idea. I mean, that is so beautiful. But this thing you just said that if you're in CD3 and you're going to run on a. No limits on magazines, no limits on the type of firearm, you're going to lose. You're going to lose. That's exactly what they were saying in the Star Tribune. If you're a mega candidate, you can't win statewide. Why? Because they believe Trump lost two times. Three times. Yeah, statewide. But if you look at the map of Minnesota by county, and I'm. I mean, you're a Republican Party officer and so am I. Yep. But I don't think we had anything to do with it. If you look at the map from 2012 through 2024, it gets progressively more Republican.
B
Yep. Part of my speech that I just had the other day and I showed actually how much redder the state has got, and then Specifically, Trump in 2024 only lost nine out of the 87 counties here in Minnesota, just nine of them.
A
You know that 91% of the voters in Hennepin county voted.
B
Yeah, I know.
A
Wow.
B
So. So, like, there's multiple layers to it. But I will say this, that the argument that I have of. Of what things we can do to be able to actually flip the state one again, embrace the values that Trump represents.
A
Let's talk about what are those values. Let's break it down. We break that down.
B
We can. The easiest way is just literally bullet points.
A
Bullet points.
B
Yeah.
A
Yeah.
B
Agenda 47. Right. Was President Trump's platform. That's what he called it. Agenda 47. 20 bullet points that the RNC at our convention as, as. As delegates adopted as the party's platform. So right now, if you go to gop.com gop.org and you look at the party's platform, those are President Trump's 20 campaign issues. And I'm saying that the Republicans just need to follow those because President Trump won the popular vote. He won the largest percentage of non traditional, non white voters that came over to the Republican side than any Republican has won going back past Reagan. Okay? And so to me, I do understand to the point that the way that the media narrative has captured Minnesota today, right now, Trump isn't going to win an election today. Okay? If Trump was, if you could redo all the election and today an election was held with everything that we know to be true, that's not going to change. But we have to change that by helping hasten the death of the legacy media and using independent and new media so people can understand that these issues are Trump issues that they already support. And so this is my overall point when I think about accepting the reality that we have to be able to change the perspective of the average Minnesotan voter to get them to see the truth, which was able to be done in other states. That's why Trump won every swing state, is because they were able to engage both disenfranchised or disengaged voters and low propensity voters. Minnesota, that didn't happen at the same clip. We were not as effective. By using new media and ensuring election integrity. All of these things work together and that creates this perfect formula that can actually sway over these disaffected voters and low propensity. And that cuts across all different categories. It's not just going to be white, rural, suburban voters, it's going to be black voters, Hispanic voters, Asian voters, across all different swaths, mostly working class. That's the formula. But you have to recognize that if you just go out and say, Trump, Trump, Trump, Trump, everyone's already tuned out. Like not tuned out, but they are, they've been brainwashed that Trump is bad. So that's why you take the policy issues, use new media, knocking on doors, disaffected, low propensity voters, getting them the information that this is what you know, these are the policies and the issues that we are going to work on as a, as a state to make better. That's how you win. So what I've. My argument is don't lean anti Trump because you are reinforcing the narrative. Instead, the harder work to do is to recapture the narrative, reframe the narrative by a policy issue basis, and then people will come to the conclusion, oh, this is, this is all Trump stuff. But right now there's an intuitive rejection, a flare, like intuition. In this state, in this state, in CD3, CD2, CD4, CD5 that Trump is a bad guy. CD1, you know, 7, 6, 8, they love Trump. That's why he's crushing it out there. So that to me, it's all part of this walking and chewing gum. And at the end of the day, I'm not a candidate, man. I'm just a dude with the RNC that has social media following. And I'll tell anyone that will listen. This is what I think we should do. I hope that candidates really start to pick up on this. And as they go out there, as I've had these conversations as an example, we've called out her name numerous times and I'll call it a couple of other. When I gave this basically presentation where I'm telling you the things I'm telling you now. Kendall Quals was in the audience. Ron shoots, the new Attorney general. Announced candidate was in the audience. Kristen Robbins was in the audience. Philip Parrish was in the audience. So these people heard me say this. Now, maybe they disagreed with everything I said, but this is what I said. So I will continue to stand by that. But I will, again, I'm not trying to defend Brian McClung or anyone that goes out there that says Trump can't win because they're not wrong. The thing that I would challenge them to do is to get rid of the idea that, you know, Trump is a, is a, you know, anything associated with Trump policies.
A
You want, you want, you want, you want to focus on the 20 policy points.
B
I want to focus on the policy points. And on top of that, make sure that we understand that fraud is this open door. If we can just attach, you know, the Democrats to this fraud narrative and.
A
Then throw them overboard with that rock tied to their back. But let me, let me just say, and I do want to say this going back to the Randy issue, there's 4,100 precincts in Minnesota. Yeah. You talked about the low propensity voter. Yep. Now, see, this is where I'm coming from. I not into pines and politics. I think the BPU take the most interested and motivated people and aggregate them into committees. And I know this from CD3 because I'm really tied in down here. Do you know there's nothing going on at the precinct level in CD3? Nothing.
B
There's nobody across the whole state. That's how it is.
A
Okay, now we're getting honest about tactics and strategy. Okay, See, this is about winning as Republicans. Not necessarily Mega Republic Republicans or silk stocking country club Free Trade Republicans. No, no, no, no. This is about Republicanism. Every precinct needs a precinct chair. How are we going to get those people out to vote if nobody's talking to them? So I have a. You know, when Randy says we don't need any more Republicans, what was I trying to do? Find people, activate them and make them work in their precincts. I'm not trying to tip over the Republican Party. I want somebody in every precinct that knows every. We got the data. Who cares? Hey, you can't even use it because there's nobody there to do the deal. I want the party to be that built out. I want us to love our country that much and freedom that much and faith that much that we're willing to devote ourselves to our neighborhoods. And I'm doing it. I got 10 names in my precinct. I'm calling them. Yeah, I'm taking every one of them out for coffee. I, I got three months till caucus. November, December, January. And if they don't want to participate, okay, I'm still going to caucus if I can bring 10 people with me. I own my caucus room, right? Yeah. And that's what we need to. And then those 10 people, I want to organize them and identify every low propensity voter in W3PB. And when the time comes to vote, I want to pick up those old people and drive them to the polls. They're doing it. Do they do that on the Democrats?
B
Oh, yeah, 100%. Now they focus all their attention on the most population dense areas, which is obviously the. Their strategy that has been as effective as it is. I do, I do joke and. But if there's a realness to it. Election integrity is a serious problem in Minnesota. And it's mostly a serious problem when you're looking at urban core. Right. That's where to me the most fraud is occurring. And it's been occurring there. I remember the story is anecdotal going back to 2006. As a college Republican, I lived in Oakdale, but I commuted every day to go to the U of M Minneapolis and there would be vans pulling up with homeless people to vote.
A
Can I bring a receipt to you? I'm bringing you a receipt right now.
B
Yeah.
A
I don't dislike Randy Sutter, but when I came into the party in 21, I started something called the masterclass you maybe have heard of was my way to have a community outreach. We did it at Wayzata Central Middle School and we started getting 100, 150 people on Saturday mornings. Kristen Robbins. I invited her to come talk one morning. Dave Kylo My political mentor. Do you know Dave? No, I don't. Okay, I'll introduce you sometimes. Good, dude. I said, I'm going to do this because I was vice chair in his committee. It was the old SD42. I said, I'm doing this. He said, no, you're not. He said, you're a Republican Party officer. You have a fiduciary responsibility. Be a player. Go to Randy Sutter, make a presentation at the Executive committee. Get the support of the executive Committee. Otherwise I'm not going to support it. That's a guy that believes in party. Right. So I did that. I went, presented. Randy said, you can do this on two conditions. Number one, you pay for it. I'm not putting a penny in. Number two, you must commit to me. This is 21. You must commit to me personally and promise me that you will never talk about election integrity issues. You can ask him about that one, too. Yeah.
B
So here's what it comes down to.
A
Right.
B
I, I believe that Randy, as good as his intentions are, he has bought the narrative. And this is a lot of Republicans still in the state of Minnesota, again, from the old guard, especially back then, that 2020 was a safe and secure election, one of the most, whatever, especially at that time. Now, to be fair, if you fast forward in time and you understand that the RNC today has a permanent election integrity, like a standing committee on election integrity, and that they are suing all across this country to be able to make sure that you have to produce a photo ID and proof of citizenship, things have changed in the Republican Party. So for whatever defense that is to Randy. But my point is, why did it change?
A
AK because there's activists like me.
B
Yes, yes, yes, Correct.
A
Started portion.
B
Yes, and shout out and respect to people like you that took all the slings and arrows for being called an apostate. And how dare you challenge, you know, the American system of, of election.
A
I haven't lived that, I haven't lived that down yet. Right.
B
And, and listen, I, I, I'll be completely honest. That narrative really irked me in 2020, after President Trump lost right now, that election, I was like, okay, adjudicate these things. And my, my biggest problem was that Democrats weren't allowing these election issues to actually be adjudicated. The line that they kept on using is that Trump has went to court, whatever, 60 sometimes, and 60 sometimes the court is throwing it out. So that means that the court, you know, this has been adjudicated. I'm like, no, no, no, no. None of those cases ever went Once to even discovery they were standing, let alone standing decisions. Correct. So that is bs but that narrative did take hold, and I disagreed with it. Now, the thing that I saw, and this is why I say I'm gonna call my own self out, as I was like, guys, when we keep on saying that the elections were, you know, all the fraud that happened, we are going to disenfranchise our voters. So even though I agree with you, if we go out saying this, people aren't going to vote because we're not in power. Trump is not in the. In the White House. And because he's not in the White House, we have no solution to fixing election integrity from a national level. And because of that, if we talk about election integrity, we will disenfranchise more voters, which means that in 2022, we're going to even have less Republicans show up.
A
Voila and voila.
B
And how.
A
How prescient were those comments?
B
I know, I know. But ultimately, I still think that the better strategy would have been. And this is where I'm at now, and where I have been and well, I. Where I will continue to be is we have to talk about election integrity, but provide solutions. So what are one of the solutions? With election integrity being part of the RNC's national program, we are again, every election cycle saying we need people out in precincts. At the precinct level.
A
That's what I just said.
B
Just watching, being someone that can communicate.
A
If you have nobody, if you don't have enough Republicans. See, this is why I respect Randy, but I deeply disagree, whatever his reasons were. We need Republicans going to every school board meeting, every county commissioner meeting.
B
Agreed.
A
We need election judges. We need. We need their. Who's watching the judicial races? Nobody. Apropos to what you just said about 60 cases going down because of judges. You know, we're under. We're understaffed and we're undermanned and underwoman. We need more people, more hands on deck. Because what you're saying is 26 is not in the bag.
B
Nope.
A
28 is not in the butt bag.
B
No.
A
So what I'm trying to do, what we're trying to do here on the podcast, and thank you for coming on. We're trying to motivate people, and it's hell on my audience because, you know, I'm kind of banging on them. Yeah. Like, what, are you just here for entertainment? Should I tell more jokes? You want me to do a little soft shoe? You know, and we're talking about that. Tanner and I were talking about it on Sunday, more music. Maybe go to Rumble, where we can be freer.
B
Sure.
A
You know, but we need people to put down whatever their excuse is to stand up. You either want a republican form of governance or you want a multicultural democracy. Now, what is the difference of this? You know, when you don't believe in God and there is no sin, then human nature is a monetizable strategy. So we're going to legalize gambling. Now, there's always been gambling. I'm not saying people aren't going to get. But when you legalize it, you've turned evil into good. You've monetized it. And we go right on down the list of things that are sinful. Well, what does sin do? Sin means separation. It's a separation from man and God. So you're going to make all this sin legal to monetize it, and then they're going to say, but there is no God. Well, of course not. You've stuck some gunk in the works that, of course you're not going to hear the voice of the Most High God. If you're given over to gambling as an addiction or given over to drugs as an addiction or given over to porn as an addiction, or given over to whatever your thing is over here. Eating poorly, for example. Maha, for example. So, I mean, these are very stark. One of the great things about getting things to the moment of criticality like they are right now. Yeah. Starts to get very clear what's going on. It's clear. So apropos to what you said. And I. And I say this because people are going to listen to you. They follow you. If you're in that. I'd love it if Tom Emmer would come on here. You know, I met Tom Emmer and I thought to myself, this is the best politician I've ever. This guy is fantastic. And I'm watching what he's doing. Supporting the Trump movement. Yep. You know, I had a very different attitude about Tom Emmer. And if Tom hears this, I want him to hear. This is why I'm saying it. I went down to CD6. You know, Patricia Williamson, she had a. She had a softball game down there. She was trying to be cute. It was the. You know, it was these two wings.
B
It was like rhinos versus loons.
A
Loons and rhinos.
B
Loons and rhinos.
A
Right. So I went down to this thing and I. And I called Patricia because, you know, I was going to go down with Royce. I said, patricia, do you have any security for this thing? And she said, no, you don't have to worry about it. There's a gay parade in this town and there's something else going on in that town. And I thought, wow, that's a lot of organization, CD6. And I went down to the American. Some PAC down there. It's run by Vicki Ernst.
B
Yeah, yeah.
A
They had a governor's forum. There was more protesters at that forum than there were Republicans. And I realized how much effort is being made. Don C. Tom Emmer. So here I am banging on him constantly because I wanted to be honest all the time with the people. And I realized that he's in a role sometimes where he can't tell the truth, which I don't like that. I don't like that presumption. But I realize all these resources, hundreds of thousands, if not millions of dollars is being poured into CD6 to get rid of him. That wasn't. That was an awakening for me about how intense this political game is and how much we need unity. And I want to say, and this isn't going to make Jake happy. And they listen. They're pissed at me because I have Walter Hudson on here, probably.
B
I don't know how they feel about me. They haven't came after me. I saw Eric Mortensen at State Central. He came up, he was like. He asked me if I had came to their booth. They're in the state fair wearing a Trump mask. I don't know why he asked that.
A
I was like, strange question.
B
And I was like, no. I was like, you know, but you guys, like, you guys crushed it. You know, good job. And. And he shook my hand or whatever. But he's never. They've never asked me to be on their podcast. I. I don't have a problem going to the podcast. I will be very candid with, with the things that I disagree with their strategy of what Action for Liberty does. But ultimately, yeah, whether it's having me on this show or Walter Hudson, I don't know which one they dislike. I think it's Walter because they've actually came out against him. They've never really came out against me, so maybe they're cool with me. I just don't like some of their strategies and attacks it. But sorry to get back to your point about the attack and the onslaught that. That looks like it's coming for Tom is kind of an interesting way of looking at it, because President Trump 100% trust Tom Emmer. I'm telling you right now, if President Trump said, remove Tom Emmer from this position of being majority Whip Tom Emmer would not be the majority whip. That's just the way that it is. Now. People can disagree with why President Trump makes the decisions that he does. And we have to understand that when you're the President of the United States, there's a lot of things you're taking care of. So you might defer certain actions to those that are in your inner circle, your staff. And so maybe it's not that President Trump wants, you know, Tom Emmer to be where he's, where he is. I think he does. I think that originally he didn't care. He didn't know Tom. Why would he take the time to know him? Because he said as much. Remember, he torpedoed Tom being Speaker of the House.
A
Yeah, no, I'm not. Everybody knows who everybody is. Okay.
B
But he torpedoed it. And then I think Tom had a position where he could have leaned into being like a Don Bacon type. That would go against what President Trump wants or saying, you know what, I need to do better at getting to know President Trump. And now he's been one of the most vocal advocates for getting the Trump agenda passed. And I think that he's done a great job at doing that. And again, I'll say this, I have no problem if you want to critique whoever you want to critique. I'm not a person that says you can't say negative things about Tom Emmer or President Trump. You can.
C
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B
I think that you do it at your own, you know, understanding that you're going to alienate people. You might close doors that's not my strategy, but if you want to. More power to you.
A
My strategy is this.
B
I'm not, I'm, I'm not saying.
A
No, I'm saying me specifically. My idea is, is that when the citizens engage and make their feelings known. Mean, I'm not saying I'm moving the needle, but if, if there's a collective push, I think a, A, a prudent politician listens to his constituents, and that's what it is to be in a representative democracy or representative republic.
B
Yeah, yeah.
A
Democratic Republic, where we're making our, Our will felt. You know President Trump is supporting Lindsey Graham.
B
I know, man.
A
I mean, come on.
B
I know.
A
So here's how I look at it. No, whatever the truth is, I have no idea. And I say this, and I'm entitled to make up my own story. Of course, you're a coach. You play with the players that show up to play the game. So if somebody emerged in South Carolina that could beat Lindsey Graham, I don't think President Trump would be unhappy to have a more mega. He knows who Lindsey Graham is.
B
Yeah.
A
He knows Tom Emmer's history. He knows Kristen Robbins history. I know they know because I've been told they know, you know, what we're seeking. And I think President Trump is doing the same thing. He's got a policy position, 20 positions that we can go see at the. What are those two handles for those two websites?
B
So Agenda 47. And then just go to gop.com gop.org and just look at the party's platform.
A
I think that's a great idea. Tanner's writing that down because that's going to go into the description of the podcast. And why wouldn't we all, as Republicans, like to know what it is we believe?
B
Yes.
A
I mean, it's kind of important.
B
And it was controversial when we were at the RNC convention because President Trump's team said, listen, we're just going to make this super simple. What is the Republican Party of the United States believe? We believe what Trump believes.
A
Right. And if we heads were blown off.
B
When we don't have Trump, then we can make a different decision about what that looks like. But this, to me is so important to be able to understand that this is why as a party, playing these games where we somehow don't try and embrace Trump, even if maybe you don't do it in name, because again, this intuition, intuitive flair, discuss that happens with these people in Minnesota. But this is our party. There's no way to sidestep it.
A
This is the policy of the people.
B
This is the policy of the people. The people that supported President Trump wildly winning the popular vote. This is the mandate of the people. And we as a Republican Party, as an apparatus, need to embrace and accept that. Now, we can find our own ways to massage it, to make it work for our districts, but running away from it is the dumbest thing that you can do.
A
That would be like Kathy folk here in SD45 refused to endorse President Trump in the last cycle. I mean, we've got some problems. Okay. We just do have some problems. And what I'm calling these people out for is it's not about Trump, it's about the policies. I mean, see, I'm not interested. I mean, if people love Trump, I'm okay with that. Sure. I'm an idea guy. I'm interested in the policies that we're pursuing. I'm interested in economic populism because I know it can provide a better life for young. I have six kids. I mean, I got them. I mean, they're screwed. They don't have nearly the chance to get over like I did. They're struggling financially. Yep. So the economic populism, the idea of having a secure election system, I'm going to look at this and I go, come on, really? We're really going to say black people are too stupid to go get a card that says they can vote? It's so racist. It's absurd. Yeah, it, it's, it's insulting. You know, some of these things are so easily solved. Why aren't they solved? Because there's huge industries on each side of that football raising money off of the problem.
B
Agreed.
A
And that's why Trump is such an interesting character. We're watching him hate him or not. He's trying to solve.
B
He is.
A
I mean, he's, you know, he's really trying to bring. We might not like his solution, but he's actually getting up every day and saying, what problem can I end today?
B
Yeah. And so I. Here's what I will say is that at the beginning, I used to think that it was just, you know, Trump represents something, and it's this, this pushback against the existing order. And that's very jarring.
A
Right.
B
Anytime someone is pushing back against the. The current order, but once you accept that the current order is broken. Right. Failing and failing and how we land or what we do, you know, is there still a possibility that we don't even have a soft fail, that we have a transition and so we don't even have to Fail. Maybe there's that or maybe whatever it looks like. But now I'm actually of the belief that President Trump, if he's not able to succeed, I think the midterms is going to be the true test. Are we going to transition or are we going to fail? And if we fail, you can just roll out. Here's all of the things that the existing order is going to double down on. They are going to re. Solidify to a point their central control that it will be impossible to break.
A
And what is the linchpin of that central control?
B
Well, a lot of it's going to be digital id. Digital. And to me, the overall control of people, that to me is the reaffirming of that.
A
Now, we got a few minutes left. So this has been a long drum roll. And this is gonna tell you why I'm so hard on some of these professional politicians. Because, see, if you're in the professional lane and that's your business and you're going to have to, in some cause, President Trump is doing it too. I mean, otherwise, I don't think he would support Tom Emmer. Because of the history.
B
Sure.
A
But you can't be that. Well, you can't be a successful politician and just take powerful people and just because they said something 50 times or 150 times, you can't. I mean, look at Lindsey Graham. I mean, Lindsey Graham. Let's not talk. I mean, and I, and I said that with great respect. I mean, going down to CD6 and seeing what Ammer's facing. Yeah. The hatred that these people have for him, that was very jarring for me. I wasn't embarrassed about me calling him out on the debt ceiling bill, but it makes me really want to support Patricia Williamson efforts in CD6 and in Carver County. Yeah. Because it's important. That's the house. That's the number three dude in the whole program. Yeah, Right. But what scares me about the professionals, because they are in the professional lane. That digital ID thing is right there. It's right on the cusp. I read the Federal Register. They're ready to roll this stuff out because the institutional entropy, the mountain just keeps going forward. The glacier just keeps moving and we're moving towards this digital control grid, which really is the end of the Republic and it's the end of the individual sovereignty. And I want, you know, I, I, you know, you're for free trade. Great. Come out and say you're against digital id. I'll pay attention to you. But those things go together. World governance, One world economy, one way to control the people so that everything works smooth. And I'll tell you, There's a great YouTube video. You can go get it put in Herman Kahn, who is Dr. Strangelove in the Hudson Institute, 1964. And he's on there talking about creating this. They've been working on this for decades. Yeah. And here we are. And you see it rolling out. So, I mean, it is kind of a litmus test.
B
It is. And it's. To me, it's more than a litmus test because if this effort fails and what I mean, not to sound so dire, but this is what I truly think. All the pieces have been put on the board. Okay. This, like you said, this is going back 50, 60 years. I believe that. Again, regardless of what you think the true intention was of the creators of the economic liberal world order.
A
Right.
B
What their intentions were, this is the culmination. So when we say digital id, connected to having some form of a social credit score, connected to some form of having any access to markets, all of this is easily controlled by a very small group of people that have so much power and control. There is just no way to stop it. There's just no way to stop it. And I think that President Trump saw that this is what is potentially coming. And there is. Well, like I said, this, this desire to be able to stop it. And what's one of the solutions is to control it and then control it better is an interesting argument. That's kind of the Elon Musk, Right? Elon Musk is like, AI is here. We are going to have some form of artificial general intelligence. The only way to fight against it is to integrate and become cyborgs, basically, which is what he's trying to do. And that is very terrifying to people because people are like, no, no, no, I don't want to have any of it. And he's like, there is no stopping this inevitability. AI is here. It is going to continue to learn. The only way to fight it is for humans to integrate into it, which has a very larger implication. So the question is, with what President Trump is trying to do, is he going to be able to take control of the thing, to stop it from going the way that they're going to want to make it, which is all centrally planned and controlled. That will take away our connection with God and this is like end time spiritual stuff, or is President Trump going to be able to actually avert that we don't need to even go down that path and then dismantle the idea of ever having it again. And that to me is where if Trump fails and he is ripped from power, right then that's it. We will go back. The Republicans will say, see, we told you. You know, Trump, bad guy, evil fascist, dictator. That's why they are using every opportunity. These no Kings rallies, November 1, it looks like the Democrats, unless they change their tune the Next this week, 40 million Americans are going to lose their snap benefits. And do you think that the no Kings protest, they were set up as a precursor that if this happens and they're able to effectively lie to the American people, say it's Republicans fault that the government's not being funded and their snap benefits are being cut because the Democrats have voted 12 times to continue to keep the government shut down, that they won't then go now all of these people that have had their snap benefits cut off, it's Trump's fault, it's Republicans fault. And we just had this no Kings rally. Let's reinvigorate this and let's have some type of revolution. People on the street, that's what they're trying to do. In my opinion. I see that as a very plausible path that that's where this is all going and that's why the Democrats are willing to, to go down this path.
A
Now.
B
It can still backfire because again, I think Republicans, especially under President Trump, have done a good job at helping kill the legacy media, that that narrative won't tie in, that the, the actual truth is that the Democrats are the ones that are stopping your benefits from being cut. You know, are the ones that are, that are making your benefits be cut. And so this, to me, is all part of this larger strategic game. The Democrats will take every opportunity to do everything they can to disempower President Trump. When we're talking about ICE raids and we're talking about those protests and again, the strategy that the Democrats, the UNO party, the existing order, everything that they will throw into, you know, all the wrenches and gears, you know, wrenches into the spokes and everything like that to stop what President Trump is accomplishing and attempting to accomplish, that's the bigger piece. And I know that that can just feel like there's no way, man. It's not, it's not that deep. It is that deep. President Trump understands it's that deep. And that's why we have to stay as unified as we possibly can. I just don't think that you can force people to get on board. You have to be able to show them and inspire them to want to get on board. And that to me is what ultimately I'm trying to do as I go out and have conversations, when I talk about these difficult topics, I make videos about this. I mean, I think I've now created like 700 videos that are across all my social media. You know, TikTok X, Instagram, Facebook. And I just continue to push out content and hopefully enough people become inspired. And I think it's mattering to a point. We'll see if it matters enough, though.
A
Well, you know, it's a yin yang thing. I mean, I'm taking a hammer to some of these people, but I don't really dislike them. I'm hoping the same thing. See, my fundamental building block here is let's not be lying. Yeah, let's start there because we're really still truly in Minnesota minority party. How do we aggregate? How do we convince people? People are really. This goes back to the Mark Mitchell thing. Authenticity is the number one characteristic of a winning campaign. So if people are inauthentic, I mean, if I know it, okay, I'm going to know it at the policy level. But that doesn't mean some 25 year old kid like Tanner can't look at a candidate and go, man, that doesn't really add up. I don't get the right feeling from this person. Yeah, we want to have our feel around those 20 ideas. Yeah. And we want to ensue that as a group. And hey, you know, if you're a candidate and you're not done, I bet you our candidates haven't looked up. We'll just start with candidates. You all need to go to the RNC and see what it is you're supposed to be pitching out there. This is another thing, candidates. And this goes for close friends of mine. You know, you're, you're a, you're a candidate until you're elected. You know what you are? A salesman.
B
Yeah, you are.
A
That's what you are.
B
Yep.
A
So let's at least all get on the same product page. Let's all have the same features and benefits. If you vote for the Republican idea, this is what you're voting for. Let's take out of their hands because they're all about, I'm fighting Trump. That's what Omar Fatih says. I'm against Trump. I'm against Trump. You know, let's take, let's get it down. Here's the ideas that we're going to benefit the communities. We got to learn those 20 ideas. Tanner, what a great podcast. The 20 ideas that are on the RNC. Yes. We gotta remember I made the offer to you. I'll go any place in the state with you and have this conversation if we. We're in Park Rapids together. Yeah. You did a great job, by the way.
B
Thank you.
A
It was very, very, very fun event to drive up there to look at an effective BPoU. Able to put 100 plus citizens in a room that sat for hours and listened to policy. Man, that was cool. Yeah, that was really cool. We need that. We need that in CD3. So you know what I'm gonna do? I'm bringing back the master class.
B
All right.
A
I am. I'm bringing it back. Maybe you'll be a guest. Yeah, I'd love to set it up. We're going to do it every month. I told my staff, set it up forever. I'm going to do it till I die. You know why? I'm going to hold the principle and I'm trying to move people to the principal. I'm going to talk to them just like I talk to you. And if you can get any of these establishment figures to come on here, they will be met with great respect. Because I want them to convince me why a dying regime is what we need to go back to.
B
Right?
A
And then if they can do it, because guess what? I voted for George W. Bush. I've been to China over a hundred times. They don't have the experiences I've had. They think they do. Why? They don't really don't like me. I'm tough. I've actually lived this in the dirt, in the trench. And I've seen what it's done to my country. I've. And I see. I'm that rare dude. I would seek first the kingdom of heaven. That's just me.
B
Amen.
A
But I come from a background with that. If you don't have that background, hey, where's the cash? Yeah.
B
And it's funny that you say that, because I think that is why I am who I am. Right? My foundational faith and belief in Jesus Christ as our Lord and Savior. That he died for all of our sins.
A
Right?
B
He suffered through that. Resurrected in three days, snatching the keys of life and saying, all people, even though none of you deserve it, all you have to do is believe in me. I think that that foundationally is what tethers me to being who I am. And saying, like, I'll be honest, where I came in, in the party versus where I am now is very different. I still support the Republican Party, but Again, much like yourself, right? If you are presented with information and you just look at it long enough and you get enough information together, you're going to see that, oh, I'm wrong. And I am fully able to accept that.
A
Why?
B
The basic premise of Christianity is that we are fallen because of sin. So if I accept that I'm fallen, the idea that I think that I'm perfect or that I understand everything is absurd. So, yeah, you might need to take some convincing because I still am going to have, you know, my reasonings and justification and we can have this tension that goes back and forth. But ultimately, I think why I'm going to continue to fight for it is because why not? You know, in the same way that I believe that my faith is always going to be something that I will fight for, I will never not confess or profess that I am a Christian, that I believe Jesus Christ is the son of God, that's the least that I can do. I'm going to continue to push for what I see to be the truth. And if that changes because new information comes out in regards to what is true or what is not true, I'll be the first one to say it because I don't care. Like me being in this position, me being involved in politics, I don't care. I don't need it, right? If I get thrown out because people are like, you're too crazy, A.K. i can @ least say, well, this is what I believe, man. But I'll never have the hubris to be like, I only know the only way and that there's no other possible way. I'm willing to hear you out. It's just based off of everything I've seen. This is where I'm at, this is where I'm standing. Not going to change what that is. I'm always approach life being honest and truthful. And you know, even Jordan Peterson, you know, he came out with a couple of different books talking about the rules for life. And one of the most important one is like, tell the truth or at least don't lie.
A
Hey, you know what? That's my fundamental cornerstone for my party. Tell the truth. There is no spiritual anything if we live a lie. And on that note, you're a great bridge. I really want to thank you for coming in here. I want to invite all the traditionalists in here so we can. Because we're in. Hey, they can evangelize me. And you know, they got fertile ground with me because I used to be with them. I know where they're coming from so I want to thank you for coming in. I want everybody to repost the links go to the free people store target.com but the most important thing is think about what you're going to do in this very critical 2026 election season to advance the concept of the Republic of the United States of America. Thanks very much AK thank you very much.
B
Have a good night everybody.
D
Disclaimer the information provided in this podcast is for general informational purposes only. All opinions expressed by the podcast host and their guests are solely their own opinions and do not reflect the opinions of any entity they represent or are associated with. This podcast is not intended to provide professional advice or political guidance and should not be relied upon for such the content of this podcast is based on the host's knowledge and understanding at the time of recording and is subject to change any fact, presented or factual statement made by the podcast. The host or guests are generated by available mainstream media sources, social media outlets, and artificial intelligence, including grok, the Artificial Intelligence Module of X. Although we strive to provide accurate and up to date commentary and opinions, we make no representations or warranties, express or implied, about the completeness, accuracy, reliability, suitability or availability with respect to the podcast or the information, products, services or related graphics contained in the podcast for any purpose. By accessing and using this podcast, you acknowledge and agree that the hosts, guests, and any affiliated entities are not responsible for any actions you take. Based on the information provided in this podcast, you agree that the use of this podcast is at your own risk. The hosts, guests, and any affiliated entities are not liable for any direct, indirect, incidental, consequential or punitive damages arising out of your access to or use of this podcast. This includes any damages related to the loss of use, data or profits, whether or not advised of the possibility of such damages. In no event shall the hosts, guests, and any affiliated entities be liable to you or any third party for any claims, losses, or damages arising out of your use of this podcast or reliance on any information provided herein. By listening to this podcast, you agree to release and hold harmless the hosts, guests, and any affiliated entities from any and all liability, claims, actions, demands and expenses arising out of or relating to your use of this podcast. Thank you for your understanding and cooperation.
A
This is an I Heart Podcast.
Date: October 29, 2025
Host: David Penn (“Professor Penn”)
Guest: A.K. Kamara (National Committeeman)
This episode features a comprehensive discussion between Professor Penn and Minnesota RNC Committeeman A.K. Kamara about the current and future direction of the Republican Party in Minnesota. The conversation probes party strategy, the divide between the “old guard” and new populist conservatives, the challenge of reaching voters in a changing media ecosystem, and the importance of building a digital and grassroots movement. They also dissect core issues: election integrity, shifting demographics, the role of Trump and “America First” policies, the threat of globalism, and why truth and authenticity matter for the party’s future.
The Need for a Digital Movement:
Balancing Entertainment and Mobilization:
Old Guard vs. Populist Conservatives:
Party Endorsements and Unity:
Globalism’s Local Impact:
Constitutional Republic vs. Multicultural Democracy:
Grassroots Engagement:
Election Reform:
This episode offers not just a checklist for Republican activists but a reflective diagnosis of the party’s present schisms, the threat posed by globalism and centralized planning, and a call to arms for ordinary citizens to reclaim party (and national) sovereignty. For “Minnesota Republicans,” authenticity, local engagement, and a united front on common ideas (the new GOP platform) are non-negotiable for reclaiming not just wins, but the very meaning of republican self-government.