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Limu Emu and Doug.
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Here we have the Limu Emu in its natural habitat, helping people customize their car insurance and save hundreds with Liberty Mutual. Fascinating. It's accompanied by his natural ally, Doug.
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Limu is that guy with the binoculars watching us.
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Cut the camera. They see us.
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Excludes Massachusetts you really want to be better with your finances. You try to put money away in savings. You look for deals. You wrote out a budget once, a long time ago. You still overdraft from time to time, and you still have debt. The truth is, managing money is not easy. But Rocket Money can help. Rocket Money shows you exactly what you're spending every month. From there, the app helps you make a budget that meets your financial goals. The app even gives you real time alerts when you're about to go over your budget so you don't spend too much. With Rocket Money. You can also see all your subscriptions at a glance and cancel the ones you don't want right from the app. Rocket Money can even try to get you a refund for some of the money wasted. Plus, you can use the Smart Savings feature to start putting more money away. Rocket Money analyzes your accounts to determine the optimal time to stow away cash without going over your budget. Our members report that the Rocket Money app saves more than $700 a year. Getting better with money doesn't have to be a pipe dream. Rocket Money can make it a reality. Go to RocketMoney.com cancel or download the app from the Apple app or Google Play stores.
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It's early morning on a March Day in 1975, deep in a remote forest in equatorial Africa, something is moving. In the dense green foliage, the sound of trampling grows louder. A monumental force is closing in. Suddenly, a great clump of tree branches is ripped away. In the freshly made clearing stands one of Africa's great natural treasures. A forest elephant, 10ft tall, with striking white tusks. In this eastern part of the Central African Republic, these giants dominate the landscape in herds. They stomp their way through the lush undergrowth, wade through wetlands, and drink from waterholes. But this elephant is an adult male and therefore roams alone. He wraps his powerful trunk around the branches of a tree and strips it of its leaves in one sweeping motion. Stuffing his mouth, he chews slowly. These majestic herbivores are a source of abundant life. Dozens of species of flora depend on them to disseminate their seeds. But that's of no concern to the hunters who target this mighty prize, one of whom is lurking right now hidden behind the trees, not 30ft away. Crouching low, breathing deeply through his nose, the hunter raises his weapon to his shoulder. He briefly flexes the forefinger of his right hand before placing it around the trigger. He takes aim and fires. The elephant stumbles to his knees, then slumps onto his side. He's been shot directly in the head. Killed almost instantly. The hunter beams. Rising to his feet, he thrusts his rifle skywards in celebration. It's not the first time his eyes have shone with the thrill of taking a life. And it won't be the last. This is Jean B. Del Bokassa, for over 20 years, a brilliant soldier in the French army. For the last decade, the supreme ruler of his homeland, the Central African Republic. In that time, he's carved out a reputation for ruthlessness, audacity and extreme brutality. He baffles as much as he terrifies. On the one hand, he's a proud Central African American, fueled by bitterness against his nation's former oppressors, France. Yet on the other, he's bewitched by French culture and hankers for acceptance from the Parisian elite, including the French president, Valerie Giscard d', Estaing, who is here today, part of Bokassa's expedition. Two very different men united in their love of hunting. For Picasso, it's not just the thrill of the chase. It's about money. As with so much else that goes on in this country, he has a controlling interest in big game hunting. For every felled elephant, he makes a profit. This is how the president rules. With predatory violence and avarice. Bokassa strides towards the elephant, limp and lifeless on the ground, chin in the air, he plants a foot on top of the stricken animal's body. With a broad smile rippling across his face, he looks to the French president and the rest of their party. Today, Bokassa is in his element, the master of every living thing in the Central African Republic. Yet within two years, his megalomania and narcissism will vault to incredible heights that will make even his friend, the French president, balk. Picasso will elevate himself to emperor, a Central African version of his hero, Napoleon Bonaparte. It will all end in accusations of torture, murder, even cannibalism. And at that point, it will be Bokassa himself who is in the crosshairs. In these episodes, we'll explore Bokassa's rule of the Central African Republic, a reign as strange as it was chilling. From humble origins in a community that was ruthlessly exploited by a foreign empire, he seized power in the most audacious way imaginable. He began his time as leader, promising the people of the CAR equality, justice and free elections, but ended it having dissolved the government and plunged his country into debt. Convinced he was destined for greatness, Bokassa staged a lavishly surreal coronation for himself. Featuring horse drawn carriages, glittering crowns and songs from Andrew Lloyd webber. He amassed 17 wives, countless children and a never ending collection of luxurious possessions. But beyond the eccentricity and excess, there was profound darkness, beatings, torture and innumerable murders directed at Bokassa's command and sometimes performed by his own hand. Yet there is also a catalogue of lurid half truths and urban myths, including stories of cannibalism, which some say are evidence of lingering colonialist prejudice. A significant number still venerate him as the man who presided over a crucial era of development in the CAR Heroic soldier, capricious tyrant, grotesque, spendthrift, beacon of strength for a marginalized nation. Jean Bedel Bokassa was all these things and more. From the Nouser Podcast Network this is part one of the Picasso story, and this is real dictatorship. At the heart of a continent the Central African Republic, or car, is landlocked by Chad to the north, Sudan and South Sudan to the east, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Republic of the Congo to the south, and Cameroon to the west. It's a land of stunning natural beauty. Large flat savannas teem with big game, unspoiled forests roar with the sound of waterfalls, and canyons sink deep into the earth. Beneath rich soils lie reserves of oil, uranium, diamonds and gold. Yet home to some 5 million people, it's one of the poorest nations on earth. Since claiming its independence From France in 1960, it's been hampered by civil war, chronic underdevelopment and despotic mismanagement. Today, less than 40% of the adult population is literate. It features in the UN's list of Least Developed Nations. Dr. Gino Vlaverno is a Beninois academic who's written on conflict in the Central African Republic.
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It's a beautiful country, massive forest with tropical vegetation, and it's quite hot and humid, so at times it's a little bit difficult to breathe. But the people are warm. In terms of economic development, Central African Republic has not been faring well overall, usually at the bottom of most of the development indexes.
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In Pangi, the country's serene capital, wide boulevards fan out from a central district where A handful of government buildings and commercial offices stand a few stories tall. The city is organized in Parisian inspired administrative districts. Streets hum at the sound of generators burning diesel to provide electricity to the nearly 1 million people who call Bangi home. Dr. Louisa Lombard from Yale University is a cultural anthropologist. She's written extensively on the car.
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It used to be known as Dinguy la coquette, Dinghy the flirt. Because it was known as this kind of quiet, pretty, lovely city by the river where not all that much happened, but where you could have a nice time. There are still shades of that that you can find here and there. But it also bears the marks of being a city that has been neglected through the decades and where people have had to endure a lot of tumult and violence and just the decaying of the little infrastructure that once existed.
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The lands that would come to be known as the Central African Republic are first colonized at the end of the 1800s when European powers perpetrate the infamous scramble for Africa, competing for imperial dominance of the continent. But prior to the arrival of the French, the region was already a dynamic, varied and complex place.
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There were two main tendencies going on in the region in the late 1700s and 1800s. One of these was that most people in this area were living in what nowadays get referred to as stateless societies or acephalous societies or egalitarian societies. But basically there wasn't one person who could stand up and tell everybody else what to do. They were fairly flexible. They were attached to particular places, but they also moved around a fair amount. Then at the same time, there were polities that were forming out of these expansionist empires. Some of those were connected to the spread of Islam and the kinds of trading networks that were attached to that. And it also was a place where some of those raiders were making inroads and setting up capital cities. So a lot of things were changing in the region in that period before French colonizers showed up. And they only showed up at the very, very end of the 1800s. This was one of the last places where European explorers made inroad.
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In the 1880s, Italian born French explorer Pierre de Brazza signs treaties with tribes in the Ubangi region. Consequently, France finds itself in control of a vast trench of land stretching from Gabon on the Atlantic coast to Chad in the Sahara. It equates to more than one quarter of the African continent. Around the turn of the 20th century, a region known as Ubangi Shari, named after two nearby rivers, becomes a French dependency with a native population of about 1 million people. Compared to other French colonies in Africa, it draws few envious glances. While it has its appeals, Its resources are considered relatively meager.
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Ubongi shari, which was a colony that the French both had a fondness for, Particularly those who were interested in big game hunting, because it was a great place for doing that. But also it was the place that was sort of looked down on the most. It was seen as the place where the colonial officials who got the worst grades on the exams would be sent. And the French really did very little in terms of investing in the infrastructure of. Of this country.
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The government in Paris decides to lease large swathes of their African lands To private concession companies. These companies are to oversee the exploitation of natural resources Such as rubber, timber, ivory, and gold. The hope is that the companies will invest in infrastructure, but it quickly becomes apparent that that isn't high on anyone's priority list. Richard moncrieff is a former British diplomat and an expert on central africa.
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As with all colonies in Africa, really, the focus of the French was on the areas where they could extract resources, and then the infrastructure needed to get those resources out. And French interest and French presence thinned out very much in areas where there were few resources to exploit.
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France came very late to this project in this part of the world. And once they got there, they realized that their hopes that it would be a source of resources and wealth for them Were probably overblown. They tried to trade it to England For a little speck of land in the gulf of guinea, for instance, But England said, no way, no deal. So Ubangishari was not particularly a venerated colony and ended up having a colonial government that was alternately neglectful and brutal.
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The private concession companies run their own militias to enforce their savage working conditions.
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The colonizers would sometimes resort to modes of spectacular punishment to try to just make people afraid. And this took a variety of different forms. But some of the infamous incidents included things like locking people into a house and then setting it on fire.
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Entire villages of women and children are locked up to incentivize the men to work for their freedom. Whips are frequently deployed to speed up or punish workers on the spot. Forty frank fines, as much as an individual could earn in a month, Are issued to those who don't meet rubber quotas. Insubordination is punishable by death or mutilation.
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The French people themselves, I mean, in France, Were not quite aware of what was happening in the central African republic. And at the time, they thought that, right, it was only the Belgian Congo who was brutal with rubber collections. You know, this kind of huge taxing activities on the locals. But the same was happening in the Central African Republic.
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One man who's all too aware of the grim realities of Central Africa is Mindagon Mbundulu. Mindagon is a hardened worker for Forestier, a French company involved in rubber harvesting in Lo Bay, a region some 50 miles south of the capital city, Bangi. A socially prominent figure within his village, Mindegon is coerced into organizing the local workforce on behalf of the company. Like so many others, he seethes with resentment at the horrific treatment of his community. On February 22, 1921, Mindegon's wife, Marie, gives birth to one of their 12 children. They name him Bokassa. The boy grows up surrounded by rebellion. The locals are exhibiting more and more dissatisfaction, dissent and defiance in a region not far from Bokassa's home, a prophet known as Kanu is claiming to have a magical plant which turns the colonial invaders into gorillas. He also supplies his followers with hoe handles with which to do battle with their French oppressors.
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A huge amount of rebellion and resistance that now is referred to as the War of the Ho Handle or the Con Ango Wara Rebellion. It was not fought by a unified force. It was more like a groundswell mobilization of peasants. People living throughout, particularly the southwestern part of the Central African Republic, who were angry at the kinds of labor demands that were being made of them, who were angry about the Kind of repression that they were facing and who, through any means, fought back. Sometimes that took the form of assassinating an isolated private concession Own when they found him on his own, sometimes it took the form of refusing to work. Sometimes it took the form of other kinds of demonstrations. So Ubangi Shari was known as the hotbed of resistance to colonial rule, particularly in the 1920s and 30s.
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Bokassa's father hears of Kanu's exploits and decides that he will no longer follow French orders. Mindegon takes it upon himself to release some of his fellow villagers who are being held hostage by the Forestier company. His defiance leads to inevitable consequences. It's November 13, 1927. A hot, dry day in Low Bay. Two roosters peck at the dirt in a town square as men begin to arrive back after a long, hard day harvesting wild rubber. Their bodies are exhausted. Their eyes sting in the dust. As they traipse into the square, quiet and forlorn, two Forestier militiamen appear, hauling a muscular man bound in chains. The militiamen hurl their prisoner to the floor. He cowers beneath them, too weak to resist. It's Mind, Bokassa's father. Suddenly, the blows start raining down. The bosses know all about his seditious activities, and they've had enough. The local men watch, horrified, as Mindegon is beaten in front of them, his weak appeals for clemency dying away until finally he stops moving altogether. A week after Mindogon is beaten to death, Bokassa's mother, Marie, commits suicide, crushed by the grief of losing her husband at the age of just 6, Bokassa is an orphan, both of his parents, in their different ways, the victims of colonial oppression. The young boy's remaining family decide that he should receive a French language education at a Christian mission school in Mbaiki, the capital of the region. He's frequently taunted by his classmates about his orphanhood. Although he's short, he's physically strong, and soon he learns how to handle him himself. Bokassa takes to the French language quickly and learns to speak well. He becomes especially attached to a French grammar book by an author named Jean Bedel, a name that now becomes attached to the boy. During his teenage years, Picasso studies in Bangi, where a priest intends for him to take holy orders. But Bokassa's interests lie elsewhere. At the age of 18, he enrolls as an infantryman in the French colonial army. It's 1939, the eve of the Second World War. During his service, Picasso develops a deep admiration for all things French. A Fascinating and complex irony considering his family's experience of the country's rule. He is enchanted by France's uniforms, medals and pageantry. He even comes to describe French military leader Charles de Gaulle as a father figure.
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When you think about the experience of people from not just Central African Republic, but from that region going to France in 1939, I think it would have been quite ambivalent. And I think that different individuals took away rather different experiences. I think on the one hand, going from a poor area of Central Africa to one of the richest countries in the world at the time, in France, one would have been struck by the power of France, by its military organization, particularly admiring de Gaulle. No doubt, Bocassa wasn't the only one who had that attitude and generally leaving with a sense of being impressed. But then others would have taken away, or maybe the same individuals have contrasting impressions, would have taken away the racism that they would have experienced even within the French army.
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For Picasso's part, he takes to military life rather well. The young soldier is well liked, earns respect in battle and is promoted quickly up the ranks. His service takes him to the thick of world events. After France falls to Nazi Germany, he is a member of de Gaulle's Free French Forces. In North Africa, he marches across the desert to join up with the British 8th army and drive the Germans out of the region. On 15 August 1944, he participates in the Allied landing in Provence as part of Operation Dragoon, then fights in southern France and Germany in early 1945, before the collapse of the Nazi regime. The orphan from Lobe has come a long way. After the war. Bokasse remains in the French army and the foreign postings continue. First he studies radio transmission in the town of Frejus on the French Riviera. After that, he's sent to officer training in St. Louis, Senegal. Then in 1950, he's off to Southeast Asia, travelling to French Indochina as company sergeant and transmissions expert on a three year tour of duty. He's described as a dynamic soldier, always volunteering for missions and frequently exhibiting great courage for his exploits in battle. He's eventually decorated with numerous medals for bravery, including the Legion d'. Honneur. Indochina proves a milestone in his personal life too. It's there that he marries a 17 year old Vietnamese girl, Nguyen Thai Hue, who gives birth to the couple's daughter. This is the first of 17 wives and dozens of children Bakassa will have throughout his life. Before departing, he promises his young bride that he will return, assuming he'll be sent back on another tour. But he never is. Years later, he will say that he found his posting in Indochina to be the most beautiful and brotherly of experiences. Bacasse's affection for the French army is quite plain. But his broader attitudes towards France and its influence over his homeland are more complex. He isn't alone. Through the 40s and 50s, many of his African contemporaries have polarized views on how to move away from French rule.
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Francophone African elites after the Second World War were broadly divided between radical and conservative. The more radical wing wanted independence and wanted it more rapidly. But there was also quite a significant group of conservative pro Paris leaders who in some cases pushed for independence. But the independence they sought was a rather sheltered independence.
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It isn't until 1959, after 20 years abroad, that Bokassa, now a lieutenant, is posted back to Bangui. During that two decade sojourn, a lot has changed. Most notably, French control of the colonies is eroding and new local heroes are emerging. Including one who is closely connected to Bokassa. Bartolome Boganda is Bokassa's uncle. He is seen as the charismatic young leader required to shake off the shackles of colonialism. Like Bakasse's father, Baganda's mother had been beaten to death by French company officials. In the aftermath of this, the young Baganda is adopted by Catholic missionaries. He's given a good education and in 1938 is ordained into the priesthood, serving at various missions throughout the Second World War. @ the end of the war, Baganda founds a party called the Movement for the Social Evolution of Black Africa. Also known by its French acronym mesa. The party advocates for the equal treatment of native black peoples in the colonies. With the French empire crumbling, Baganda is elected the first prime minister of the self governing territory of ubangi Shari in 1958. He dreams of the four territories of Gabon, Moyan, Congo, Ubangi Shari and Chad becoming autonomous under a single independent federation called the Central African.
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Republic. We can't talk about the independence of the Central African Republic without mentioning Uganda. As the priest and the father of the country, everyone talks about him. Even till today. Buganda was the one who spearheaded the battle for.
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Independence. To Central Africans, Buganda is more than just a charismatic political leader. He becomes a messianic figure considered the Black Christ. In fact, large crowds gather on the banks of the Ubangi river one afternoon when a rumor swimming that he is about to demonstrate his supernatural powers by walking across the placid water. We don't know whether he accomplished this. In 1958 referendums are held across the French African colonies to decide their future relationship with France. On offer is the opportunity for each colony to become a semi autonomous member of what is called the French Community, an organization attempting to give new constitutional form to the relationship between France and its colonies. Alternatively, each colony could vote for full independence when the referendums take place at the end of 1958. Only guinea takes that option. Their regional neighbours, including Obangi Shari, are more cautious. They choose, for now at least, to maintain some ties with France. Gabon, Moyenkongo and Chad go down a similar path and at the same time they reject Baganda's proposal that they all pool their resources and unite. Consequently, it's only Ubangi Shari that becomes what from now on is known as the Central African Republic, although it still doesn't have full independence. Baganda sets out on building this new nation. He proposes new laws. Among them are prohibitions on nudity and vagrancy, indicative of the moral seriousness of this former member of the priesthood. But just when Banda is getting started, things come to an abrupt.
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Done. You really want to be better with your finances. You try to put money away in savings. You look for deals. You wrote out a budget once a long time ago, yet you still overdraft from time to time. And you still have debt. The truth is, managing money is not easy, but Rocket Money can help. Rocket Money shows you exactly what you're spending every month. From there, the app helps you make a budget that meets your financial goals. The app even gives you real time alerts when you're about to go over your budget so you don't spend too much. With Rocket Money, you can also see all of your subscriptions at a glance and cancel the ones you don't want right from the app. Rocket Money can even try to get you a refund for some of the money you wasted. Plus you can use the Smart Savings feature to start putting more money away. Rocket Money analyzes your accounts to determine the optimal time to stow away cash without going over your budget. Our members Report that the Rocket Money app saved them more than $700 a year. Getting better with money doesn't have to be a pipe dream. Rocket Money can make it a reality. Go to RocketMoney.com cancel or download the app from the Apple app or Google play.
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Stores. On March 29, 1959, he boards a plane to return to Bangi after a country wide tour. As the aircraft soars over the district of Boda, it lurches suddenly down and crashes into the jungle. The plane explodes in a ball of flames and oily black smoke. Everybody on board is killed. For Bagander's adoring followers, the death of their beloved leader is a terrible shock. As the news sinks in, sabotage is widely suspected. Indeed, the Paris weekly l' Express claims that experts found traces of explosive in the wreckage. Others point the finger at French businessmen or the French secret service. And it's seen as suspicious that Michel Jourdin, Boganda's widow, had taken out a sizable insurance policy on her husband's life just days prior to the.
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Crash. The mysterious circumstances part is a little bit of editorializing. He died in a plane crash, and it certainly seems odd, but who knows? Planes crash quite a bit in this part of the.
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World. Unfortunately, Baganda is instantly a national martyr. His messianic state is solidified. The nation's sense of loss is palpable. A void is left. Others start to step forward as new potential leaders of the Central African.
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Republic. But none of them had that charisma or that deep sense of purpose and nationalism that people identify in Barthelemy.
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Baganda. Baganda cannot be truly replaced, but the march to independence continues. Into the spotlight steps yet another relative of Bacassus, this time his distant cousin, David Dacko. The son of a plantation Night Watchman, 29 year old Darko is heavily backed by France, who consider him a pliant moderate. Dacko becomes the new leader of the MESA political party and does so just as the pace towards full independence.
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Quickens. Once they saw that the leader of guinea, which went for independence just a little bit earlier, once they saw that he got the red carpet treatment at the United nations and everything else. Everybody wanted that. And so we ended up with a situation where each of the former colonies became an independent nation.
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State. The process is swift. On August 13, 1960, the Central African Republic cuts the cord with France. But the transition is far from.
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Smooth. The French colonial officials were not always generous in the way that they adapted to this new state of affairs. And in some places they actively sabotaged and destroyed offices and destroyed infrastructure like telephones and things like that. In the Central African Republic, they didn't destroy as much simply because there was not much there for them to destroy. French advisors stayed on in most of the ministries and departments of the government. In and effectively, in most cases, they were still running the show, even though there were now Africans who were alongside them and who were the official titular heads of these ministries and departments. So although independence came for Central Africa in 1960, in terms of what people living in the country experienced, they didn't experience that much of a.
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Difference. Broadly speaking, many former French colonies in Africa lacked the resources to engage in the kind of state building which has happened in other post colonial settings. And the elites either encouraged or accepted a situation of continued French influence. After independence, African countries were buffeted by a combination of geopolitical and internal problems and instability, and the French offered both a minimal financial life support and a degree of regime.
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Security. The car's newfound independence means that David Dacko is the nation's first ever president. But lacking Buganda's charisma, Dacko never commands popular support. His unfortunate resemblance to the cow on a popular brand of cheese means he's known locally as la vache qui ri, the laughing cow. More substantively, he's seen as too close to the old colonial rulers, using his connections to develop his own financial.
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Interests. It was the first point of disenchantment with the independence model and the realization of that. The new leaders of independence were often overwhelmed by a context that they had insufficient control and influence over. There was a feeling that the civilians who had been handed the reins at independence hadn't fulfilled the promises of that time, of the independence moment. The legitimacy basis of the new leaders in 1960 was not that they were democratically elected, but was that they would enact independence in a way that would bring prosperity and freedom to people. And people didn't see that coming in the.
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Mid-1960S. In the shadows of the newly independent nation, there is one man whose personality shines brighter than President Darko's Jean Bidel Bokassa. He has been stationed back in the car with the French army since 1959. But on New Year's Day 1962, Bokassa switches to the Central African Armed forces as battalion commandant. There is a nation to be built, and Bokassa is seconded to Darko to advise on military matters, a very prominent.
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Position. The military was important in those early independence years, in part just because it was a structured institution in a brand new country that had very, very little in the way of institutions. And perhaps more importantly, the leaders of this military were people who had served. And so they had that experience of being part of a structured institution, what that meant, chains of command, all of these kinds of things. And they could bring that with them into the experience of running things now in the Central African.
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Republic. But implementing structure into the CAR is no simple task. And things are not made any easier by the corruption and nepotism that quickly gripped Takul's government. The president sets about creating as many government jobs as possible. In the new administration. Civil servants receive exorbitant salary increases and extraordinary benefits like housing and interest free loans. The temptation is irresistible. They begin to buy villas, luxury cars and travel abroad. Jobs and favors are handed out to friends and relatives. Cabinet ministers grow wealthier by running taxi services and bars. Others use public funds to build apartments which they then rent out. Pocketing the money, the CAR's finance minister states that the government's revenues would struggle to cover 60% of its expenditure. Reluctantly, its friends still with interests in the region that is balancing the books. In July 1962, Dacko announces that Mesan will henceforth be the only political movement in the country and all citizens must take out membership. In 1964, Mesan put stacko forward as the sole candidate for president. He garners 100% of the ballots cast and begins a seven year term in office. His 60 hand picked national assembly members are unanimously elected. The Central African Republic is losing its way.
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Already. The main thing to know about these early independence years is just that the number of educated Central Africans is tiny. The number of elite Central Africans who can be holding these important government positions can be counted on not that much more than two hands. It's a very small number of people who know each other because they have been studying in France together, have kind of come up during this era.
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Together. Bokassa, meanwhile, is continuing his steady rise to prominence. He is after all, a decorated soldier who's fought all over the world. Not to mention the fact that he's the President's cousin and the nephew of Boganda, the father of the nation. With his reputation ever growing, Bokassa starts to apply his considerable experience to the new Central African army. He's appointed commander in chief of this ragtag bunch of 500 poorly trained and poorly equipped soldiers, becoming its first colonel and chief of staff in December 1964. He's certain that greatness lies.
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Ahead. I think he started seeing himself as someone who could lead the country. Dakot was perceived as someone who was more quiet, reserved and Bokassa was kind of the opposite. More strong army man who could maybe be more.
A
Forceful, well traveled and ambitious. Picasso reads the situation shrewdly, realizing that there is power and influence available to Africans in this new post colonial order. His charm and good humor are winning over influential friends. But while his standing in the army is undisputed, Bakassa is desperate for wider public recognition in the fledgling nation. He rarely appears in public without his military medals on glittering show. Much to the chagrin of President Darko's chief aides, he insists on standing next to or right behind his cousin at public ceremonies. Picasso is even seen driving the president's car. At first, Dacko finds Bokassa's antics amusing. At an official dinner for foreign diplomats in 1965, Daka ridicules the colonel. Vacassa only wants to collect medals. He says he's too stupid to pull off a coup d'. Etat. Yet there is little doubt that Bakassa carries a real threat. Dacko's interior minister suggests appointing him to the cabinet to distance him from the army and moderate his ambitions. This doesn't come to pass, but Dacko does create two new institutions designed to bolster his muscle. An armed police force of 500 men, the gendarmerie headed by loyal police chief Gianni zamo, plus a 120 strong presidential guard, his own personal protection force. With these measures, Dacko perhaps feels he's neutralized his vainglorious cousin. Whatever the case, Picasso is just one of the many problems on the president's plate. The economy is spiraling. Government is stymied by dysfunction and corruption. Regional neighbors are beset by discord and coups. In a desperate attempt to take control of the situation, Dacko establishes diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, who gladly send a delegation to tour the country showing communist propaganda films in the villages. An interest free loan of 1 billion CFA francs follows. But even that is not enough to plug the holes in the sinking ship. Five years into the Dhaka presidency, conflict and anxiety abound. These are ideal conditions for an ambitious strongman with a thirst for power to make his move. Unless, of course, the president moves first. In the summer of 1965, Bosa is sent to Paris as his country's special envoy for the Bastille Steel Day celebrations. At the event, his medals glint in the sun amid a sea of red, white and blue. On July 23, he attends another event at a cadet school in his old haunt of Fraseus. The Riviera town is as resplendent as ever. His Sixth wife, whom he's only just married, joins him for the exception excursion. All in all, it's a very happy stay back in France for Picasso. That is, until he's preparing to come home and receives an unexpected and unwelcome phone call. President Dacko, he is told, has forbidden his return to the Central African Republic. The Colonel is effectively trapped in exile. Bokassa is incensed. For the next two months, he attempts to drum up support back home and in the French army. It seems the President won't budge. The long wait for Bacassar to return home stretches out. Dacko finally yields in October 1965 and allows his cousin to re enter the car. Bokassa claims that it was Charles de Gaulle himself, now President of France, who had intervened on his behalf. After this, tensions between Dacko and Bokassa bubble like never before. Dacko approves a financial increase for his gendarmerie police force, but rejects Bokassa's budget proposal for the military. The enraged Colonel tells friends he will execute a.
D
Couple. There were kind of rivalry between the gendarmerie and the army in the country and there was a perception from Bocassa's view that the gendarmerie was being favored instead of the army, where the army was used for mountain tasks. So Bokassa felt that the army was not taking its in the development of the country and for that reason was also willing to stage a.
A
Coup. By December 1965, Dacko's personal advisors are alerting him that his cousin is showing signs of mental instability. They say he should be arrested. Dacko decides against that dramatic step, perhaps not wanting to escalate an already tense situation. Instead, he intends to replace Bokassa as his military advisor with police chief Giannizamo. Dacko runs the plan by the elders in his home village, who straight away tip off Bokassa. The Colonel knows that the President is trying to move him to the side. The time has come. It's now.
J
Or. Meet the computer you can talk to with Copilot on Windows. Working, creating and collaborating is as easy as talking. Got writer's block? Share your screen with Copilot Vision to help spark inspiration and use Copilot voice to have a conversation and brainstorm ideas. Or maybe you need some tech help with Copilot Vision. Copilot sees what you see. Let Copilot talk you through step by step guidance so you can you can master new apps, games and skills faster. Try now@windows.com copilot okay, it's kind.
C
Of embarrassing how bad I am at.
I
Budgeting Let me see your.
C
Charges. Ugh.
I
Fine. You spent over $600 on takeout last.
C
Month. I can't cook. You know.
I
This. Yes, I have had your disgusting food, but you're literally paying for a meal subscription on top of.
C
That. Whoa, wait, wait, wait. That can't be.
I
Right. Look, just get Rocket Money. It shows you all of your expenses in one place and even tracks your subscriptions. And if there's a subscription you don't want, which for you, there are a lot you don't need, you can just cancel right in the app with a few.
C
Taps. So you mean I don't have to call anyone to cancel?
I
Nope. No hold times or anything. And they'll even try to get you a refund on some of the months of wasted money, which is a lot of money for.
C
You. Okay.
I
Okay. And if you thought I was done, I'm not. The app can also help you make a budget that works for your income. Anytime you get close to your spending limits, it alerts you, so you know exactly where your money is going at all.
C
Times. All right, Emin, what do I have to.
I
Do? Go to RocketMoney.com, cancel or download the app from the Apple or Google Play.
A
Stores. Overthrowing the government, of course, is easier said than done. Vacassa needs an able deputy. He picks Captain Alexandre Banza, a leading military figure who's also served in the French army. By late December, rumors of coup plots are openly circulating among officials in the capital. As the year comes to an end, Bokassa is primed to strike. It's New Year's Eve, 1965. A warm, dry evening in Bangi. Outside the Presidential palace, David Dacko climbed into the back of his motor car, the metal of the door hot against his hand. As the car swings out of the gates, the President nods to the guards through a tinted glass window half opened to let in a breeze. He plans to spend the evening at the plantation of one of his ministers, southwest of the Bangi. Things haven't been easy, he thinks, but he is to leaving those Troubles behind in 1965. Tomorrow is a new year, a fresh start. What he doesn't know is that Colonel Bokassa also has big plans for the future. And they start tonight. With his co conspirator, Captain Banza, Bokassa has formulated a strategy to seize power. First, they will overpower the security at the Presidential palace and arrest Dacho. Another group of soldiers will occupy a hill overlooking the police camp, and a third will seize Radio Bangi. Fearing a French intervention in support of Dacko they order that a final group blockade the Runway at the airport. At 10:30pm on New Year's Eve, Banza sends word to his Go. The coup is underway. While his soldiers ready themselves, Picasso picks up the phone to Police Chief Izamo, insisting that he come to Camp Daru Military center to sign some documents. They need attention before the year expires. Izamo is exasperated. He just opened a bottle of wine to toast the New Year with friends. Surely this paperwork can wait. If Picasso is insistent. This is crucial business. Isamo jumps in his wife's car and speeds over to the barracks. As he approaches the front gates, the car's headlights illuminate two figures directly in front of him, arms folded. It's Picasso and Banza. A coup d' etat is in process, they tell him. Would he care to lend his support? Out of the question, Isamo replies. Wrong answer. The president's chief police officer is seized and bundled into a cellar with his armor. Dealt with, there is nobody to lead a resistance to the coup. At half past midnight, the various military units roll out of the Camp de Roux to take up their positions around the city. Bokassa and Banza lead the entourage, not in a jeep or an armored tank, but a Peugeot 404. After seizing the capital in a matter of hours, Okasa and Banza rushed to the palace to arrest Darko. But as they moved from room to room, banging through doors and checking storerooms, he's nowhere to be found. Has the president been tipped off? Is a counter coup in the works? Or worse still, are the French negotiating their support for the president? Vacassa orders his soldiers to search for Dacko in the countryside until he's found. An agonizing wait begins. For as long as the president is at large, the coup is incomplete. By this time, Dacko has left his New Year's Eve party and word has reached him about an attempted coup. Astounded, he orders his driver to race back to the capital. But it's too late. Bacassa already has control of the city. His men are everywhere. When a group of soldiers patrolling the streets identify the presidential car, they apprehend the man on the back seat, and the first president of the Central African Republic is placed under arrest. Back at the presidential palace, Bokassa is fretting. There is still no word of Dacko's whereabouts. Standing at the palace gates, he checks his watch, then checks it again. His mouth is dry. His heart races. The wait continues. Eventually, a car comes into sight at the far end of the wide avenue. Picasso begins to smile as the vehicle pulls to a stop. Darko is hauled out by two of his infantrymen. Picasso steps forward, arms open wide, and embraces the president. I tried to warn you. He beams. But now it's too late. At around 2am Picasso and Captain Banza take Dhaka with them to the notorious Ngaragba prison. With Banza waving a pistol menacingly in the face of the prison director, Bakasa makes a spontaneous gesture. He orders the jail to be emptied. Everyone shall be freed. A new beginning for all. The prison gates are flung open. All of the inmates are released into the night. Granted instant clemency to begin the new year, Darko is then taken to Camp Kasai military base. Paralyzed by shock and weeping and trembling uncontrollably, he's forced to resign the presidency. Bokassa's plan is complete. As far as coup d' etats go, this one is relatively bloodless. Throughout the night, eight people are killed in gunfights around Bangui, but very little resistance is offered. In fact, one of the last men to hold out is a lone night watchman at a radio station, bravely firing on soldiers with a bow and.
E
Arrow. So when Bokassa took power in his coup, this was in some ways understandable, but in other ways quite shocking. Here was the sleepy backwater of a place where this dramatic incident takes place. And initially, I think people were surprised, but also saw it as potentially something that would inject a little bit of energy into the country and drive it forward into this independent era with a new kind of discipline that people felt like had been lacking up to that.
A
Point. The following morning, Bokassa takes to Radio Bangi. This is Colonel Bokassa speaking to you, he declares triumphantly. At three o' clock this morning, your army took control of the government. The Dakot government has resigned. The hour of justice is at hand. The bourgeoisie is abolished. He declares himself an undying patriot, a defender of the people. A new era of equality among us all has begun, he says. Central Africans, wherever you may be, be assured that the army will defend you and your property. Long live the Central African Republic. A young nation barely five years old is now in the hands of a military ruler. The age of Passa has begun. In the next episode, a new year brings new beginnings. In the car. President Bokassa attempts to modernize, improving transport, women's rights and even establishing two national orchestras. But at the same time, the mass incarcerations and torture ramp up. Corruption takes hold. And then things get really strange. An imposter infiltrates Bakassa's home life. A bizarre public competition is launched to marry off the president's daughters while the president himself cozies up to Libyan strongman Colonel Gaddafi. That's next time. Don't want to wait? Join Noiser plus and you can listen to the whole Picasso story parts 2 and 3 right now without ads. Just click the Noiser plus banner at the top of the feed or head to noiser.com subscriptions on December 12th.
B
Disney invites you to go behind the scenes with Taylor Swift in an exclusive six episode docu.
J
Series. I wanted to give something to.
I
The fans that they didn't.
A
Expect. The only thing left is to.
B
Close the book the end of an era and don't miss Taylor Swift. The Eras Tour the final show featuring for the first time the tortured poets department. Streaming December 12th only on.
G
Disney. Introducing Taking Share Lessons from Leaders with Rob Holmes, Chairman, President and CEO of Texas Capital. During each episode you will hear from leaders, decision makers and culture shapers across industries. What drives them? What tips the scales when making tough calls? How do they continue to evolve? We're here to understand the thoughts behind their actions and discover how they are taking share. For more information on Texas Capital, please visit us at our.
Host: Paul McGann (NOISER)
Original Release Date: December 17, 2025
This episode explores the rise of Jean-Bédel Bokassa—from his traumatic childhood in colonial Central Africa, through a decorated military career in the French army, and up to his audacious New Year’s Eve coup in 1965 that made him ruler of the Central African Republic. The show weaves personal biography with vivid context on the country’s colonial legacy, political instability, and the slow, troubled path to independence. Expert historians and eyewitnesses provide commentary, setting the stage for Bokassa’s eventual transformation from brutal soldier to self-declared emperor.
On French exploitation:
“As with all colonies in Africa, really, the focus of the French was on the areas where they could extract resources, and then the infrastructure needed to get those resources out.”
— Richard Moncrieff (15:19)
On surviving colonialism:
“In France, they thought that, right, it was only the Belgian Congo who was brutal with rubber collections… But the same was happening in the Central African Republic.”
— Dr. Gino Vlaverno (17:13)
On the trauma of loss:
“At the age of just 6, Bokassa is an orphan, both his parents, in their different ways, the victims of colonial oppression.”
— Paul McGann (22:58)
On the failure of independence:
“The legitimacy basis of the new leaders in 1960 was not that they were democratically elected, but was that they would enact independence in a way that would bring prosperity and freedom to people. And people didn’t see that coming.”
— Richard Moncrieff (39:29)
On the coup:
“I tried to warn you,” [Bokassa] beams. “But now it’s too late.”
— Paul McGann, dramatizing Bokassa’s confrontation with Dacko (57:50)
The episode ends with Bokassa newly installed as military ruler—promising reform, but hinting at the darkness to come.
A teaser for Part 2 promises modernization efforts, mass incarceration, strange personal eccentricities, and closer ties to fellow dictatorial rulers like Libya’s Colonel Gaddafi.
For listeners or readers unfamiliar with Jean-Bédel Bokassa, this episode offers a gripping and multi-layered introduction to both the man and the nation he ruled—setting the stage for one of the strangest and most disturbing careers in 20th-century dictatorship.