Loading summary
Transcript45 lines
- [00:01]
Narrator
Its October 23, 1986 in the dim light of the early morning, a plane swoops down to land at Bangi Airport in the Central African Republic. With a couple of quick bumps, the aircraft comes to a halt on the Runway. On board, passengers unfasten their seat belts, gather their belongings, and shift their way towards the exit. Among them is a man in his 60s. Ostensibly, he's unremarkable, inconspicuous in a dark suit, the brim of his hat shielding his eyes from view. The Central African Republic is his homeland, though it's been many years since he was last here. Once off the plane, the passengers traipse inside the terminal building. There they wait to reclaim their luggage. The man in the hat glances around him, scanning the faces of his fellow travelers. As he does so, he notices several pairs of eyes staring directly back at him. Despite his low key demeanor, he's attracting attention. But then, how could he not? He is the most famous and infamous person in the short, troubled history of this country. More and more people in the crowd recognize who he is. Then somebody says it aloud. It's Bokassa. No one can quite believe it. Jeanbedel Bokassa, the man who once ruled this land, hasn't set foot inside the car for seven years, having been turfed out by a coup. Ever since, he's been living abroad in luxurious but embittered exile. In his absence, Picasso has been found guilty of heinous crimes against his own people, for which he faces the death penalty. For that reason, it's been assumed he would never dare to return. But here he is, unmistakably a lone, aging man stood in an airport waiting for his suitcase. Technically, he's public enemy number one, the most notorious criminal in the nation's history. Yet as his identity is revealed, something extraordinary happens. The people around him begin to shout his name, not in anger, but in joy. He's come home, they say. The boss is back. Picasso beams with delight. It's vindication, proof of what he's always thought. The people love him and it's his destiny to rule over them. Maybe the impossible is within his reach, the chance to defeat his enemies and reclaim his throne. Jean Bedel Bokassa, the once and future emperor. From the Noiser podcast network. This is the final part of the Picasso story. And this is real. Dictatus. Let's wind the clocks back a decade. At the end of our last episode. We left Picasso in December 1976, just after the stunning announcement that he's turning the Central African Republic into the Central African Empire. Now, a year on, he's keen to emulate his hero, Napoleon Bonaparte, and elevate himself to the status of emperor. Despite his nation's ailing economy, Bakassa envisions an expensive, elaborate ceremony in the car's capital city. His preference is to stage it at Bangi's own Notre Dame Cathedral and for it to be officiated by Pope Paul vi. The Vatican quickly rebuffs him. It will have to be Plan B, the city's multipurpose sports stadium. The man chosen to bring the ceremony to life is French sculptor Olivier Breeze. Breeze builds a special workshop near his home in Normandy, where 30 craftsmen execute his design for an enormous throne. They also set about constructing a carriage and the appropriate accoutrement. He purchases an antique coach in Nice and refurbishes it with velvet, gold trim and eagle symbols. He finds eight elegant white horses in Belgium to pull it, as well as a few dozen Normandy greys with the imperial escort. To ensure everything goes to plan, a troupe of Central African soldiers spend the summer in the countryside of northern France learning equestrian skills. On visits to Bangi, Breeze busies himself decorating the stadium with tapestries, curtains and banners in the national colours blue, white, green, yellow and red. The costs mount at breakneck speed. Swathes of the country may be in terrible poverty, but Bokassa needs a coronation fit for an emperor. Damn the expense.
- [05:37]
Historian or Political Analyst
Dr. Gino Vlaboneau, for the coronation to succeed and be as impressive as Bokassa wanted, relied on many items that he couldn't find in the Central African Republic. And some of these items, he had to import them, literally, from France.
- [06:00]
Narrator
Dr. Louisa Lombard.
- [06:02]
Cultural or Social Commentator
The coronation was an amazing blend of all the kind of regal symbolism and pageantry that Bokassa saw as important and worthy, and it involved white horses. You know, this is a kind of regal imagery that we would maybe associate with Europe and European royalty. And similarly, some of these capes that included ermine and furs, which are definitely not appropriate to the climate of the Central African Republic, but are part of the kind of image that I think Bokassa had of what a true leader looks like.
- [06:47]
Narrator
The heat is oppressive in Bangi as guests begin to descend on the empire for the occasion. Unprepared for the humidity, two of the white horses from Europe keel over and die before the coronation. The big day arrives on December 4, 1977. Early in the morning, 60 brand new Mercedes Benz limousines ferry guests along the Bangy boulevards to the coronation venue. By half past eight, all 4,000 are in situ. Entertained by tinny music piped into the sports team over a tannoy system. On a raised platform at one end of the stadium before a sea of blazing red curtains, stands the throne designed by breeze. It's quite the sight. A velvet seat surrounded by a giant golden eagle, its shining wings three and a half meters wide. To the right is a slightly smaller throne reserved for Picassa's wife, soon to be the Empress Catherine. On its left is a stool of gold trimmed crimson velvet for the Crown Prince bosses four year old son Jean Bedel Junior. Just after 10am A marching band is heard in the distance playing a specially composed Imperial march. Two guards dressed in Napoleonic military uniforms bearing the national flag in Imperial Imperial standard make their way up the carpeted aisle. They are followed by the preschool heir apparent, Prince Charmedel in a white naval uniform. The boy's visored cap is far too big for his little head. Slipping this way and that, he looks around, bemused. Next is the Empress Catherine in her shimmering dress of gold lame, dotted with 935,000 seats, sporting a gold laurel wreath on her head. Then the emperor himself strides into the stadium. He wears an ankle length toga style garment decorated with hundreds of thousands of gray and white pearls. There are pearls on his slippers as well. On his hands, white antelope skin gloves and like Catherine, a golden laurel wreath rests on his head. Two of his favorite medals, proudly displayed on his chest, glint in the rising sun. A sword is then handed to him as is a scepter encrusted with gemstones. A whopping 30 foot long velvet and ermine mantle is placed with some difficulty around his shoulders. Finally, Bakassa removes his wreath and plants a heavy gold crown on his own head. A 21 gun salute rattles the windows of the stadium and the audience applauds politely. There is no evident enthusiasm nor spontaneous outbursts of Vive l'. Empereur, as Picasso might have hoped. When the guests file out of the stadium, an orchestra entertains them. Not with traditional local music, but La Cucaracha and songs from the musical Jesus Christ Superstar. More than anything, the coronation has been an exercise in opulence and excess. The throne and golden eagle atop it cost two and a half million dollars. The emperor's costume, designed by the 200-year-old firm which had embroidered Napoleon's uniforms, comes to $145,000. The total jewelry bill is $5 million. More than two hundred and forty tons of food and drink are flown in from Europe for the post coronation banquet at the presidential palace. 40,000 bottles of wine, plus caviar, crayfish, sturgeon, antelope and foie gras. Chivas Regal whiskey, Bacasse's favorite, is in plentiful supply.
- [11:02]
Historian or Political Analyst
He was just projecting power. He was projecting obedience, he was projecting strength, and he was also putting the country on the map for his coronation. People in Bangui were kind of in awe of what was in front of them, but they couldn't really be against what was happening.
- [11:29]
Narrator
It's estimated that the total cost of the coronation comes in somewhere in the region of $25 million. A staggering outlay considering that the majority of the empire's citizens survive on less than $1 a day. But intriguingly, it's actually France who pays for most of it. Keen to ensure that Bakassa cuts ties with Libyan leader Colonel Wamar Gaddafi and keen to secure Central African uranium deposits for itself, South Korea, desperate for diplomatic support in its bitter rivalry with the communists to the north, sends a $50,000 cash donation. The empire's private companies are all pressured to make appropriate donations, knowing that their future depends on it. International press reports have been amused, sarcastic or disapproving. Le Monde describes a tragicomic surrealist spectacle, a caricature of French colonization and history. In London, the Sunday Times awards Picassar an Oscar for bad taste. It's no different in Africa. Kenya's Sunday Nation calls the coronation Picasso's clowning glory. But for all the undeniable oddness and egocentrism, the coronation can also be seen as a response to the immense challenges that Central Africans face in a post colonial world.
- [13:01]
Historian or Political Analyst
It's actually kind of a shame that the view that we have of the event is almost entirely French. It was one of these few moments where Central Africans got to shine on the international scene, but not necessarily for all the good reasons, because it was also obvious that this country was trying to, I guess, begin its development, but nothing that substantial to show for it. So the coronation was kind of covering it, of kind of masquerading this.
- [13:45]
Narrator
Richard Moncrief.
- [13:48]
Expert on African Politics or Historian
This very strange ceremony does represent some of the dilemmas and difficulties of nation building. With almost no material to build a nation with, and therefore over relying on symbols because you lack the material means to build the institutions that comprise modern countries, monarchical or imperial power is a kind of shortcut to confirming their power. In a way, it's no more fanciful to pronounce yourself the emperor of Central African Republic than it is to pronounce yourself the elected head of Central African Republic. In a way, they're both rather fanciful ideas in the end, because the country has a short idea unstable history, so there's very little more solid to rely on.
- [14:42]
Narrator
Despite invitations, almost no foreign leaders attend the event. The only aristocrat to accept is Prince Emmanuel of Liechtenstein. The prime minister of Mauritius is the most prominent politician who attends. Even French President Valerie Gist Gardestin, the emperor's hunting buddy, gives the coronation a mission. This episode is sponsored by Rocket Money. Managing your finances takes time. Canceling old subscriptions, tracking expenses, and sticking to a budget. Luckily, Rocket Money does the heavy lifting for you, automatically finding you ways to save and simplifying the process. Less stress, more free time, and a clearer path towards financial freedom all in one app Rocket Money is a personal finance app that helps find and cancel your unwanted subscriptions, monitors your spending, and helps lower your bills so you can grow your savings. And if you've got a goal you'd like to save for, Rocket Money can analyze your accounts to find the best time each month to put extra money aside. Rocket Money has saved users over $2.5 billion, including over $880 million in canceled subscriptions alone. Their 10 million members save up to $740 a year when they use all of the app's premium features. Cancel your unwanted subscriptions and reach your financial goals faster with Rocket Money. Go to RocketMoney.com dictators today. That's RocketMoney.com dictators RocketMoney.com dictators if you've shopped online, chances are you've bought from a business powered by Shopify. You know that purple shop pay button you see at checkout? The one that makes buying so incredibly easy? That's Shopify. And there's a reason so many businesses sell with it. Because Shopify makes it incredibly easy to start and run your business. Shopify is the commerce platform behind 10% of all e commerce in the U.S. sign up for your $1 per month trial and start selling today at shopify.com promo. Go to shopify.com. nevertheless, Jean Bedel Bokassa, or His Imperial Majesty Bokassa I, Apostle of Peace and servant of Jesus Christ, Emperor and Marshal of Central Africa, as he is now known, is buoyant. He claims that creating an imperial monarchy will help Central Africa stand out from the rest of the continent. But the shift from republic to empire makes little difference to most Central Africans struggling to make ends meet. Indeed, the imperial economy is in rapid decline. Diamond, coffee and cotton production is falling precipitously, and the national Debt stands at around $280 million, about five years of national revenue. Spiralling, inflation is hitting incomes, and civil servants have not been paid for months.
- [17:50]
Cultural or Social Commentator
The financial consequences of his economic mismanagement spell started to be felt in these very essential pocketbook ways by many, many Central Africans, and particularly by young Central Africans who had perhaps come up in the era that he had created of having a sense that there was some future for them in the country. People did not have much scope for protest. One of the things that he did was build up the military and kind of security services, police, particularly the ones who were his close guard. And protest was not part of the picture of this beautiful Central African dream that he was trying to build.
- [18:31]
Narrator
The spectacle of the coronation might suggest that Makassar's grip on power is secure. Yet there are those who challenge his supremacy. Not figures within the military or any established political faction, but school children. Over more than a decade in power, Bakassar has sponsored the establishment of a number of secondary schools and founded the country's first university in bangi. Throughout the 1970s, there have been only occasional strikes and uprisings among the student body. But in 1977, the emperor expresses dissatisfaction with the nation's secondary school exam results, which he attributes to laziness and a lack of discipline. His solution is to introduce a universal school uniform. During visits to China and other communist states, Bakassa has been impressed by the discipline and attire of parading school children, something which he believes holds the key to raising standards in Central African education. So on February 2, 1978, the education ministry makes a sudden announcement. As of October 1, uniforms will be required for all primary and secondary students in the empire. Girls are to wear navy dresses and boys, dark blue trousers with light blue short sleeved shirts. Those failing to abide by the new dress code will be excluded from class. The announcement neglects to mention that the uniforms will be manufactured by a company run by one of Picasso's wives, and they will be sold in shops belonging to the emperor himself. Thus, Bakassa will reform the school system and turn a profit at the same time. For many Central Africans, the scheme is intolerable.
- [20:33]
Cultural or Social Commentator
During the 1970s, as the central African economy was dwindling, Bokassa was living more and more lavishly, and he was passing on the costs to Central Africans. Most Central Africans, both then and now, feed themselves to a large extent from crops that they grow themselves. So in that respect, they have a lot of challenges to deal with. But rising prices are a little bit less important because they're not buying all of their food, some of it. They are growing, at least. But when it comes to things like school fees and school uniforms, those are costs that all Central Africans who dream of a future for their children, well, they're going to have to pay those school fees and going to have to pay for those school uniforms. And the prices of these school uniforms became exorbitant during this time.
- [21:24]
Narrator
Piles of uniforms lie unpurchased in Bakassa's shops. When the schools reopen for a new term, only a small minority wear the attire decreed by their emperor. Nothing much happens until a couple of months later, in January 1979, when secondary schools in Bangi suddenly refuse admission to students who are not in uniform. The protests begin. School pupils are joined by university students and a mass demonstration is arranged. On 19 January 1979, 3,000 students of all ages gather at the university in Bangi. Megaphones blare and chanted slogans fill the air. At 10am the demonstrators arrive at the presidential palace, lining up face to face with a menacing cordon of soldiers. Things get tense. The inexperienced guards begin to break up the demonstration with batons. Students scatter out into the city, smashing the windows of offices and shops, including the Emperor's clothing store. By 11:30am the police and military have restored order downtown. But the suburbs are a different story. There, students are joined by disaffected workers. The atmosphere is febrile. Cars are overturned and tree trunks laid out as barricades. At his palace in Berengo, Makassar is incensed. He sends his elite Imperial Guard into action, airlifting 135 men to the capital, heavily armed with Kalashnikov assault rifles. The Emperor himself dons combat gear and drives to the front line to take command. At midnight, Picassa addresses the nation on the radio, calling for the return of peace. But it's not until the following afternoon that Bangi is back under control. A day later, the school uniform regulation is quietly dropped. The government admits that six people have died and 60 injured in the fighting. It's likely those numbers are far higher. Crucially, the French government still backs Picasso. But among the people, the bloody reprisals are not easily forgotten. When schools and colleges reopen, many teachers and professors refuse to attend, leading to further strikes, arrests and boycotts. Pacing the marble halls of his imperial court, Picasso resolves to act decisively. Arrests will be carried out, examples made, punishments administered, a strongman's response. A dragnet is pulled through the local schools, and by the morning of April 18, the police stations of Bangi are stuffed with prison prisoners. Many are sent to the feared Ngaragba prison.
- [24:35]
Cultural or Social Commentator
Ngaragba is like the prison in the Central African Republic and it continues to be a place that elicits a shudder because it is terribly under resourced, decrepit. It was built for about 350 prisoners and has frequently throughout its history housed, you know, more than 2,000. So it's really quite a bleak place.
- [25:05]
Narrator
It's April 18, 1979. 18 year old student Simon Judy is being pushed up the concrete steps in one of the wings among Garagba. Earlier today, he was swept up by the Imperial Guard along with dozens of others. The students were stripped naked, forced to lie on the ground and beaten by the guards. Now Simon and around 40 other detainees are crammed into a tiny windowless cell. There's barely any room to move. Sama struggling to breathe, according to Simon. At around 10pm A familiar gruff voice echoes down the corridor. It's Emperor Boassa himself and he's in a rare fury. He growls at the terrified youths. Now I will teach you a lesson. The cell's steel door is forced open. Simon, whose arm is already broken, watches on in horror as Picasso begins thrashing the students in front of him. With his ivory encrusted cane, the Emperor kills several young boys by striking them viciously on the back of the skull. Simon can do no more than lay still, playing dead. Finally, Bokassa leaves. Simon listens, his heart pounding. The screams emanate from the other cells down the corridor. At 5:30 in the morning, when the cell doors are opened, many of the students are dead, suffocated in the crush or succumbing to the beatings. The remaining inmates at the prison load the bodies onto a truck to be taken away for secret burial. Throughout the morning, parents turn up at the Presidential palace demanding to know the whereabouts of their children. But government representatives feign ignorance. In the wake of the protests and violence, Emperor Bokassa declares a national day of peace. But reports of the Nguragba massacre fly around the world. On May 14, Amnesty International releases a report which includes sickening testimonies of the abuses. It's particularly embarrassing to Perkasa's champion, French president Valerie Giscard d'. Estaing. Under pressure from France, Bokassa agrees to cooperate fully with a five nation African commission that is set up to ascertain the truth. The investigators find terror to be widespread in the empire. Often they must interview witnesses secretly in bars and back streets beyond the reach of Bokassa's agents.
- [27:57]
Cultural or Social Commentator
There were quite a lot of stories of Bokassa being personally involved in the physical punishment of people who were being held. The most lurid of these involved charges like cannibalism. That he had a refrigerator or freezer that was full of human flesh from the people he had executed, that he had crocodiles that were at the ready to dispose of the bodies of people who he had killed or who he wanted to get rid of.
- [28:30]
Narrator
The emperor is beset by problems. The repression of his regime is under increasing scrutiny. The coffers are empty and his subjects are far from supportive. Then the defections begin. Bakasse's cousin David Dacko, whom he ousted as president in his coup d' etat and who served as a reluctant advisor since the end of 1976, escapes to France. The empire's ambassador in Paris resigns, citing Bacasse's personal involvement in the violence at Ngaragba. The French government send word that the game is up. The forthcoming report will implicate him directly in the massacre. It's time for the emperor to step aside. An indignant Bacassar responds that Central African affairs are no longer controlled by foreign powers. He won't be going anywhere.
- [29:28]
Historian or Political Analyst
This whole France, Africa dynamic, where they could say, oh, Central African Republic is part of our former colony where we still exercise power and control, we were starting seeing cracks in that system. The French, I think, realized that they couldn't predict the next move of Bokassa. Bokassa is not someone that we think we can entirely control.
- [29:59]
Narrator
Two weeks later, the 133 page report is released. The commission has managed to gather photographs, testimonies, death certificates and a list of those killed by the security forces. It estimates that at least 150 people of all ages die in the jury. Three witnesses say Bakassa personally joined in the maiming and killing at Angaragba in April. According to the report, of the 250 students detained, between 50 and 200 died. Bakassa is now a serious liability to President Jiska. The French media label the Emperor as the Butcher of Bangui, pressurizing their government to withdraw support. With Borkassa refusing to leave power voluntarily, the French begin to plot his overthrow. Giscar and his advisors decide to reinstall the former president David Dacko, now exiled in France. The trouble is, Dacko is weak, nervous and in poor health. Even as president, he never inspired confidence as a leader. But French officials visit him regularly to flatter him into agreeing to come to his country's aid and eventually he concedes.
- [31:23]
Historian or Political Analyst
Dacko says he wasn't too sure if they will go back to power, but at the same time he did not want Bokassa to continue on his trajectory, so something needed to be done.
- [31:40]
Cultural or Social Commentator
It's not just French colonialism, it's also a little bit of a sense of responsibility as well. Now, was this also beneficial to them as they saw it? Well, yes, but they sort of saw it more as a doubly beneficial kind of move to remove Bokassa from power and put in place someone who would be more reasonable, which also meant somebody who would be more amenable to taking direction and advice from the French.
- [32:10]
Narrator
This December on the Noiser Podcast Network, it's a busy month with the launch of a brand new show. Join Sir David Suchet for Charles Dickens Ghost Stories, a selection of Dickens most spine tingling tales. In Jane Austen stories, Pride and Prejudice concludes when all's said and done, will pride get in the way of true love? Short History of takes us onto the historic canals of Venice and beyond the courtrooms of the Nuremberg trials. Unreal Survival Stories will follow an emergency chopper as it goes down in the Labrador Sea and traverse the mountain bike trails of Patagonia. In Sherlock Holmes Short Stories, Holmes unpicks a mysterious string of sculpture. Related crimes in the Adventure of the Six Napoleons and Real Dictators returns with the extraordinary story of Jean Bedel Bokassa. Get all of these shows and more early and ad free on noiserplus. And if you're still on the hunt for Christmas presents, then why not grab a copy of A Short History of Ancient Rome, available in all good bookshops. Darko is moved into an apartment just off the Champs Elysees and told to await further instructions. Then an opportunity presents itself. In September, Bokassa flies to Libya for talks with his old pal Colonel Gaddafi. With the Emperor away from Central Africa, it's the perfect time to launch Operation Barracuda, the overthrow of Bakassa. Events unfold rapidly in Paris. A grey Citron pulls up opposite Dacko's apartment and an agent steps out of the vehicle. A trembling Dacko is taken to a nearby airbase and flown down to the Spanish border, where two airplanes are ready for takeoff. Already on board are France's finest special operations forces. The paratroopers play cards and study maps of Bangui as Dacko, ashen faced, sits silently in a corner of the cockpit. The planes touch down at Bangi airport in the dead of night. Minutes later, the paratroopers are in the terminal building building the astonished night Guards put up no resistance. With the airport secured, the French special forces climb into armored vehicles and head out into the night to discreetly occupy strategic locations across the city. Dacko remains at the airport, fidgeting and asking questions about the progress of the mission. His mind does ignore him. Finally, word comes through that the Central African soldiers have surrendered. Bangi has been taken. Darko is driven to the radio station. At 10 minutes to midnight, he announces that the reign of Bokassa is over. In less than an hour, the Central African empire has fallen without a shot fired in its defense. At 2:30am, a bleary eyed Bacassar is roused in his Libyan hotel room. He's informed about reports of a coup in Bangi supported by the French. Flabbergasted, Bakassa asks to see Gaddafi. But the Libyan leader can't be reached. The ousted emperor mulls his options. He cannot possibly return to Bangui. There's only one thing for it. He must go to France and hole up in one of his several chateaux. The irony is deep and strange. Bacassa is fleeing to the old colonial power in whose army he served for decades and who propped up his regime. Yet it is France that is also now responsible for his downfall. Although everything has gone to plan so far for the French, Bokassa's sudden arrival in their airspace is a spanner in the works. As the imperial plane approaches Orly airport, permission to land is denied. The pilot heads for another airfield, but the message is the same there too. Dismayed, Bokassa threatens air traffic controllers that he will land the jet on a highway. Several panicked phone calls later, permission to land is granted. At Ebruh military base west of Paris, armed soldiers immediately surround the aircraft. Nobody can disembark. The mood is tense. President Giscar is desperate not to accept his former friend in France. Vacassa is too much of a liability. French diplomatic staff begin to offer the unwanted guest. Around Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and several African countries are approached, but all refuse. Finally, there's a taker. President Felix Ufwedbuani of the Ivory coast has agreed to take in the former emperor as an act of, quote, Christian charity.
- [37:28]
Cultural or Social Commentator
Once Bokassa was removed, his stock was pretty low. But he was not completely without friends. And I think other African leaders, even those who thought that he had gone too far, felt like, you know, they have to look out for their own at least a little bit. And that was part of why he was able to stay in Ivory Coast.
- [37:47]
Narrator
By midday, Bakassa is settling into his new home. A spacious mansion overlooking the wealthiest suburb of the Ivory Coast's capital city, Abidjan. Back in Bangi, Bokassa's empire is being stripped for parts. Gangs of youths roam the city, jubilantly tearing down the numerous statues of the emperor. They find the imperial throne and rip out its velvet upholstery. The imperial carriage is pulled through the streets, locals kicking it as it passes. The carriage ends up twisted and broken in a residential district, becoming a curious climbing frame for local children. Before long, the only real reminders of the imperial age are the three triumphal arches constructed for the coronation. Most foreigners leave Bangi as quickly as possible. Meanwhile, the French forces remain in the CAR to support the restored Dako government, but not before they've taken a look around for themselves. Four Puma helicopters fly a squadron of curious paratroopers to Barengo. They stroll around the deserted palace, taking away the coronation paraphernalia, as well as cash, diamonds and jewelry. They also remove a dossier of 40 letters from President Giscard. At another imperial residence, they discover that Picasso has transformed one room into a personal museum, featuring souvenirs of his military career and trips abroad. While all this is happening, a rumor spreads that during their ransacking, the French have discovered two bodies trussed up in a walk in freezer, apparently awaiting the attentions of the imperial cook. It's also alleged that human bones have been found at the bottom of a pond, the remains of enemies whom Picasso fed to the crocodiles. For many, these outlandish claims are hard to swallow. And yet still the cannibalism allegations quickly find their way into the international press, much to Bokassa's fury.
- [40:13]
Historian or Political Analyst
The cannibalism charges were so sensational that lots of people talked about it, and still in some circle, talk about it. But it was never proven, so I wouldn't give much steam to that rumor or stereotype. But it kind of helped him, being seen, right, as this kind of brutal person during his power.
- [40:49]
Narrator
Exiled in Abidjan, Makassar largely remains indoors, wallowing in depression and despair at the sudden loss of everything dear to him. Not that he's totally bereft of other comforts. Free of charge, his meals are wheeled over to his villa each day from a nearby hotel. He's brought steak, fried potatoes, Camembert and Beaujolais, some of his favorites. Unable to make withdrawals from his European bank accounts, he lives on his monthly pension of 6,000 francs from the French army. Bokassa broods over his betrayal by Giscar. The French president continues to distance himself from the former emperor. But in October 1979, reports emerge that remind everyone how close Giska once was to the fearsome dictator, as well as their numerous hunting trips together. It's uncovered that Giscar received an extravagant gift from Bokassa, $250,000 worth of diamonds. The president tries to dismiss the whole affair, but the revelations torpedo his reputation, playing a key role in him losing his re election bid in 1981. Bokassa is delighted. Jiskar betrayed me, he tells those around him. But now we're on the same footing. It draws a line under the complex relationship between these two powerful men. In many ways a relationship that encapsulates the messy ties left between France and its former colony.
- [42:27]
Expert on African Politics or Historian
The figure of Bokassa was used in different ways. In some circles in France, that was a way of confirming that France should never have left and that what France was doing was right, because those who followed the French rule were unable to run the country properly. For other people, the very presence of Bacassar in power was demonstration that the French would not allow an educated and independence minded elite to emerge and was actively trying to block that elite and were impeding the development of the country by placing inept leaders and therefore blocking more competent leadership in these countries.
- [43:16]
Narrator
For a time, Vacassa enjoys the public downfall of his erstwhile French ally. But what the former emperor doesn't know is that he is about to receive some bad news of his own. Now it seems there are fingers pointing at him. Back in the car, it's announced that Picasse is to face a series of charges, lurid, damaging, horrific charges of murder, embezzlement and cannibalism. Bakassar is tried in absentia. Seemingly he's eager to be there to clear his name in court. But the dacko government won't allow it. With Picassa back in the country and on the stand, chaos is sure to follow. The objective of this trial is not so much to hold the accused to account, but to banish him to the past. The trial begins on December 19, 1980, in the very stadium where just three years earlier he'd crowned himself Emperor. But if anything, this lacks the seriousness of that dubious occasion. There are no cross examinations or lawyers for their defense. The atmosphere is one of excitement, even celebration. The 50 witnesses are able to speak totally freely, to make sometimes wild accusations without fear of reprisals or contradiction. Even the more credible witnesses are often vague or non committal. Very little documentary evidence is produced to back up their claims. The cannibalism charge results in the most extraordinary testimony of all. An aging military man called Philippe Linguissa claims to have been threatened by Bokassa with a revolver and ordered to cook a man's body from the freezer by stuffing it with rice and onions. He even claims that at one point the body sat up and pointed at him, causing him to yelp and stuff it back in the oven. As spurious as such claims appear to be, these new charges of cannibalism captured the attention of those following the case, especially Western journalists.
- [45:37]
Expert on African Politics or Historian
Picasso is one of the leaders who, like many others, were vilified in the west for being caricatures of dictatorship. There's a real person and there's a real history here, but there's also so many myths this is wrapped up with. Like India, Amin in Uganda, and like other prominent African post colonial leaders, there's a sense of attraction and repulsion that the international audience has towards these figures.
- [46:04]
Narrator
Only four days into the trial, Makassar is declared guilty and handed a death sentence. Still exiled in the Ivory coast, he remains safe from execution. Yet the verdict and sentence infuriate him. In February 1981, Dacko manages to pass a new constitution modelled on that of France. Elections follow in March, which Dacko wins with just over half the vote. But he never really has the country on his side. Chaos is rife and law and order becomes the primary concern. Some even yearn for the early years of Picassa. Early in the morning on September 1, several hundred soldiers under General Andrei Colimba's command surround the presidential palace. They demand Dacko resign, and he accepts all too readily. Power passes to Kulingba in Abidjan. Bakassar has been moved to a larger house where he lives with 15 of his children. For a man with a death sentence hanging over him, he moves around very freely. Through his nightclubbing, he meets a young Ivorian partner who duly gives birth to another daughter. But she soon leaves him driven away by his erratic moods. Most evenings, Picasso makes the rounds of his favorite bars and usually finds someone to listen to his anecdotes. To fill the daytime hours, he walks his dogs and reads the papers. The afternoons are spent napping, readying himself for another night on the town. A return to Bangi looks almost impossible for the time being. He has no passport, but he does have an Ivorian identity card. His occupation is listed as ex Emperor. Bokassa complains bitterly over what he calls his imprisonment in Abidjan. The Ivorian government isn't too happy about the situation either. They continually pressure France to relieve them of their unwanted and unwilling guests. Until eventually, on December 4, 1981, Bacasse is escorted aboard an Air Afrique flight to Paris. He takes up residence at Chateau Adricourt where a heavy contingent of plain clothes police officers man the gates. Inside, Picasso puts up huge portraits of the Empress Catherine and Jean Bedel Jr. A bust of Napoleon. Napoleon assumes pride of place in the main living room, but the Emperor has few sources of funding available to him. As winter sets in, Bokassa fears that the cost of heating his chateau will be beyond him. In December, the water is cut off as he slips into debt. In January, the telephone goes dead.
- [49:14]
Cultural or Social Commentator
VRBO Last minute deals make chasing fresh mountain powder incredibly easy. With thousands of homes close to the slopes, you can easily get epic Pow freshies, first tracks and more. No need for months of planning. In fact, you can't even plan. Pow Pow is on its own schedule. Thankfully somewhere in the world it's always snowing. All you have to do is use the last minute filter on the app to book a last minute deal on on a slope side private rental home. Book now@verbo.com meet the computer you can talk to with Copilot on Windows Working, creating and collaborating is as easy as talking. Got writer's block? Share your screen with Copilot Vision to help spark inspiration and use Copilot voice to have a conversation and brainstorm ideas. Or maybe you need some tech help with Copilot Vision. Copilot sees what you see. Let Copilot Copilot talk you through step by step guidance so you can master new apps, games and skills faster. Try now@windows.com copilot.
- [50:14]
Narrator
Rather optimistically, he appeals to the United Nations, Pope John Paul II and even Amnesty International for help. He is roundly ignored. So Bosa takes matters into his own hands. He sources a Central African passport made out in the name of Christian Sole, a former international footballer. This in hand, he slips out of the chateau and is driven to Brussels airport. As he flies out, he's barely recognized this deposed emperor sitting in tourist class. After a connection in Rome, Bokassa is well and truly on his way home. And at dawn on October 23, 1986, he peers down through dense fog over Bangi as the plane descends. After a long and painful seven year absence, Bokassa sets foot in the Central African Republic once more. It's while he stood at the baggage carousel at his presence starts to create a hubbub. Points and gasps are followed by cheers and chanting of his name. Bacassar is in his element, buoyed by the acclaim of the people, his people. But the triumph is short lived. A squadron of French soldiers is hastily dispatched to the airport, where they find Bacassa still in the terminal building, chatting amiably to admirers. The soldiers bundle him into a blue Peugeot to be taken to the Camp de Rou. Finally, Bokassa's fate is announced, as is the right of anybody convicted in absentia in the car. The former emperor shall stand trial once more, this time in person. There are 14 charges in total. Proceedings will be broadcast live over the radio so that the entire nation can listen to hundreds of journalists arrive in Bangi to cover the trial. Things kick off at noon on November 26, 1986. Bakassar appears before a packed courtroom wearing a dark grey suit and striped silk tie. Most Central Africans have not seen their empress since his exile. He has aged visibly, his hair and beard now gray. The trial drags on for months. Day after day, the court hears gruesome details of repression and torture. Early in March, the trial turns to the most anticipated charge, particularly among European journalists. Cannibalism. Many of the same witnesses who testified in 1980 take the stand again. Under sharp questioning from the defense, these stories now fall apart.
- [53:23]
Cultural or Social Commentator
That charge of cannibalism was actually made up by a French mercenary who had spent time in the Central African Republic at that time, and so was known to be someone in the know. And when he got back to France, he made up all sorts of stories to tell to the French press. And these were stories about cannibalism and other depravities.
- [53:45]
Narrator
Ultimately, Akasa is found not guilty of cannibalism. But the other accusations against him cannot be dismissed. On 12 June, he is found guilty of complicity in at least 20 murders. His old also guilty of embezzling around $10 million from the state. Then comes the sentence, death by firing squad, to be carried out in Ngaragba prison. In court, Bakassa retains his composure. A knowing smile plays on his lips. He'd expected nothing less, However, on February 29, 1988, he receives a reprieve from President Kolingba, who was opposed to capital punishment. Instead, Bakassa now faces life imprisonment with hard labour in his cell at Camp de Roof. Picasso rarely receives visitors. He's allowed books and the occasional newspaper, but has no access to a radio. In his old age, religion becomes a major comfort. He comes to consider himself an apostle of Christ.
- [55:16]
Historian or Political Analyst
Towards the end of his life, he was born again as a Christian. I do have this image in my head of him being in white clothes with a big cross and a Bible and of preaching the word of God.
- [55:32]
Narrator
On September 1, 1993, President Kalingba decides to release thousands of political prisoners in a general amnesty. Among them is Bokassa, free from prison after around half a decade. Ultimately, he's sent to live under house arrest in a crumbling villa where he's visited infrequently by a few relatives and a acquaintances. His final few years are largely solitary. On November 3, 1996, Picasso, aged 75, dies of a heart attack. He is survived by 17 wives and probably hundreds of children. The former Empress Catherine lives quietly in the car, and Bacassa's offspring are spread the world over. In 1998, one is found homeless, wandering the streets of Paris. Another ends up in jail on firearms charges. At Barengo, Bacassa's former imperial court, his tomb is today covered in bathroom tiles and sheltered by six concrete pillars supporting a dented steel roof. The resting places of many of his victims will never be known. Since his downfall, the CAR has suffered economic turmoil and civil wars, leading to the death and displacement of hundreds of thousands of people. Today, nearly three quarters of Central Africans are in poverty.
- [57:13]
Cultural or Social Commentator
In the Central African Republic. Now, yes, there is a president. However, there are so many different actors in the country who all have taken on different kinds of governing authorities. You have mercenaries organized by Russia. You have a giant United nations mission that's in the country. You have different diplomats who are in the country. You have Rwandan soldiers who are in the country. You have this whole mishmash of different actors who are all playing a pretty important role in Central African politics. And it's never really clear who actually is really in charge. And that's very different from the era of Bokassa, when he was able to stand forward as this kind of visionary leader. A visionary leader whose effects and ability to build institutions turned out to be very small. But nonetheless, I think that's part of why he still holds a lot of appeal for Central Africans, because he was the one time when they felt like they had a chance of sort of stand. Standing on their own feet. And that possibility now seems kind of further away than ever.
- [58:19]
Narrator
Despite Bakassa's catalog of crimes, some older Central Africans look back on his dictatorship, or at least the early part of it, as the good old days. Relatively speaking, the most prosperous and secure period in the country's history. Much of the car's dilapidated infrastructure dates from that time, including the airport, many of the schools, the university, and the television station, the period where he was.
- [58:48]
Historian or Political Analyst
In power could definitely be seen as one of the most stable and hopeful. Right. The university. The bungee is still standing. And it's a reminder all the time that without Bokassa, we wouldn't have a national university in this country.
- [59:16]
Narrator
In 2010, CAR President Francois Bozize attempts to rehabilitate Bokassa, describing him as someone who built the country, but we have destroyed what he built. A fair description of a man who attempted to modernize his homeland in impossible circumstances, or a blinkered, rose tinted view of a tyrant who committed appalling crimes against his own people. Somehow with Bokassa, all seems true at once.
- [59:50]
Cultural or Social Commentator
Bokassa's legacy is primarily in the stories that people tell about him and perhaps in the fantasies that they have about him. And for me, when I see some of the buildings that were built under his tenure, and the most notable one, in my opinion is the Ministry of Foreign affairs, which looks like a flying saucer, it makes me think that there was once a time in the Central African Republic's history when the leaders were able to dream big. And nowadays I think there are a lot of people who feel like if Bokassa had had a little bit more time or if circumstances had been slightly different, then he would have been able to realize that dream, that promise of making this into a great country. But of course he didn't.
- [60:38]
Historian or Political Analyst
So he's not necessarily remembered for all the brutal things, not necessarily remembered for the Nkaragba massacre, not necessarily remembered for how he killed his friends who could threaten his power, or how he removed Kaku from power. But as someone who's strong, fearless and initiated development project for the country is something that is missing, that people are asking. Central Africans are still longing for a big or grand project that will give them hope.
- [61:33]
Narrator
Thanks for listening to the Bakassa story. Real dictators will be back soon as we travel to Yugoslavia for the story of Marshal Tito. That's next time. Stay tuned.