The AIAC Podcast – "Nepal's Gen Z Reckoning"
Host: William Shoki
Guest: Faizy Ishmael (Political Scientist, Goldsmiths, University of London)
Release Date: September 26, 2025
Overview
This episode explores Nepal’s dramatic, youth-led uprising in September 2025, a political convulsion that, within two days, saw the collapse of a ruling coalition and signaled a major rupture with decades-old political elites. Host William Shoki speaks with Faizy Ishmael, a Nepal politics expert, to unpack the roots of this Gen Z-driven movement, the disappointment with post-Maoist revolutionary promises, and the possibilities and pitfalls for Nepal’s left. The conversation weaves together historical context, socioeconomic crises, state repression, and the evolving role of digital activism.
Key Discussion Points & Insights
1. Setting the Scene: Why Did Nepal’s Youth Revolt?
[04:51–09:09]
- The immediate trigger was a dramatic government announcement to ban 26 social media sites (Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp included), ostensibly to protect national interests.
- The ban followed years of growing resentment:
- Elite corruption and inequality grew unchecked.
- Nepal’s first billionaire emerged amid widespread poverty.
- The country’s dependence on remittances persisted, offering subsistence, not transformation.
- “Of course Nepal is famously a remittance dependent country... but that has kept people surviving, but it hasn’t really massively changed people’s lives.” – Faizy Ishmael [07:39]
- The ban backfired, sparking spontaneous, leaderless protests—especially among urban Gen Z—that quickly escalated into an all-encompassing outpouring against failed promises by Nepal’s major parties: the Nepali Congress, UML (Unified Marxist Leninist), and Maoists.
2. The Structure of Discontent: Nepali Political Economy
[10:43–18:18]
- Downwardly Mobile Youth: Massive investment in education (often funded by remittances), but the job market was unable to absorb new graduates, creating a large, frustrated, downwardly mobile class.
- “There is a jobs crisis. There isn’t enough employment to absorb this hugely educated section of society.” – Faizy [11:27]
- Industry withered due to privatization and liberalization (1990s onward), limiting employment options and fostering mass labor migration abroad.
- The government’s apparent indifference and clampdown on political dissent further deepened generational anger.
3. A Broken Revolutionary Promise: From Maoist War to Elite Rule
[18:18–31:00]
- The late 20th century saw mass mobilization, a Maoist insurgency (1996–2006), and the abolition of the monarchy—putatively revolutionary moments.
- However, after coming to power in 2008, Maoists and other leftist parties failed to deliver structural transformation. Instead, they became increasingly enmeshed in corruption and elite power games.
- “The Maoists capitalized on a massive gap between expectation and reality... but the leadership became as corrupt as the parties before them.” – Faizy [24:46]
- Key turning points:
- 2006 peace deal brokered by India (marked a strategic shift).
- Increasing Indian (and later Chinese and US) influence constraining domestic policies.
4. Why This Moment Feels Different
[31:00–40:07]
- A new “vacuum of legitimacy”: the recent uprising exposed the deep, now near-universal disillusionment with all main parties and their constantly revolving elite leaders.
- State response was to restore order (military, a technocratic interim prime minister, plans for new elections), but public trust is shattered.
- External actors (India, China, US) are jockeying for influence, often through key ministries.
- Social media magnified inequalities: youth saw elite lifestyles online, stoking outrage.
- “People are constantly seeing the sons and daughters of politicians flaunting their wealth... it generates a level of disgust and anger.” – Faizy [36:32]
- Caution about confusing Gen Z protesters with smaller groups behind acts of violence during the unrest.
5. The Digital Catalyst: Social Media, Urban-Rural Dynamics & Movement Structure
[40:07–49:58]
- Digital platforms became new organizing tools, especially in urban centers, yet internet/mobile penetration is significant even in rural areas (about 75% have mobile phones, >50% have internet).
- Resentment with urban elites is shared by rural populations, who endure labor shortages, feminization of agriculture, and little benefit from decades of governance.
- The movement is leaderless and structureless—both a strength (broad participation, hard to co-opt) and a potential weakness (lack of concrete strategy, risk of demobilization).
- “The movement itself is leaderless. It’s not... there’s no structure. And in that situation, I think that’s problematic.” – Faizy [47:54]
6. The Challenge for Nepal’s Left: Fragmentation, Distrust & The Search for Unity
[49:58–60:18]
- No single left formation (especially outside parliament) has managed to forge a credible, national approach to channel the new mood.
- Multiple smaller left parties are active (often focused on specific issues like microcredit/loan sharking), but face challenges of funding, outreach, and mutual trust.
- Caution about equating anti-corruption demands with deeper social transformation: “It isn’t just about corruption... it’s not that easy.”
- The left is racing against both elite self-reassertion and a possible reactionary, pro-monarchy backlash.
7. The Dilemma of Left Renewal: Ideological & Programmatic Questions
[60:18–80:43]
- Extra-parliamentary left: a dozen or more small parties with roots in splits from mainstream Maoists, seeking a return to “real” class politics, but hampered by sectarianism and lack of unity.
- Many believe it’s critical to go beyond past “betrayals of class struggle” by the official left.
- On the vacuum: “If the left doesn't fill the vacuum, I think the right of course will, or the status quo will just reassert itself.” – Faizy [67:04]
- Public is less interested in left/right labels than in trust and concrete delivery.
- Structural reform requires more than symbolic measures; it demands robust, connected organizing that can adapt to complex geopolitical and economic realities.
8. What Would Radical Transformation Require?
[69:05–80:43]
- Genuine redistribution requires more progressive taxation, anti-corruption, industrial policy, investment in agriculture, and a rebalancing of foreign relations (maintaining nonalignment, ensuring aid is on Nepal’s terms).
- “It’s not that there isn’t stuff going on... people have been politicized. They see the poverty, they see, you know, life not getting better... but they’re also deeply disillusioned with... political parties.” – Faizy [48:45]
- The current moment is described as an uprising, not a revolution: unlike 1990 or 2006 (which restructured the state), this event toppled a government but didn’t yet change political structures.
- Any future administration will face huge obstacles: global economic instability, domestic joblessness, and the constant shadow of Indian, Chinese, and US interests.
- Historic lesson: only by remaining connected with mass movements and everyday demands can a transformative government avoid reproducing the past failures.
Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments
-
On the “trigger” for revolt:
“The social media ban... was the kind of trigger, but it... exploded decades of anger and resentment at the political elite.” – Faizy [05:08] -
On Gen Z’s decisive role:
“You do have this... downwardly mobile young people who are starved of economic opportunities... who look at a political elite that is largely indifferent to their problems.” – William Shoki [09:09] -
On broken revolutionary promises:
“The Maoists... became as corrupt as the parties before them. So... people have been utterly betrayed.” – Faizy [24:46] -
On new political realities:
“I think these leaders are finished. It would be surprising if they did get anywhere near power again, given the humiliating resignation of [Prime Minister] Oli.” – Faizy [33:36] -
On international actors:
“The interim Prime Minister and three of the key ministers... are all in various ways supported by the US... a kind of correction to China’s influence over the past, you know, 10, 15 years.” – Faizy [34:55] -
On the digital divide:
“Something like three quarters of the population has a mobile phone and just over half have access to the Internet. So it’s quite… a large section of the population.” – Faizy [42:23] -
On programmatic left politics:
“There are plenty of anti-corruption laws… they’re just not implemented… we really need desperate, desperate radical change now.” – Faizy [56:57] -
On unity and sectarianism:
“There is a desire and recognition that things haven’t gone the way they wanted… but part of the problem is that there is a lot of sectarianism…” – Faizy [62:32] -
On what is needed for lasting change:
“Any government in power cannot lose its connection with the mass of the population... it’s not difficult to not be corrupt and... implement some of these things.” – Faizy [78:39]
Important Timestamps
- [04:51] – Faizy explains what truly triggered the protests and contextual factors.
- [10:43] – The roots of Gen Z frustration and the “jobs crisis.”
- [21:20] – The historical arc: post-1990 political transformations and the limits of Maoist politics.
- [31:00] – Why this uprising marks a political tipping point.
- [36:32] – On social media as a generator of intergenerational anger.
- [42:23] – Digital penetration and urban/rural divides in protest participation.
- [49:58] – The challenges of leaderless, structureless movement.
- [60:18] – Discussion of extra-parliamentary left and popular distrust.
- [69:05] – What would programmatic change require for Nepal’s left?
Closing Thoughts
The episode offers both a sobering and hopeful take on Nepal’s intersecting crises of youth disenchantment, elite capture, and the exhaustion of revolutionary politics. The conversation highlights the unique roots and resonance of the Gen Z uprising, while candidly examining the limitations of digital-era, leaderless mobilizations and the left’s organizational fragmentation. Yet, amid the geopolitical squeeze and social emergencies, both host and guest suggest there remains genuine possibility: for a renewed, accountable left to emerge—if it can unite, build trust, and boldly articulate a vision that goes beyond anti-corruption rhetoric to address deep, structural inequities.
Recommended Reading:
- Faizy Ishmael and Fraser Sugden’s article on Nepal’s Gen Z uprising at Africa Is a Country
