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Tim Miller
Foreign. Hello and welcome to the Bullard Podcast. I'm your host, Tim Miller. Delighted to welcome back. Opinion columnist at the New York Times and host of the Ezra Klein show, which is a podcast but also available on YouTube. He's also the co author of the forthcoming book Abundance with the Atlantic's Derek Thompson, who I like better than Ezra. That's out next month. We'll be talking about that, you know, I don't know, in March or something. We got some other news. How you doing, Ezra?
Ezra Klein
I'm right. An amazing drive by there in the intro. Thank you for that, Tim.
Tim Miller
Well, we love Derek.
Ezra Klein
Derek is more likable. I don't actually think that's under debate.
Tim Miller
Yeah. I don't know. There's something about your new facial hair also that is, I think, hurting your likability quotient a little bit. It feels like it's a dark Ezra era.
Ezra Klein
Have you looked at the era we're in?
Tim Miller
Yeah.
Ezra Klein
You think this is time for light Ezra?
Tim Miller
That's a fair point. It's a fair point. All right. The last time you were on the pod, we were in the period between the Biden debate debacle and him actually stepping aside. You said something then that created a little stir. It was this. He said, I've had top Democrats say to me basically something like, I don't know why all these Democrats who think Donald Trump is an existential threat to democracy are acting the way they are. You went on to say that essentially those top Democrats said to you that a lot of them were doing kayfabe. They didn't really believe that. That he was the existential threat that many of them were saying. I think the revealed behavior in the intervening seven months has borne out that. But I'm wondering how you think those folks are feeling about that gamble now.
Ezra Klein
I don't think they're feeling great about it. I think ultimately it will have proven to be a mistake of Trump's. I mean, you felt this. I feel like part of the job here is sensing the sort of structure, the emotional structure of American politics. And after democrats lost in 2024, they were psychologically pretty shattered. And there were quite a few of them who were willing to say, okay, this is a new world. This time, the American public voted for Donald Trump fair and square. We have to work with this. And there are plenty of them who are happy to work with Doge and were excited to work with Elon Musk. Right. Democrats have not fully turned on him in that sort of interregnum between the campaign and inauguration and everything Trump has done has been a giant middle finger to them personally. Right. To make them look like idiots personally. And so, yeah, when I talk to some of those folks who I think if the Trump administration had come in with a slightly different strategy, right. If they had come in and they had wanted to aggressively reform USAID and aggressively reform civil service protections and do more in immigration and border security and government efficiency, if that had actually been what they want wanted, if they wanted to get 70%, 60%, 50% of what they're looking for, there was a cohort of Democrats who had, you know, were at least willing to entertain the idea that he was just going to be a president and you could work with him where you could work with him and not where you could not. And now Trump has gone into a place where he is threatening, I think, both in their view and objectively, the structure of American government. It's itself. He is, I think, a somewhat weak president, but he is acting like a fairly strong king.
Tim Miller
Yeah, I want to get to that, your weakness theory there. But are you saying that you think that the Democrats who were of the view that maybe he wasn't quite as existential of a threat as some of the loudest alarmists, including those of us here at the Bulwark, including some loud alarmists, said, you think they're changing their mind now, like, after the first three weeks?
Ezra Klein
Yes, I think they've changed their mind. That's what I'm saying, that I've spoken to them. I've spoken to some of the people I was thinking about when I said that. And, and I am also watching people who are willing to work with Donald Trump when he won the election. They have moved from we are willing to work with you, we're willing to work with Doge, we're willing to work with all these pieces we think the party has aired, it's gone too far left, et cetera. They have moved into opposition and resistance mode. Whatever possible quanta of goodwill he had, if he wanted to build some bipartisan accomplishments, which I actually think he could have done, is gone. They have moved into he is a threat to the republic mode.
Tim Miller
I guess if you could go back to the old George W. Bush terror threat level. Where do you think everybody is right now on threat to democracy? Threat level?
Ezra Klein
They're between orange and red. It's funny, I taped a podcast this morning and we were joking about the threat level. I think people are at orange, high orange, burnt orange, red is if and when he defies a court order you.
Tim Miller
Sort of referenced this already. You had a column. This was what, last Friday or earlier this week? That also is a video pod. You're multi platform now.
Ezra Klein
We're all contesting for video now.
Tim Miller
It ended with this. This was kind of how you summed up the case. The first two weeks of the Trump presidency have not shown his strength. He's trying to overwhelm you. He's trying to keep you off balance. He's trying to persuade you of something that isn't true. Don't believe him. You're making the argument that you should not believe that he has these powers that he's claiming to have. My reaction when read, reading this was that is cope. That is high grade, uncut liberal elite cope, straight from Medellin and is not right, actually. And that he has demonstrated that he can break a bunch of shit before anybody else gets out of bed in the morning. But convince me otherwise.
Ezra Klein
Is that where you are now?
Tim Miller
Yeah, that's where I am now. That was my initial reaction. That's how I still feel.
Ezra Klein
So there are two pieces to the argument. One is about an orientation of opposition that I was watching. I think I'm seeing less of it now, but I was watching many Democrats simply accept and treat a settled fact that he could do the things he was doing, instead of treating the things he was doing as somewhere between a power grab and a crime. So when I say don't believe him, I'm not saying don't believe that he's actually locked people out of the USAID building. That's a fact of reality. That's the texture of the world we live in. I am saying don't treat that as done. Treat that as provisional. Treat that as an effort he is making to change the settled order.
Tim Miller
I agree with that part of the argument.
Ezra Klein
So that's one piece of it. I think one thing authoritarians do, I mean, any political system is in some ways a coordination and information game. And one thing authoritarians do that is maybe the most important thing, is they get people to coordinate as if they are the authoritarian. And so if Donald Trump can walk in and upend the whole thing and we just report on it as well, he did this and he did this and he did this and he did this as opposed to approaching it as he is trying to do X. But that is going to be a fight, a contest that's going to go to the courts, that's going to be a fight over government shutdown, that's going to be a fight over a debt ceiling. That's going to be a fight in the midterms, et cetera. You want to keep this provisional, right? If everybody begins saying, well, it's done, he's got all these powers, I guess what you're saying, I think that is actually.
Tim Miller
I'm not saying that. I totally agree with that part of the argument.
Ezra Klein
I think that is actually a kind of submission.
Tim Miller
So that's totally agree with that part of the argument.
Ezra Klein
The second thing I'm saying there is there has been a tendency to treat what they are doing as some grand plan that is all working out great. Right. This is a point that I'm making throughout the piece of overwhelm. One of their strategies is overwhelm what Steve Bannon has called at various points, muzzle velocity or flooding the zone with shit, you sort of run through what they're doing. They tried to upend birthright citizenship. That got stopped by the court immediately. And they have not challenged the court on that. They're going to appeal, I think, but they have stopped for the moment. They did the OMB spending freeze. The court immediately stopped that. They rescinded the freeze. And the court has still put a hold on what they're doing there. Usaid, they actually have gutted that thing. So that's a place where I think the power is showing. You can do quite a lot. You look at what they are doing around tariffs. That was the thing Trump swore he wanted to do most of all. As soon as the markets had a reaction, he accepted some very, very paltry concessions, if they were even concessions from Mexico and Canada, and backed off on the tariffs, at least for now. Mass deportations, which was another thing they said they were going to do. They're running deportations at roughly the pace they were at under Barack Obama. They are publicizing them very differently. They're in some ways doing them more cruelly. But the sense of what their level of willingness or capability is to deal with that real world friction seems lower to me. In the last couple days, we've seen a series of things get frozen. They have frozen access, new access to the treasury payment system. A judge did. Two of Elon Musk's young lieutenants had it. Then one turned out to be a huge racist. So a couple hours after the judicial decision, he resigned. So now one of them has it and the judge has said it's read only access. You cannot write into the source code. And the DOJ has accepted that. There was a lot of reporting. They were going to try to close down the Department of Education. They have not done that which I think is a good. I could sort of keep going like this. But one of the things we are seeing to me is yes, they are trying to do a lot and they are doing a lot. They are putting people on administrative leave. Oh, by the way, they also froze the federal buyout that they're trying to do. And in the reporting of the federal buyout freeze, it turned out that of the 2.4 million civilian employees, only a couple tens of thousands have taken it at a not very different rate than you would normally see retirement. So it doesn't look like that buyout is going all that well for them. So my point is not the things Donald Trump is doing aren't meaningful. Like they have completely, among other things, thrown all renewable energy permitting into complete chaos. But in terms of the efforts to assert dramatic powers they did not have otherwise that past presidents have not had and have not asserted, with the exception of usaid, which I think needs to be fought like hell and treated as provisional, they are getting stopped by the courts and stopping. They have pulled back on the tariffs. They are not doing nationwide mass deportations, at least as of yet. They frankly don't seem to me to have a huge stomach for political fight when it comes to the real world. And they're pretty fucked at the moment in Congress. So there's a huge amount of reporting going on in this. They're having a ton of trouble putting together a spending bill that can even get enough Republican support. They don't know what to do on the salt deduction. They have no Democratic support in Congress. So one thing that would be stronger for them on a bunch of these issues is if they could actually get bills through that would make these changes more durable. But they're not even trying because they can't do it. So look, I'm not telling people to be happy about what's going on. I am saying watch what is happening. Watch where they are getting stopped. And I think looking at this as like a lot of chaos, they're throwing spaghetti against the wall to see what sticks is important because the more people treat this guy as some mastermind autocrat like the weaker all. Nobody is going to fight somebody who is invulnerable, but somebody who's invulnerable and keeps stepping on rakes. Yeah, you will fight that guy. So that's my view.
Tim Miller
I like it. I mean, I'm just, I'm taking the cope. I'm getting a, you know, I'm getting a spoon, some baking soda and I'm like, I'M going to try to smoke it up and like see if I can, I can live in that world. Here's my counterpoint, please. He has nominated an absolutely absurd clown cabinet of ridiculous people to lead the military, our Health and Human Services Department, the FBI, the Department of Justice. And initially there were smart people in D.C. and commentators who are like, he's going to run into some trouble here. And Mitch McConnell and Todd Young, who knows they're going to vote against him. He hasn't suffered a single setback. Matt Gaetz self deported, but probably didn't have to in retrospect, but we'll never know. So he's going to get all those folks through. He is in the middle of a dismantling of the federal government that is like out of the fever dreams of the most extreme dork in the basement of the Heritage Foundation. I mean, I hear what you're saying about how some of this stuff has been frozen, but it is going to be hard to unravel other parts of it. I mean we'll get into USAID in detail, but going from 10,000 to 290 employees, senior FBI officials getting frog marched out of there. You get political firings that are at a scale of 100x what caused Alberto Gonzalez to resign 15 years ago. And I think internationally has already put into motion the twilight of our values based Western alliance to such a degree that I don't think that most of these countries are ever going to trust that they can be in relationships with us again. So I don't know, man. I'm not saying he's invincible. I totally agree with the first part. I think that he should be fought. But I think the notion that they're just stepping on rakes everywhere and that this is a clusterfuck and they're actually very weak. I'm not there.
Ezra Klein
Well, they're a mixture of weak and strong. Right. As any president is. They're legislatively weak. Right. They're not willing to go through things in Congress. That's what I am.
Tim Miller
But do they care about that? Do they even want to pass things through Congress?
Ezra Klein
If you want huge durable changes to the way things work in America. Right. There's a reason other presidents are like, you know, it would be awesome. Let's do it all through executive action. Because there's a lot you just can't do through executive action. So I do think it's worth disaggregating pieces. I don't really want to be in the position because my argument in that piece is that you should Just try to look at him. Clearly not. You should ignore what is happening. Like, I'm trying to stiffen people's spines, not trying to get them to live in a fantasy land like, like you. I'm reporting on this stuff every day, but think it's worth taking these pieces in turn. So, you know, the things that you mentioned there. Will Donald Trump get his nominees through? He will, right? I don't know who in Washington who was a liberal pundit was telling you they were not going to get them through, but it wasn't fucking me. That's fair. Is he going to get his nominees through? He will. I don't see that as a. Like, I think it's bad. I think Kash Patel is a bad nominee. I think all these people are bad. But that doesn't surprise me or strike me as a huge overturning of the governmental order.
Tim Miller
That's just not a sign of wheat. Like, it could have been a sign of weakness, I guess, is all I'm saying. Like, there could have been an alternate world where, like, he, he lost a couple of them and that would show. That would have shown a deep weakness.
Ezra Klein
I think he did lose Matt Gaetz, but that had not really occurred to me to count as, like, the, the bar here. I don't think modern presidents lose a lot of nominees. So then there's a question of the international alliances. I mean, yeah, like, we elected Donald Trump and the president has a lot of power over that. I don't really buy that. Nobody. That these countries will not come back into alliance. I've lived through that argument with George W. Bush, and then the alliance is Reb Barack Obama. Then I lived through that argument with Donald Trump won. And then the. The alliance is rebuilt with Joe Biden. The other nations are transactional, much like we are. And I think that the danger of the alliance system is right now as it is happening. If the next president is Pete Buttigieg or Josh Shapiro, I think that, you know, the UK is going to be perfectly happy to work with us again. But. But that's a. It's bad, right? Like, I don't think it's good. I don't think pulling out of the Paris climate Accord is good. I think all these things are very, very upsetting. The civil service is the big one here to me, because, as you say, this is running a wrecking ball through it in a way that had, I think, not even been contemplated by past Republicans. And to some degree, they are showing they can do it because the courts move particularly on things like firings much more slowly than the firings happen. So, yes, you can come back and say I was wrongly fired under civil service protections, but is unless there are some injunctions coming down the pike, which we have not seen on this particular issue, they're already gonna be out of there. So what, they get back pain, maybe they get reinstated? I don't see that as a remedy that's potent.
Tim Miller
I mean, there was an NOAA official I saw this morning that said we're just gonna. He said their strategy is we're just gonna do it and dare somebody to stop us. And by the time they stop us, we'll have destroyed. They'll have destroyed it.
Ezra Klein
That's their strategy. I am not convinced on multiple levels that this is a good strategy, including for the Heritage foundation theory of the world. So this is one of the other arguments of that piece, which is the theory that they will overwhelm us is a way of also overwhelming themselves. They are not carefully running through this thing thinking about who it is a good idea to lose and who it isn't. So this is going to be very bad for the country. But everything that goes wrong that government touches from here on out, they will own at a startling level. So that email, right, the buyout email, it went to all the VA primary care doctors, how many VA primary care doctors do they actually want to lose? Now replicate that across the entire federal government, every regulator, everybody who regulates Poison in a stream, everybody who regulates financial industries, everybody who does things so that you don't get killed in a workplace accident. A lot goes wrong over the course of a couple of years. Yuval Levin, who's a American Enterprise Institute guy, conservative, very, very thoughtful, I mean, very, very thoughtful.
Tim Miller
But been feeding high level center Right cope to people about how the institutions will hold for a while now, you know, so like, obviously it would be Yuval. Yuval has not been on the alarmist side of things for a decade.
Ezra Klein
He is not alarmist. It is true. He is not alarmist. It is true. But I probably have a higher opinion of some of those arguments than you do. But one thing that he said that I thought was very smart, which is that there's a rhythm to presidencies, which is that at the beginning they're very much in control of events. And they're unleashing all these executive orders and they're unleashing all these plans and they've been sitting in back rooms and Russell, you know, VAD is like twirling his mustache somewhere, doesn't really have one. But you know what I mean? And then so for a while, you're like, oh, man, it's them, it's them, it's them, it's them, it's them. And then pretty quickly, you know, within a couple months, usually what happens is the world starts coming at them. Instead of choosing what they're focusing on, it gets chosen. So you can look at this in past presidencies. I mean, you know, you see with Joe Biden, this sort of. After the Afghanistan withdrawal, I would say basically, they lose control. Inflation, Gaza, and not in this order, Inflation, Ukraine, Gaza, and a number of other issues besides those begin to be things they're responding to, not a world they're controlling. Under Donald Trump, you saw something similar, particularly once we hit the pandemic, right? All of a sudden, the world was not as they had chosen it. The world was something that they were responding to. You know, Barack Obama was fighting with high unemployment. And, you know, there are all these things that happen in every administration. They are dramatically increasing the likelihood that something breaks or they break something, or in the future, they don't have the people they need to respond to something. And that's not a USAID problem for them, specifically usaid. I think the reason they chose to try to destroy that one is that it's not. I mean, morally, it is an abomination what they are doing. It is not mission critical for keeping things from breaking down for Americans. Right. It does not have a domestic American constituency. But you imagine a bad public health situation happening in a denuded HHS under the leadership of a person people do not trust to lead a public health agency, and that might end up looking very bad. I'm not telling you that this is the way it will go. I am saying that I don't think there is a plan here. They are just running through the thing with a chainsaw. And there's a reason that usually you don't do that. It's fine if you bought Twitter and you don't care if Twitter goes down, right? That's the theory of action here. You're trying to break the thing enough that you can control it. What Elon Musk successfully did at Twitter was broke the thing so he could actually control it. But he didn't make Twitter work better. What he made it was something that he could use as a vehicle and a venue for himself. Twitter itself works poorly. If you imagine that whole thing applied to the federal government. Either you have a very low opinion of the federal government, which these guys obviously do. But since I don't have that low of an opinion of the federal government. When things break over the course of a couple years, I think people are going to notice. You imagine something like the plane crash we saw like the terrible, tragic plane crash from a few weeks ago happening in a year when there is a lot more paper trail of how they fucked up the faa. I don't know, that looks great for them. So that's not to say this is like great or you should be excited that he's doing this. It is to say I don't think it is like a genius plan that some Machiavellian omniscient mind at the Heritage foundation cooked up. They are causing chaos not just for everybody, but ultimately for themselves.
Tim Miller
Yeah, I guess my final point on this is it's just easier to destroy than to create or to maintain. Right. And so I also don't think that this is a brilliant Machiavellian tacticians or that I have seen some articles out there from people talking about how they really had a great plan this time and Roosevelt came in and had this very meticulous plan. It seems like a lot of hazard and chaos that marked the first administration. But what seems different from the first administration is that there's nothing. There aren't any lawyers around. There's not any Don McGahn around that's like, you know, I don't know, maybe we shouldn't do. Should do this. We should tailor that. We haven't seen a lot of evidence that they've backed off. Trump's backed off. External lawsuits have frozen things, but they haven't limit. There's no limiting principle internally. It doesn't seem like to me, besides Trump's whims. And so yeah, I think that they will do damage. I think that they are chaos agents and chaos will lead to some unpredictable damage downstream. We don't know which one of these things will be the thing that hurts people and causes causes people to get upset at the administration and their management of things. My concern is that they will have broken a lot of things semi permanently to permanently by then and that they will have wrested control of big parts of the administration in ways that they intend to.
Ezra Klein
So I probably don't agree with the word permanently, but otherwise I agree that's depressing.
Tim Miller
All right. I'm sorry to everybody.
Ezra Klein
People tune in for this, huh? They enjoy this. They enjoy this perspective on the world.
Tim Miller
Yeah, apparently I don't quite get it. I would be checked out and just been listening to my Denver Nuggets podcast if it was me but you know there's a market for everything out there. Creating a trust and will is a very slow and time consuming process, leaving you less time for more important tasks. Trust and will makes creating your will easy and time efficient, meaning you can focus on other important tasks. You can get 10% off@trustandwill.com Bulwark Keep your family prepared and protected by managing your will or trust online. Each will or trust is state specific, legally valid and customized to your needs. You can ensure family and loved ones avoid lengthy, expensive legal proceedings or the state deciding what happens to your assets. Their simple step by step process guides you from start to finish, one question at a time. Live customer support is available through phone, chat and email. Trust and will has an overall rating of excellent and thousands of five star reviews. It's used by hundreds of thousands of families and counting. Uncomplicate the process with trust and will. Protect what matters most in minutes@trustandwill.com Bulwark and get 10% off plus free shipping. That's 10% off and free shipping@trustandwill.com BulWark let's talk about a couple of the specific items we got the FBI. There's a new memo to the workforce. Last night, acting FBI Director Brian Driscoll disclosed he'd been ordered by Acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove to turn over the names of all FBI employees who worked on the January 6th cases. Driscoll could be removed as acting director at any point and also fired from the Bureau. He's not eligible for government pension. Bove laid the groundwork for doing so by calling Driscoll insubordinate in a memoir So I mean, the cash hearing is now next Thursday, or the cash vote rather. But this feels inevitable that we have a night of the long knives coming for the FBI here in the next couple weeks.
Ezra Klein
So I was just doing a show that was partially about this. Have you guys talked about the weird story of Driscoll yet? The Drizz?
Tim Miller
A little bit on the surface, but I'm very. I'm confused by it, to be honest.
Ezra Klein
Okay, so Chris Wray, former Trump appointee running the FBI, resigns even though his term was not up because Trump was going to fire him. So they need an acting director of the FBI. They appear to make a mistake on the website because they're a bunch of fools and they put the wrong guy's name, this being Driscoll. And because it would be embarrassing to say we put the wrong guy's name as acting director of the FBI. On the website now, Driscoll, who was not supposed to be the acting director of the FBI, is director. And they think to themselves, eh, it's only gonna be a little while anyway.
Tim Miller
Okay, maybe I'm coming around to your position on the rakes then.
Ezra Klein
Because Driscoll is like, not a soulless careerist who they have chosen for this role. He goes to the FBI quite directly and says, we are in the fight of our lives. We are not gonna let them destroy this agency. I'm paraphrasing the emails he sent out. And now it becomes like a sort of meme inside the FBI. And he's got, you know, sort of like he looks like he just walked out of a saloon. He's like an amazing looking guy. He will be fired, I expect. But one thing that's happened, Benjamin Wittes had. You always know things are bad when you're reading Lawfare again, right? The website. Like, that's when things are bad.
Tim Miller
We love Wittis. We had a period of time where we had Wittis Wednesdays on here. It might be time to read. Oh, God.
Ezra Klein
That's when, you know, threat level's orange. So he had a good piece about what's going on with the FBI. So they wanted to do this thing where they would have all the FBI agents self report if they touched the January 6th investigation so they could do an effective purge. And there appears to be now mass insubordination to that. Like, none of them, not none of them, but huge swaths of the FBI are refusing to fill out the forms. So they actually don't have that. There's also now a lawsuit about this gathering of information. They might purge the FBI. A lot of us were expecting the purge to have already happened. Week by week, it becomes harder for them to purge things because they are. More attention is on them. There's like a loss of political capital. There aren't enough other things happening.
Tim Miller
And Cash is gonna have to do.
Ezra Klein
Something, but Cash is gonna purge parts of it. But there's a difference between, like knocking out 200 people and knocking out what we initially heard, which was 6,000 people. I'm not saying I know how it's gonna go, but the FBI has become an interesting story because Driscoll became a very unexpectedly effective internal leader who stiffened a lot of spines there. And now people are digging in. And one thing they did here, I think, I mean, Democrats, I think the bureaucracy was pretty exhausted and ready to cooperate with Trump too. Like, just people felt they lost, that the normal order of things was like, you Accept the next administration. They went at everybody so hard, they rebuilt a resistance that had died like two weeks ago. I'd say the resistance is gone now. I'd say, you know, you might want to give it a different name because it's a harmed brand, but it's sort of coming back, particularly among the bureaucrats who are pissed and at the FBI level. Those are hard people, though. This is a point Wittis makes. These are actually a lot of hard people to replace. These are not entry level jobs. Right. You need counterterrorism expertise, et cetera. And again, to the point I was making before, you fire a bunch of the wrong people and there's a terrorist attack you don't catch, and now you look really bad, Right? So there's a theory that one thing that is stopping them from doing the FBI purge is among the few things that the Trump people take seriously in terms of functions the government does. They actually do believe that cross national gangs threaten America. And the idea that you will do a night of long knives and knock out thousands of FBI agents without knowing who you're taking out, and now you've turned the entire agency against you may not be great. So I'm not saying I know it's going to go. Kash Patel, of all the nominees is the most frightening to me and the most revealing of what Trump really wants to do with some of these agencies. So if anybody thinks what I'm offering you here is like a sanguine perspective, I'm not like, in fact, I'm saying something very similar to what I think you were saying. They are breaking the thing. They are trying to break the thing, but the way they're doing it has created a kind of also internal counterforce where now people are trying to fight them. So they really would have to fire everybody now. And now there's already a court case about the data they're collecting. The whole thing is getting messier and messier and messier and messier by the day.
Tim Miller
And these aren't the smartest guys.
Ezra Klein
You know, in the philosophical version of, like, speech acts, right? Like speech we're trying to use to make things true. I think it is important for people to, like, really say this a lot, that this is not being done well or going well, because, like, the worse people understand it's going, the more emboldened they are to keep fighting it. Like, I really do think this, like, resignation that so many people greeted Trump with is a, is a kind of submission in advance. But like, the FBI, like, they fucking put the wrong Guy in charge, he became a hero for resisting them, changing the internal culture of the FBI that they were targeting overnight. And now they're gonna have a fight on their hands. The day they had done this maybe competently from the beginning, including by putting in charge somebody who does not look like such a hatchet man as Cash Patel does, they could have accomplished the same end more quietly and competently, but they didn't. So now we're gonna see what the fight is and people should be paying a lot of attention to that fight.
Tim Miller
A couple thoughts on that. The MAGA brand was pretty tarnished as well and it recovered. So there's hope for the Resistan. And I do. I'm intrigued just listening to you thinking about the Bill Kristol FBI Agent Ezra Klein AOC alliance that has formed in our very strange world.
Ezra Klein
Nobody wanted this.
Tim Miller
Nobody could ask for this. This is why you're the lib whisperer. Because I take your perspective now, having heard it fleshed out more. Because for me, instinctively, the idea that there is hope that they fail is not really the motivating factor. I think like, you know, the never Trumper contingent, that few of us are pretty motivated by hopeless causes and, you know, fighting them righteously.
Ezra Klein
But you sit with a true tragic view of life.
Tim Miller
Yeah, exactly right. And so I do. This will probably end. Darkness will probably befall the west. But we should fight it anyway. We should fight against, you know, the dying of the light. But I do understand how it's probably motivating to government officials, you know, to people that are. To federal government workers, to people that are going to have to have a stiffened spine to think this is not a hopeless endeavor.
Ezra Klein
Well, I think that's true. Although I do want to just say from my own perspective, I do not understand what I am saying here as giving people a nice bedtime story so they're not too afraid when they go to sleep. I think I am saying the true thing that is happening. They are trying to purge the FBI, but they are doing a shitty job of it. They have created a lot of internal resistance now and people should pay close attention to what's actually going on. They tried to take over the entire spending power, but they did a shitty job of it. Then they had to rescind their own OMB directive and then a judge did an injunction anyway just to make sure they couldn't keep going. They have gotten some access to the treasury payment system, but they did a shitty job of it. So then a judge stopped giving anybody else access. And also one of the two people they gave access to had to resign for being a racist, which to be such a racist in the Trump administration that you have to resign means you are pretty racist.
Tim Miller
Yeah, I got some of the tweets here. Just for the record, I was racist before. It was cool. You could not pay me to marry outside my ethnicity. It gets worse from there, but there.
Ezra Klein
Are a couple of them they're not sending. They're not sending their best. Or maybe they are, actually.
Tim Miller
I've got wonk Ezra, so I want to nerd out on some other stuff. I want to talk about some of the actual policies that are going through outside of the legal shit. You mentioned earlier, what they're trying to do with renewables and energy policy. I'm curious your take on that. Trump kind of leaked out some tax plan ideas yesterday that think the range was like a 6 to $10 trillion price tag on that bad boy, which is fiscal conservative ism in its finest. This is just kind of open ended for you. What is catching your eye as far as their policy objectives kind of outside of this legal. All these legal fights.
Ezra Klein
So the energy policy is truly disastrous in my view. As somebody who cares a lot about decarbonization renewable energy, what they've basically done is try to throw solar and wind permitting into chaos, but make it easier to permit and build fossil fuel and dirty infrastructure. So sometimes you would hear people criticize Democrats. It's like it should be an all of the above energy strategy. But Trump is not doing an all of the above energy strategy. He's doing a dirty energy strategy. And solar was getting so cheap so fast that it's actually a huge contributor to the energy we're gonna build. And now we're sort of in a race between the economics of solar and what they're trying to do to break that Elon Musk. Right, people, I think forget this now, but in the first Trump administration, he joined up to serve on this advisory board and he quit the board when Trump withdrew America from the Paris Climate Treaty. This is how far Elon Musk has radicalized and changed his own politics. He has gone from quitting an advisory board in Trump 1, because withdrawing from Paris Climate Treaty, as he said then, was bad for the country and bad for the planet. Two, they're withdrawing from it in Trump 2, obviously, but they're also just like trying to destroy the electric vehicle transition, solar energy, et cetera. And he's there helping to swing the hammer. It's just an incredibly disappointing heel turn. So that's meaningful. I am waiting to see what they come up with on spending and taxes. All of the reporting I am hearing and able to do is that in the meetings they are not being able to get agreement. You know, Steve, my colleague Russ Douthat did a good podcast the other day with Steve Bannon. And one of the things Bannon said, which I thought was interesting and tracks what I'm seeing is that he said we are not, we being the right in this, are not united. He said, Congress, Republicans, Congress, they fear Donald Trump, but there isn't a unity on what the agenda actually is. And every one of these things is going to be a huge fight that divides huge parts of the party. So there are parts of the Republicans, and you've been seeing this on recent spending bills, who think the debt is getting too high and want to do something to cut it before they're going to, or at least they say before they will accept giant new things that increase it. The thing you would obviously do to cut it because of where the money is, if you have to pay for a huge tax cut, is cut Medicaid, Medicare and Social Security. That's where the money is in defense. Right. Those are the things you could touch. I have said this for like decades. The federal government from a budgetary perspective is an insurance conglomerate with a large standing army. That is what we are. That is what we spend money on. Everything else is stuffed between the couch cushions. And so they don't really politically want to cut any of those, but they're going to have to cut some of them to pay for some part of these tax cuts or they're going to run the tax cuts and they're going to see can they pass out with a three vote margin in the House and maybe they can't. And they also clearly probably cannot do a spending bill without Democratic support. But the Hakeem Jeffries line now is unless they undo things like the USAID closure, they're not getting any Democratic support. So the expectation, I will say, among House Democrats, is we're headed for a shutdown in a couple of months, like a pretty big shutdown. And that's gonna be the big collision over all this.
Tim Miller
That is another big change, a big welcome change for the Democrats over the last three weeks, which I've been fully banging the drum on. And I'm happy that they're doing it. I do wonder, but the Republicans do have a three vote majority in the House. I actually been seeing a contrary view that I hadn't really thought through that they might just be like well, we're in charge of everything, so whatever. We're not going to. We're not actually going to do a budget, but we're not actually going to shut anything down. We're not going to shut down the government either. Like, we're just going to do some hybrid thing.
Ezra Klein
Continuing resolutions.
Tim Miller
Yeah, yeah. Where we just shut down.
Ezra Klein
That would be a theory.
Tim Miller
Yeah.
Ezra Klein
They would have to be able to get internal support for the continuing resolutions, which maybe they can. I don't think it's impossible. They hold every single member. It's just not how they've really been working up until now. Right. And the tax cuts are gonna be much harder because the tax cuts have a lot of policy decisions that people there care a lot about. The Republicans are happy to give Trump all the power, but they're not happy to see their own constituencies gutted. I thought the very funny example of this is what did you see a Republican in a high profile way, really stand up on? Recently it was Chuck Grassley who was like, this 25% tariff on Canada is a great idea, but it's really gonna hurt my farmers on potash. So please, Mr. President, like exempt it or undo it or something. They don't want their people to get hurt. In a direct way.
Tim Miller
I was told I pronounced potash wrong the other day. I don't know what the right one is, but this is.
Ezra Klein
I'm a liberal elite, so obviously I don't.
Tim Miller
Yeah, I'm from the Denver suburbs, so I don't fucking know how to do it either. But I think we're both pronouncing it wrong, FYI.
Ezra Klein
But what to do about the salt deduct election is just like a huge difficult issue in the Republican Party right now. And if you had Democratic votes, you would have more movement on it, but you don't. The spending bills that have passed recently have done so with Democratic votes in general. And so they're not going to get any unless they unwind a bunch of stuff now. And they're not going to unwind a bunch of stuff without a big fight. So it's not clear where they're going to go. One reason they appear to be breaking things into multiple bills. Functionally, anything they pass this year is going to come in a budget reconciliation bill, which means it first is only going to be budgetary stuff. Taxes and things where you're spending money or cutting money or cutting taxes or raising taxes. You can do two of those. They wanted to do a lot of stuff in the first. They were just going to do it all like a huge. In the way that Biden wanted to pass every idea Democrats had ever had and build back better. They wanted to do something like that. They've already broken it up because they don't have the capability to get things into a bill that they all agree on that fast. So one of the things with where the rhythm of this administration, I think, is gonna change a lot is when they have to start going to Congress for things because there's not enough internal unanimity on policy. And Donald Trump himself is not highly decisive on policy. He cares about some big things like tax cuts in general, but he's not out there with his pencil going through.
Tim Miller
Deductions, crayon, maybe with the.
Ezra Klein
Yeah, there's energy stuff, there's taxes, there's spending. That's all gonna get a lot harder. And they have no Democratic votes and they're gonna have a shutdown. So I don't know we're going to see what that plays out as. But as of now, I am watching to see if they can even come up with a tax bill that they think they can present to their own members.
Tim Miller
That is going to be told as a cluster. And I don't. I think it's possible that they just totally fail Obamacare style on that, so that we are totally aligned on that. I want to get to one of your other recent columns. Somebody was praising the other day, I forget who it was about how Trump won the culture by more than he won the election. Your reasons were Trump and his allies fight to control attention the way Democrats don't. There's a corporate desire to shift. Right. There's a mail backlash, and Biden left a huge cultural and political vacuum for Trump to fill. I think this is a correct observation. I'm curious to hear, like, why you think that is. Because he won by 200,000 votes. And I kind of wonder if they've, like, Jedi mind tricked us into believing that it was a bigger cultural victory than it was actually, as well, similarly to the electoral victory. But I'm wondering what you think about that.
Ezra Klein
Yeah, there's a bunch here. So, yeah, they not only won by very few votes. I mean, 200,000 in the battleground states. It was larger than that. But what he won 49.8% of the popular vote. I believe he had a smaller popular vote victory in 2024 than Hillary Clinton did in 2016. And the reaction to Hillary Clinton's vote margin in 2016 was not, oh, Clinton is the future of American politics. And, like, the culture is Going to move in her direction. So he wins. You have this huge just swing. And it's like Mark Zuckerberg is coming out there with his chain and announcing the end of censorship and we're moving back to free expression.
Tim Miller
Our buddy CR Chris Hayes is also doing the chain. What's happening? And this is all elder millennials.
Ezra Klein
You got some pearls?
Tim Miller
Are you thinking about a chain?
Ezra Klein
I'm just gonna go with a single earring, I think.
Tim Miller
A single earring. Okay. It's just a bunch of 42 year old influencers just trying to deal with our imminent death.
Ezra Klein
Exactly. Well, I mean, that's a different podcast. I guess that's more the kind of thing I do. Where was I? Sorry, I'm on imminent death.
Tim Miller
Mark Zuckerberg's chain and the win of the cultural win.
Ezra Klein
It was a very, very narrow political victory. And then I think there was a lot of pent up pressure on some things that unleashed itself. So I think that people who control a lot of attention have become very angry at their employee bases. Musk and Zuckerberg and all these sort of tech billionaires who have very, very loud voices. I mean, they are modern, super important celebrities. So they wanted to move, right. They didn't like all the DEI stuff they'd built into their own companies. They didn't like some of the moderation stuff they'd built into company. So they took it as an excuse, as an opportunity to reassert a sort of cultural and de facto control over their own companies that made things feel like they were swinging faster. I do think part of this is Biden. Biden was sort of an interrelium, like a sort of pause, not in policy, but in terms of the culture of American politics. It's like you think about Barack Obama and the dominance he had. Politics was about how you felt about Barack Obama. And then you had Donald Trump, Barack Obama's literal opposite. Politics was about how you felt about Donald Trump. Then you had Joe Biden and polit. Politics was about how you felt about Donald Trump. Right. Biden people, whether because of the limitations of his communication, given his age, or also because of a strategy that they felt. Trump mobilized their anti maca coalition. There was a sort of agreement to let Trump remain at the center of American politics. And when he did that for long enough, he really became it. And so things shifted in his direction. I do think there's a big gender war dynamic. I think we've moved from the future is female to Mark Zuckerberg's. Companies don't have enough masculine energy anymore. And that's happening at, again, like a big cultural level. And I said in that column that I thought at that moment I was writing that column, we were at or near the peak of Trump vibes because he hadn't started governing yet. And as soon as you do, then actually you begin to create your backlash, Then you begin to create your counter forces. And I already think it culturally doesn't feel the same way. I mean, the resistance, the opposition, it felt so absent. It felt so quiet. Democrats felt so fractured. They had so little voice. And already, I think this is beginning to shift. And so part of it was just also, it was easy for it to all be vibes for a while, but now it's things actually happening and people actually watching things happen and deciding if they're upset about the things that are happening. And so already, I think we're getting into more of the mess.
Tim Miller
Again, what are things that Democrats could glom onto that would help them take back the culture? Right. Because they seem to be lost in the wilderness on that front as much as on the political front. Right. Like, what is. I forget who. I was talking to somebody recently. They're like, if you're in high school, like, what is an issue that is Democrat aligned that you could grab onto that would feel cool or feel like trendy or whatever? It's hard to think about, like, when we were growing up, like, gay stuff, you know, gay marriage, like anti Iraq war. There are plenty of examples of that. And I don't know, part of me thinks maybe the easy answer to this is, like, going after the phones and, like, the tech billionaires. The billionaires and the phones, like, it's all together in something and they're breaking our brains and they got to fight them. But I'm interested in your thing on that theory or other ideas you might have on that. The.
Ezra Klein
Yeah, I'll say two things. So this is an argument I've been making for a bit. I did a po. You mentioned Chris and his chain. So I think he debuted that on my show on this episode we did about attention.
Tim Miller
And you guys have the interesting camera work that you do where it's like cinematic shots.
Ezra Klein
Yeah, people should come in. It's great.
Tim Miller
It's cinematic upshooting. It's very interesting.
Ezra Klein
But it's something he and I talk about in that. That one thing I really believe is that the next dominant politician, sort of Joe Biden, was too old to be part of social media in an authentic way. And so I actually think in some ways that helped him in the 2020 primary because he hadn' absorbed some of the currents in progressive online media that got a lot of his competitors to take stances that were politically toxic. And then Trump and Musk have completely embraced everything that makes social media terrible and is breaking our brains and they've broken their own brains and they're making their broken brains like the model of a brain right at the moment in American politics and culture. I think the next person is going to actually be of this such that they can hate it it and channel the rage people have at it in the way that. And I do think people forget this about Barack Obama. One thing that was very effective about him in 04 and 08 was he channeled a rage at how politics and culture changed. Like the political consultants, the red and blue dicing us up the cable news, 24 hour news cycle. He used to make fun of Politico. People didn't like how things felt. And he was very good at channeling. He was of it, but he like them, didn't like it. Like my joke is that the next person to win will have read a lot of Jonathan Haidt. You see this happening in a bunch of states. Republican and Democratic governors alike are banning cell phones in schools. Trump in embracing all this stuff so tightly. TikTok and this and that, there's some good politics in it, but he's not able to sort of be in the thing that most of us sense, which is whatever you want your actual strategy with it to be. Maybe it's not closing down TikTok, maybe it's banning phones in schools. It's things like that. The sense that something has gone terribly wrong at that level of culture is very real. The other thing though, that I would say is that I think there's something to the way communication works now that you see incredibly potent cultural moments rise and fall very, very fast. So, you know, we're like, oh, Democrats have no handle on the culture. Well, they completely dominated it like four or five years ago. You saw Black Lives Matter. You saw me too, right? Wokeness. Before wokeness was an epithet. You had Jack Dorsey on stages wearing a stay woke, you know, shirt. Like it was like not initially seen as a bad thing.
Tim Miller
Gambino.
Ezra Klein
Things move. I think it has something to do with the way social media selects for engagement. So they select first the engaging new idea and then all of the anger the engaging new idea creates over time, then subsequently gets selected for it. So you have me too. And then you have Pete Hegseth, right? You have the. All the Way backlash, Donald Trump, this set of people. There's going to be, I think, a sort of almost hydraulic system like that. I think our culture is very unstable because of the way we communicate and drive. And so I'm not sure what is going to drive it is so much a policy topic people glom onto. What worked for Trump is that he represents a kind of masculinity that became degraded, that he was one of the last people who was very significant in public life. Still holding to. And you could feel that all click together around the shot with his hand fist in the air after the assassination attempt. And I don't know what'll be the next thing, but I don't think it'll just be, they came up with a good policy. I mean, it might be anti Trumpism. That's going to be possibly a very, very powerful politics depending on how things go. I do think Democrats need to learn how to exist in the culture that we have. One of the things I think is always very telling is when Democrats keep saying they have a media problem, that they still think of it all as a media, that if only the gatekeepers are better or they could get booked on the right shows, they have to go out and compete. Joe Rogan was not three or four years ago, a closed space to them. They like drove him away.
Tim Miller
I was at a conference like, of Democratic types. So they're strategizing. They're like, we need more liberal media outlets and we gotta fund them and create them. I'm like, sure, you can do that, but like, that's not it. Like, you gotta engage with the non political cultural outlets.
Ezra Klein
Yes, exactly. And that means you need people who are attractive to those outlets, which have a lot of different. I'm not saying it's only Joe Rogan, it's Brene Brown. It's all these different things out there that matter. But you need people who are authentically of the era of the moment, and we don't know who that person is. That'll be a person, not a party. Parties don't change culture, people do.
Tim Miller
Final topic. Speaking of losing touch with culture in midlife crisis, Kanye west was tweeting last night. I wanted to get your takes on this.
Ezra Klein
I didn't see this coming.
Tim Miller
Great, we're gonna do it live together. I noticed you're off Twitter, so I'm doing this for you. I'm suffering for you. As Ezra Here's Kanye, here's Ye. Call me Yadolf Yittler and your bitch still wants to fuck. Hitler was so fresh. I will say nothing bad or against China. They always showed me love. When Americans turn their back on me because of a red hat, I get money with China. I'm a Nazi. I love Hitler. Now what, bitches? There were about 20 more like that.
Ezra Klein
I actually take it as a signal of something that didn't somehow make its way to me. It's not like I didn't turn on my computer today. You know, you saw the UFC fighter saying he thought Hitler was a good guy. You know, there are some pretty dark forces being unleashed. I have a lot of trouble believing Elon Musk is simultaneously really going all in the AfD in Germany, the far right party, and going to their conference and telling them they're, you know, the Germans become too embarrassed of their past. And he's making things that sure look like a, you know, the salute, totally unknowingly. Maybe it's all just a big coincidence, but then he has to let go of a kid on his team who he's given access to the treasury payment system because that kid is too racist. Even for this administration in this moment, the online right is very racism pilled. And specifically racism pilled in some sort of edge Lord. Oh, look, they can't keep us from saying this. It's funny. Ha ha. Here's a meme. Oh, no, I actually believe it. And it's there.
Tim Miller
It's a very thin membrane between doing trolling, racism and being like, oh, I actually don't want to marry outside my race. People slide between that very easily.
Ezra Klein
The funny memes are a bug in your own software to get too into. It's like you're running an exploit hack on your own mind and. And then your mind changes and you end up where some of these people are. I don't know what all this is going to amount to, but in some ways, Trump in Charlottesville seems quaint. But again, I think when you've got yay coming out and saying, great, Hitler's fantastic, I'm a Nazi now, I think you have to look at that and say, this probably isn't great for that side. You don't want that happening. That's not what you want from the guy who is very well known for.
Tim Miller
Your MAGA hat, the famous tweet the House Judiciary Republicans sent. Elon, Kanye, Trump.
Ezra Klein
Yeah, the future, Right. So I think there's something brewing here. That is, we'll see what form it takes. I mean, maybe we just enter into another dark era of state sponsored racism. But you were saying earlier that there's no one like Don McGahn. There are none of these people who are holding him back in the first term. I had this essay before the election about Trump and disinhibition, and I was saying that essay, it's also, by the way, truth. Elon Musk.
Tim Miller
I like that essay.
Ezra Klein
I was saying in that essay that Trump's fundamental characteristic as a public figure, as a human mind, is disinhibition. He's disinhibited in a way just almost no other human beings are. And that is both behind some of what makes him really compelling as an entertainer and a voice, and what lets him do things other people would wouldn't do and try strategies they wouldn't try, and it's what makes him dangerous. But in the first term, he governed in a very uneasy coalition with the traditional Republican Party. And one way of taking that, which the people around Trump is, the way they understand it, is that held him back. And another way of taking it, which is more how I understand it, is that was a crucial balance of that administration, that when the Secretary of the army, the Secretary of Defense, I'm sorry, Esperanto, said, no, we're not going to open fire on all these protesters in Washington, D.C. that was good for Donald Trump as opposed to bad for Donald Trump. When nobody followed up on the let's launch Patriot missiles into Mexico idea, that was good for Donald Trump, not bad for Donald Trump. And in this one, they've gotten rid of the both in terms of Trump's administration, they've gotten rid of the breaks, they got rid of the external inhibitors. And in the movement broadly, there's no external inhibition, there's no sense of what you shouldn't say, no sense of what's too far. Maybe it turns out that's great. My suspicion is that's actually super dangerous and in the long run, doesn't wear well, particularly in a country where you just won 49.8% of the vote, not 68.9% of the vote. So, I don't know, it doesn't look to me like a great stable ground to build on.
Tim Miller
This is why you're at the top of the game, Ezra. I ask you about Kanye tweeting, call me Yadolf Yittler, and you get it all the way back to your disinhibition column. It's such well executed.
Ezra Klein
Wrap it right up in a bow.
Tim Miller
Wonderfully done, everybody. Ezra Klein go get his book with Derek Thompson. It's called Abundance. We'll have them back and we'll talk about that in a month or two. So we can do a little book club together. Pre order it, read it, and we'll all chat about it in a little bit. Thanks so much, Desra Klein.
Ezra Klein
Always a pleasure, my friend.
Tim Miller
All right, we'll see you all back here on Monday. Peace.
Unknown
Here's what I want you all to do for me. Bang.
Tim Miller
Court.
Unknown
You're looking for the same thing It's a new thing Check out this I bring a older roll below the level Cause I'm living low next to the base Come on, turn up the radio they claiming I'm a criminal but now I wonder how some people never know the enemy could be different Guardian, I'm now a hooligan I rock the party and clear all the madness I'm not a racist Preach to teach the officer Cause someday never had this number one never wanna run about the gun I wasn't licensed to have one the minute they see me, fear me I'm the epitome of public enemy Used, abused without clues I refused to blow a fuse they even had it on a news don't believe the hype don't believe the hype don't, don't, don't believe the hype yes, was the start of my last jam so here it is again another death jam but since I gave you all a little something that I knew you lacked they still consider me a new jack all the critics you can hang on my hold of rope but they hoax to the pope and pray it ain't dope the follow up Farrakhan don't tell me that you understand until you hear the man they'll book up the new school rascal Writers treat me like Coltrane insane Yes to them but to me I'm a different kind we're brothers of the same mind Unblind caught in the middling not surrendering, I don't rhyme for the sake of riddling so claiming that I'm a smuggler Some say I never heard of ya A rap burglar False media, we don't need it, do we? It's fake that's what it be to you dig me? Yo, Terminator X Step up on the stand and show these people what time it is his boy don't, don't, don't, don't don't believe the height don't believe the height don't believe the height don't believe the height don't, don't, don't, don't don't believe the hype don't believe the hype It's a sequel as an equal Can I get this through to you my 98 booming with a trunk a funk all the jealous punk can't stop the dunk Coming from the school of hard knocks some perpetrate they drink borax attack the black because I know they lack exact the colfax and still they try to xerox the leader of the new school Uncool never played the fool just made the rules Remember there's a need to get along again I said I was a time bomb in the daytime radio scared of cause I'm mad plus I'm the enemy they can't come on and play me in prime time cause I know the time plus I'm getting mine I get on the mix late in the night they know I'm living right so here goes the mic site before I let it go don't rush my show? You try to reach and grab and get elbow word to her, yo if you can't swing this, learn the words you might sing this Just a little bit of the taste of the bass for you as you get up and down chance at the LQ when some denied the fire I swing polos then they clear the lane I go solo the meaning of all of that the media is the wax as you believe it's true it blows me through the roof Suckers, liars, give me a shovel Some writers I know are damn devils from them I say don't believe the hype Yo Chuck, that must be on the pipe, right? The pins and pads I stashed Cause I've had it I'm not an addict being dip or static I see the tape recorder and I grab it. No you can't have it back, silly rabbit. I'm going to my media assassin, Harry Allen. I gotta ask him. You're Harry. You're a writer. Are we that tight?
Tim Miller
The Borg podcast is produced by Katie Cooper with audio engineering and editing by Jason Brown.
The Bulwark Podcast: Ezra Klein – "The Resistance, Back from the Dead"
Release Date: February 7, 2025
In this compelling episode of The Bulwark Podcast, host Tim Miller engages in an in-depth conversation with Ezra Klein, a renowned opinion columnist at The New York Times, host of The Ezra Klein Show, and co-author of the upcoming book Abundance with Derek Thompson. The discussion delves into the tumultuous landscape of American politics, focusing on the actions and impacts of the Trump administration, Democratic strategies, and the broader cultural battles shaping the nation.
Tim Miller opens the conversation by referencing a previous discussion where Klein highlighted top Democrats' skepticism about Trump's portrayal as an existential threat to democracy. Observing the events of the past seven months, Miller probes Klein on whether these Democrats have reconsidered their stance.
Ezra Klein responds thoughtfully, indicating a shift in Democratic sentiment. He notes that Democrats who were initially open to working with Trump under more constructive policies have now moved into outright opposition, viewing Trump as a direct threat to the republic. Klein summarizes this sentiment:
"Trump has gone into a place where he is threatening, I think, both in their view and objectively, the structure of American government itself."
(05:00)
The discussion transitions to measuring the current threat level to American democracy. Klein classifies it between "orange" and "red," suggesting a precarious balance where Trump’s actions are alarming but not yet at a point of irreversible damage.
"They're between orange and red... If they defy a court order, it's red."
(04:21)
Klein emphasizes the importance of not treating Trump's actions as settled, maintaining a provisional stance that allows for resistance and legal challenges.
Tim Miller challenges Klein’s perspective by highlighting the aggressive appointments and dismantling efforts spearheaded by Trump, arguing that these actions signify substantial strength rather than weakness.
Klein acknowledges the complexity, asserting that while the administration demonstrates strength in certain areas—like pushing through unfavorable policies—it simultaneously reveals weaknesses, especially legislative ones. He elaborates:
"They are legislatively weak... but they are not willing to go through things in Congress."
(12:51)
A significant portion of the conversation focuses on the internal struggle within the FBI. Klein explains how Acting Director Brian Driscoll’s resistance against purging agents involved in the January 6th cases has galvanized an internal counterforce within the bureau.
"Driscoll... stiffer spines... created a kind of internal counterforce where now people are trying to fight them."
(28:29)
This resistance complicates Trump’s efforts to exert control, potentially safeguarding the FBI's integrity against political machinations.
Klein critiques the Trump administration's energy policies, condemning their attempt to disrupt renewable energy advancements while promoting fossil fuels. He underscores the long-term detrimental effects of such policies on decarbonization efforts.
"They're doing a dirty energy strategy... trying to break that Elon Musk."
(32:24)
He contrasts this with the first Trump administration's initial support for clean energy before pivoting away, highlighting a consistent pattern of undermining sustainable initiatives.
The conversation shifts to the Republican Party's struggles in Congress, particularly regarding spending bills and tax cuts. Klein outlines the internal discord within the GOP, citing disagreements on debt reduction and the potential scaling back of essential programs like Medicaid, Medicare, and Social Security to finance tax cuts.
"Steve Bannon said... we are not united... every one of these things is going to be a huge fight that divides huge parts of the party."
(35:29)
Klein predicts impending government shutdowns as House Republicans grapple with crafting cohesive budgets amidst fractured support and lack of Democratic cooperation.
A pivotal segment explores how Trump and his allies have mastered the art of controlling public attention compared to Democrats. Klein argues that the right's aggressive engagement with media and cultural issues has granted them disproportionate influence over national discourse.
"Trump and his allies fight to control attention the way Democrats don't... there’s a corporate desire to shift."
(38:43)
He contends that Democrats have struggled to resonate culturally, leading to a vacuum filled by more aggressive right-wing narratives and attention-seeking strategies from tech moguls like Elon Musk.
Klein discusses the transformative impact of social media on political communication, emphasizing how platforms prioritize engagement-driven content that often exacerbates cultural divisions. He remarks on the rapid rise and fall of cultural movements and the challenges Democrats face in maintaining a consistent and resonant narrative.
"Social media selects for engagement... the more people treat this guy as some mastermind autocrat, the more they're emboldened to keep fighting."
(46:01)
He highlights the instability of modern culture due to instantaneous and volatile communication dynamics, urging Democrats to adapt by authentically engaging with contemporary media outlets and influential personalities.
The dialogue touches upon recent controversial statements by public figures like Kanye West, analyzing their implications for national discourse. Klein interprets such actions as symptomatic of deeper cultural fractures and the allure of extremist rhetoric amid declining institutional trust.
"It's a very thin membrane between doing trolling, racism and being like, 'Oh, I actually don't want to marry outside my race.'"
(50:02)
He warns of the dangers posed by unchecked disinhibition among influential individuals, suggesting a potential escalation of extremist ideologies if left unchallenged.
As the episode draws to a close, Klein reflects on the overarching challenges facing American democracy and culture. He underscores the necessity for Democrats to rebuild trust, engage authentically with cultural currents, and counteract the disinformation and destabilizing strategies employed by the opposition.
"They are trying to purge the FBI, but they are doing a shitty job of it... people should pay a lot of attention to that fight."
(38:43)
Klein concludes with a somber acknowledgment of the current state, advocating for vigilant opposition and the restoration of institutional integrity amidst ongoing political and cultural upheaval.
"Trump has gone into a place where he is threatening, I think, both in their view and objectively, the structure of American government itself."
Ezra Klein (05:00)
"They're between orange and red... If they defy a court order, it's red."
Ezra Klein (04:21)
"They are legislatively weak... but they are not willing to go through things in Congress."
Ezra Klein (12:51)
"Driscoll... stiffer spines... created a kind of internal counterforce where now people are trying to fight them."
Ezra Klein (28:29)
"They're doing a dirty energy strategy... trying to break that Elon Musk."
Ezra Klein (32:24)
"Steve Bannon said... we are not united... every one of these things is going to be a huge fight that divides huge parts of the party."
Ezra Klein (35:29)
"Trump and his allies fight to control attention the way Democrats don't... there’s a corporate desire to shift."
Ezra Klein (38:43)
"Social media selects for engagement... the more people treat this guy as some mastermind autocrat, the more they're emboldened to keep fighting."
Ezra Klein (46:01)
"It's a very thin membrane between doing trolling, racism and being like, 'Oh, I actually don't want to marry outside my race.'"
Ezra Klein (50:02)
This episode of The Bulwark Podcast presents a nuanced examination of the current political and cultural climate in the United States. Through insightful dialogue, Ezra Klein articulates the complexities of opposing a resilient yet flawed administration, the internal battles within federal agencies, and the incessant tug-of-war over national narrative and cultural dominance. The conversation underscores the imperative for strategic resistance and adaptive engagement to safeguard liberal democracy amidst escalating partisan and cultural tensions.