B (2:08)

No, no. I was informed ahead of time, before the election that they were fake news. And those were biased Republican polls.

A (2:15)

You had Trump right on the margin of error in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan ahead in North Carolina and Florida.

B (2:22)

Yeah, all Arizona. We had Arizona by one.

A (2:25)

And we're going to see where and I think we're going to win. So what's the Arizona update? Because we're here in Arizona right now. We're getting lots of emails from people.

B (2:31)

So. Okay, so why don't we wind back to Tuesday night. Fox makes the call Tuesday night, says, yep, we're calling Arizona for Joe Biden, he's going to win, blah, blah, blah. There's, at that point there's like 73% of the vote counted. There's a million votes still outstanding. Right. This isn't like, this isn't California where a million votes isn't that much. This is Arizona. That's like a third of the vote

A (2:52)

with a lot of Republicans in the state.

B (2:54)

Yeah, yeah, right. 100%. And the reporting after that says that they had a data error where they thought there were only 500,000 votes left. Okay. I mean that maybe that's true, maybe it isn't. But like I was just looking at this stuff online and that it didn't hold water to me. I didn't have the data, the data from coming in to me that they did. But here's the, here's where we are on Arizona. Ever since, ever since Fox made that call and I want to talk about that separately, but ever since Fox made that call, Trump has been winning count significantly. So the election day votes, meaning votes that were literally cast on election day and then were count and then were counted that night. And then early Wednesday morning, Trump won 65, 35 across the state. Okay.

A (3:40)

6,535.

B (3:42)

6,535. Which meant that he cut into the lead that by the vote by significantly. Yeah, the vote by mail, which we, everybody knew the vote by mail was where the Democrats put all their eggs early on and it was a heavily Biden vote. But the early in person and the day of voting was very Trump friendly. So since then they've been counting the early in person, they've been counting some provisionals and you know, just different, different things that have come in. But basically stuff that was not election day and was not the early vote by mail. And Trump has been winning that also not in 65, 35, but he is in need to winning at kind of 59 or 60 to like 40.

A (4:18)

And that's enough to win.

B (4:19)

That's enough to win. Yesterday afternoon it was like there were 605,000 ballots left to be counted, which, by the way, is another issue. It's like a day later, there's still that many, but that's separate. And he had to win like 57.5% of those. So the latest, there were two updates last night of Maricopa county ballots. One of them, it was like 50 some thousand ballots. He won that 59%. There's another count of like 60 some thousand ballots that was dropped late, late last night. He won that by 58%. So he's doing what he needs to do. He keeps closing the gap. There's still a lot of ballots to be counted. There's an interesting little. I don't know if this is going to be something that's just an anomaly when we look back on it or if this meant something, but there's like 100,000 ballots of those, of that 600 that were from Pima county, which is Tucson. That's the, you know, basically for people don't know, Arizona, that's like the blue part of our state, or maybe I should say the bluest. And he won about a 6,000. They counted a batch of like 6,000. Trump actually won it out.

A (5:24)

Well, my theory on that is that the Republicans that live in that county waited to the last couple of days to turn in their ballots.

B (5:30)

Yeah, that's the theory. I think that.

A (5:32)

Which then will skew the whole data set in Trump's direction to 60 to 61%, which I think will put him on the way to win.

B (5:38)

You're 100% correct, so. Yeah, hope so. I mean, like, everything is. You were also cautious because we were waiting to get this, like, ripped out from under us at the, at the last second. Arizona is hard to steal and things. Aren't it, in fact, going in Trump's direction.

A (5:51)

Yeah. And Arizona, of all the states that's still in play, and I want to go state by state, is the hardest to steal because we've had the most amount of Republicans in office and a lot of eyeballs on the process for years here.

B (6:01)

Yeah, this is absolutely true. There's a, there's a rally today. I think that's really important for Trump supporters. I've been, I've been talking to people about this offline. I've been talking about it a lot online. I think it's very, very important for Trump's, for people to back the president, for people who just want a straight, fair, honest, transparent vote count to be out there, you know, to get together to have these, to have these rallies to go to the places where votes are being counted and to make sure that their eyes on this stuff because when you look away, you never, you don't know what happens. And we've seen these things happen before. We saw it like for instance in 2018 in California. Republic of lost young Kim's seat and

A (6:44)

she's winning right now. They'll probably steal it from her.

B (6:45)

But I actually just got an update on that when I was driving down here. That actually looks good. I mean there's not a lot of ballots left.

A (6:53)

You're not going to be surprised this time.

B (6:55)

That's right. There are more eyes on it and that's really the key. There's got to be eyes on the

A (7:00)

whole process and there's no eyes in Atlanta. They're doing whatever they want.

B (7:03)

This is, it's totally outrageous. And there's a Republican Secretary of state.

A (7:07)

Where is the governor? Where is the governor of Georgia right now?

B (7:10)

Republicans have been caught flat footed by this. They're not used to an era in which you have to have more people actively involved in the vote counting process.

A (7:20)

Chris, here's where I'm frustrated. You and I were talking about this back in June about how they're going to try and steal this. Why, why was there not a well funded infrastructure? I mean we're running television advertisements for hundreds of millions of dollars across the country, which maybe moved the dial 0.1%, but we don't have an infrastructure in the urban cities to win the entire state.

B (7:39)

And to me, and to verify the vote, to make sure that it's transparent, it's accurate, it's fair and it's legal. And those are, those are really important things. And there's a couple of things I think going on for Republicans here. One is that for instance, in Georgia or Arizona, I think Republicans honestly were complacent. Just thought, yeah, you know, maybe we're not going to win those states by 10, but we're going to lock them up and we're going to win by two or three. We don't have to think about it too much. Republican governor, Arizona, we do have a Democrat Secretary of state. We have a Democrat who's the Maricopa county recorder. And then, you know, they think Georgia, you know, Republican, Republican governor, Republican Secretary of State, we should be fine. No, you're never, you're never fine. You have to verify this. Like Reagan, trust, but verify. We're going to have our people there and we have to have the infrastructure in place to make sure that these things are fair and legal.

A (8:24)

Do you believe what's happening in Georgia is fraudulent?

B (8:26)

Sure looks like it. I'll tell you. First of all, I guess, let me go think about this from. Or talk about it. If you go back to election night, okay, so there were a handful of large cities, major urban centers in this country, and they all stopped counting election night. What were those cities? They were Atlanta, Philadelphia, Milwaukee, Detroit. Why those cities wasn't Dallas.

A (8:55)

Right here wasn't Harris County. It wasn't Cook County, Illinois.

B (8:59)

No, because everybody knew that Those, those were not relevant. Illinois was going to Biden. Texas, despite all of the, despite all the talk ahead of time, Texas was going to Trump. Everybody knew that. And by the way, footnote here, for all the talk about Texas going, Trump won Texas by the same margin. He won Texas, and he did better

A (9:17)

in western Texas counties along the border and did better with Hispanics, did worse with white liberals in the suburbs of Dallas.

B (9:24)

It's, here's the irony of this election is that if Trump loses, God forbid, and I'm not predicting that, I'm just saying if he did, and I'll tell the story the reverse, which is if Trump wins, that's a happier way to do it. Let me do it that way. If Trump wins, the irony here will be that he lost the vote of suburban white liberals, particularly liberal suburban white liberal, liberal women. And the thing that put him over the edge was an increases in the Hispanic vote of the black vote. That is just like the most. Regardless of how it goes, that's like the most delicious irony.

A (9:59)

If he ends up winning and pulling this out.

B (10:00)

Yeah. Even if he doesn't wind up winning, he's going to wind up. It will be because of basically what white suburban liberals did. And sort of the ones sort of in the middle who, you know, I don't like his tweets or whatever, he's a racist. And yet he winds up getting a bigger share of the black and Hispanic vote.

A (10:16)

Chris, what's going on in Milwaukee? You said you talked to a very smart person that saw that there might have been some funny business.

B (10:23)

This is, this is actually very interesting. And it could, it's what a lot of people, I think, suspect but didn't know how to really to verbalize or to prove. And it's this, it's that the suspicion, I think we all know what it is. The suspicion is Democrats look at Trump winning the state of Wisconsin. They say, oh, he's ahead by X. Let's just say, for the sake of argument, let's just Say X is 100,000 votes and they, but they know that Milwaukee is controlled by Democrats. There's a, there's a Democrat machine in Milwaukee. Milwaukee is one of the, one of the cities that have stopped counting Tuesday night. Why do they stop counting? Because you don't know what you want the total to be yet. Right, It's. And so you just wait and you say, okay, well we're going to wait, we're going to take a pause and then get back to us and tell us what you need later. Well, okay, so it, so people say, well, voter fraud is really hard and you could maybe a few hundred boats here, there maybe not, you know, but you can never do it on a big scale. It would be too obvious. Well, what are the, there's a couple elements to that. Well, if it's obvious, how would you see it? How would you detect it? And then the second part is, well, what would you do about it? And so what this, what this friend of mine did, it's been very smart, very quantitative version. Basically takes all of the data on the, on the ballots out of Milwaukee, separates by Republicans separate and Democrats and then does a pretty sophisticated statistical model and on those respective ballot pools and says, does this seem right? Is this like what you would expect in a normal distribution? It takes into account all the, all the sorts of things that you, that we know happen in real life. Like yeah, we know that there are certain neighborhoods that are more Republican. Even in a Democrat city like Milwaukee, there's a certain precinct that skews Republican or whatever and models it out and said, you know, is this something, does this look like a real world distribution of how the Republican votes were distributed across Milwaukee? Does it says, yeah, like there's the concentrations you would expect, there's the total randomness that you would expect. The example, the example used is, you know, for instance, and I'll flip to the Democrat side here and say, you know, for instance, you would expect a Democrat even in a Democrat heavy area that there's a particular precinct. Yeah, maybe Biden did actually literally get every single vote in that precinct, but there's some other precinct where it was 60, 40 and Trump outperformed. You know, maybe it was because the guy who was supposed to drive the van to take 10 people to the polling place, he got sick and didn't do it. You know, just random real world variability. And so when you do, when you run the Democrats side of this for Milwaukee, he says there is zero randomness at all. In fact, it is a perfectly even algorithmic distribution which is effectively a statistical near impossibility.

A (13:05)

So what you're saying is that through a independent analysis of the data available in Milwaukee, a very smart guy that you're friends with quantitative inputted all the data, and he saw no acts of randomness in the voting patterns for Democrats in Milwaukee.

B (13:21)

So what that tells us is that they didn't do all the work. They said, oh, we need X number of votes. Put it in. And then you just distribute them across the precincts. But not putting in the randomness. That would cover the tracks. Right. So what. So basically, the next step of this is, okay, what do you do about it? Right.

A (13:39)

So do you think that's legit?

B (13:40)

It's somebody I trust. So, yes, I think it's legitimate. And then let me. The other layer on this is that having done all this, looked at it, and, you know, my own background is like, I can do the modeling of it. I only had a short period of time to look at it, but eyeballing looks, right? But then I go to post. To post something about this and see on Twitter that there's another account that. It's an anonymous account, but it's somebody that has done very good statistical work on Covid and stuff, has done the exact same analysis and had just posted it online. And so if anybody wants to see it, I retweeted it, so you can see that at thechristbusterg. I retweeted this. Why is this important? Does this. What do we do about it? That's always. What's the action item here? The action item is, this is the forms, the basis for a legal challenge. You go into court and say, look, this couldn't. Literally, this could not have happened. It's statistically unlikely. I mean, to the point of like, one in a billion type of chance.

A (14:35)

One in a billion, based on what we saw.

B (14:37)

And so now hold up. We get a chance to have our lawyers go in and look under the hood and see what was going on with all those ballots in Milwaukee and excuse.

A (14:47)

The only explanation would be that they inputted a bunch of ballots that they needed.

B (14:50)

Seems like the most likely explanation. Yeah, because otherwise it's just too weird. Like, it's too. It's. It's like picking the lotto number.

A (15:00)

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B (16:47)

There's not. Yeah, it's too, it's too perfectly. That's the best way to think about it. So this is again, this is the second. This is a model that's been done. We all know models can be wrong. So I want to, I guess I want to stipulate that up front. But when you look, when you look at these things, this is. And the Trump campaign and the GOP up in Wisconsin are looking where. Because I know that. I've talked to people up there and they said, like in their gut. And just from their observation of what's been going on, they're like, something's not right here. But we don't know how to demonstrate it. We don't know how to. We don't know how to prove it. We want to be able to go in. What their goal is, is they want to be able to make sure that all the ballots get looked at, go in and review what's happened. You know, they want to have another set of eyes on this stuff. But to do that they need to get into court. They need to get, and they need to get a court order on this so they can, you know, effectively look under the hood. This is one possible way that the GOP and the Trump campaign up in Wisconsin could, could potentially mount a successful legal challenge that gets them with they want, which is to go in there and say, hold on, we gotta, we need to have outside third party forensic analysis.

A (17:52)

Right.

B (17:52)

A real analysis of this. And so that's what this is really about. Does the, does the model itself a thousand percent prove something? No, but it gives you a strong enough basis to say this is very unusual.

A (18:04)

The equivalent you would say statistically is if someone walks into the room right now and they'd say, hey, 1682, 22, 79, those are the lotto numbers tonight. Take it to the bank. And all of a sudden it happens. You'd be like, I want to investigate that. How'd that guy know that? That's kind of what, that's what, basically what you're saying.

B (18:18)

And by the way, you also happen to be the guy who calls the numbers tonight, right?

A (18:21)

Yeah, no, exactly. That's the. You're talking about a one in a billion. Someone who comes with confidence, clarity and all of a sudden ends up right. You're like, maybe he knew something. There's something not right there.

B (18:30)

Yeah, there's like the old saying, like there's a pony in there somewhere.

A (18:34)

Yes. And so cuz you're looking at the, the analysis of the votes that came into Milwaukee county and people on the ground in Milwaukee, by the way. So my contacts in Wisconsin, they were calling a definite victory for Trump at 11 o' clock before everything came through. And they said based on. Because Trump overperformed Kenosha county by 28 points. 28 points. I call it the BLM Inc. County. So it happens in BLM Inc. Visits your county and Trump won it by one point in 2016, BLM comes and visits and burns down, you know, everything. And next thing you know, it swings for Trump by 28 points. The people that I really trust in Wisconsin said there was a lot of funny business happening in Milwaukee. And the statistics show that.

B (19:14)

The statistics, sure. Look, they give them the basis they need to go in and have people actually look. Right. I mean, because this is one of my big frustrations. I know you've talked about it too. So we have all these models out there. Right. We have polls. Polls are just a model. We did this with COVID Where there's a model, there is a point where you have to get beyond the model and get it irl. Let's go in real life. And that's what want to do, is we want to get people IRL in to look at these ballots to see what was. To see what was going on. I mean, the same, you know, there, there was this prediction that there's a huge landslide for Biden. Right. But now let's pick that apart. What happened? Biden was totally going to win Texas. Right.

A (19:53)

Flip Texas blue one by six points.

B (19:56)

Donald Trump won by the same margin in that he did in 16. West Virginia, just as an example. He increased his margin despite polls that

A (20:04)

say he was only going by 10.

B (20:06)

Right, exactly right. Ohio, which people before the election were saying, yeah, he's going to win, but it's going to be tight, but he'll

A (20:12)

win, win by eight and a half points.

B (20:14)

Yeah, basically the same margin as 2016. So you kind of go down these things and you look, and then you look at, you know, next to Pennsylvania or next to Ohio, you have Pennsylvania, and you look at the county by county and you see a bunch of places where Trump overperformed 2016. Okay, but now you're, but now you're supposed to just accept on blind faith that in this, in the Democrat city, nothing all of a sudden, just magically a couple days later got hundreds of thousands of votes when we know that the turnout was low early on. But you didn't. The ballots somehow don't show up until Wednesday or Thursday.

A (20:51)

So you made a great point. The, the cities in Milwaukee, Philadelphia, Atlanta and Detroit, in the most important election of our lifetime, with the highest voter turnout ever, they knew there was a lot of mail. They called it a night. Who did that? Because Cook county didn't call it a night. Harris county didn't call it a night. Dallas county didn't call it a night. Maricopa county sort of called it a night. But they were a mess. Why is it that every Democrat county that mattered called it a night?

B (21:20)

Here's the context we have to understand. In 2016, the Democrats did not think Donald Trump could.

A (21:25)

So they didn't have infrastructure in place for this.

B (21:27)

They just got caught sleeping. And we, I think a lot of us knew this. Maybe people didn't know exactly what they were supposed to do, but they weren't going to get caught sleeping again. They weren't going to let Donald Trump go in and win. Michigan or Pennsylvania. And they were going to. And they were going to do what they had to do in states where if they needed insurance, like Georgia, which the insurance policy is Atlanta or North Carolina, whatever, but, but there was no circumstance under which there were not. Where they were not going to have plans in place to try and make sure that those states stayed or turned back to blue.

A (21:59)

The plan A was the powerful people plan that somehow the confluence of Hollywood, big tech, Wall street, bankers, international corporations, former globalist Republicans will all come together and somehow the American people will want to commit suicide. And Joe Biden comes out to a bunch of cars honking the horns and he says, thank you very much. I'm so glad I'm going to be your next senator. You know, adios America. Elizabeth Warren's Treasury Secretary. And then Chuck Schumer comes out and he says, I'm Senate Majority Leader. But it became very clear as Florida rolled in and none of the networks called Florida. This night was going to go very differently. And I was watching the networks. It was really interesting. We knew Florida was Trump's at 8:30 easily. The networks were filibustering. They weren't even calling Florida. They were talking about Virginia. They were talking about all these other weird states and calling them for Biden because there was a playbook that was sent or communicated to the media people that none of these states are gonna be called tonight. Filibuster. Like you're a good old Southern senator trying to kill the Civil Rights act from the Democrat Party. I mean, I felt like I was watching Strom Thurmond on cable television. They were just wasting time, right? And meanwhile they think the American people are stupid, that we don't have our counties. We can see some people were, oh, Ohio looks really bad. We come into Ohio, we run the table in Ohio and then we look at this and we're Clark County, Milwaukee County, Philadelphia, Atlanta and Detroit. Call it a night. What are the chances of that?

B (23:23)

There are no coincidences on election night. That's sort of my rule of thumb. And if you don't like to hear people saying that, then don't do it. Like, this is like in a presidential election. The people who are running things like, like precincts and polling places and count and, and are overseeing the count. They have a hyper obligation, more than at any other time, to be transparent, 100% transparent, not to do anything that looks in any way unusual.

A (23:53)

And they're boarding up windows in downtown Detroit, kicking out poll watchers.

B (23:58)

New York, I mean, they were, you know, they're Boarding up New York, they're boarding up D.C. but, you know, I posted video yesterday of Detroit of one of the poll watchers who'd been kicked out. So they won't let us back in.

A (24:07)

They won't. There's no poll watching happening. So we had the bodies and they're kicking them out.

B (24:12)

So why do you, why do you kick poll watchers out?

A (24:14)

Because they're filling in ballots or they're doing something right. So here's a question. Where's the Department of Justice? It would be, it'd be helpful if we were the incumbent.

B (24:21)

It would be nice, wouldn't it?

A (24:22)

I feel like we're trying to win back the government. Not. But it feels as why is the Department of Justice not sending out letters saying why is it they're not allowing poll watchers in? Why is it that people's ballots are saying unregistered and canceled. The Obama DOJ went around like a drone squad in southern Yemen towards any sort of Republican precinct that dared even have a line.

B (24:44)

Right. Where's Barr?

A (24:45)

Right. Eric Holder and Loretta lynch went around shooting Tomahawk missiles at Republican states. You remember how active that DOJ was?

B (24:53)

Absolutely. Do you Republicans? I, you know, I've just, this is one of the reasons Trump was so popular in 2016.

A (25:02)

He remains popular and which is why I think he won the election legitimately. I don't know what the fraud's going to say.

B (25:07)

There's a report out, I don't know if you saw this today, Charlie. There's a report out in AXIOS that Mitch McConnell is developing, along with Joe Biden, a list of acceptable cabinets. This tells us who they are, exactly who we know. But, you know, look on your favorite senators Twitter feed with at important exceptions, Ted Cruz has actually been quite good.

A (25:25)

Ted has been really good.

B (25:26)

Rubio has been good. Cotton's been good. But look at the leadership. McConnell is, has been silent, has not said a single thing.

A (25:33)

I will preface, I will put little context on it. Yes. I'm very thankful that we're not going to add justice to the Supreme Court. We're not going to have D.C. puerto Rico as states. But he is the right now, outside of the president, he is the highest ranking Republican that will be in office in January. Assuredly. He's the, he is the head of the Republican Party, definitely. So he won his race by 30 or whatever. He's happy because they spent all this money on him. Joanie won, Steve won. Tom's going to win. This is not just about parliamentary Senate power anymore. This is a lot more serious. This is the future of a constitutional republic,

B (26:12)

no matter how this election shakes out. And again, I'm not saying that because I think it shake up for Trump. I'm not trying to make a comment on that. The comment I want to make is that regardless of the ultimate outcome of this, half of the country is going to think for sure, 100% in their bones that the election was rigged.

A (26:32)

How is this sustainable for a republic?

B (26:35)

It's not, is the short answer. And that's the problem, is that, look, if you look at all of human history, it's just at this tiny amount of people who, who have ever lived in societies that had some sort of participatory government.

A (26:47)

It is.

B (26:48)

There's a belief, I think sometimes it's explicit, sometimes it's implicit, that like this is the end state, like this. So we got there, you know, we being like humanity or something, and we were the Americans who were lucky enough to get there first, which is, yeah, you just have like, you have free government, you have participatory government, and you have these institutions. And

A (27:13)

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B (29:21)

All right. The sense, the sense making institutions have to actually make sense. And when the, and when they, when what the sense making institutions say to people conflicts with what they see in real life, with what they see with their own eyes. It's like that old expression, who are you going to believe, me or your lying eyes? That cognitive dissonance can last for a while, but as those two realities grow further and further apart. Now you have a really brittle system, and then you don't know what the trigger is. But when you know, like we're saying, offline, slowly at first and then all at once, and then something happens and you have to, you have this sort of a break.

A (29:58)

So, Chris, let's talk about what people can do.

B (30:03)

Well, a couple things. One is do not accept defeat. Right? And I don't mean that if, if there's a legitimate account of all legal votes that you don't accept that to be. What I mean is just mentally, like, spiritually don't accept defeat. I've heard from people over the past couple days which says, well, you know, I like, it's just, what do we even do? So I don't. So they're fatigued and they say, well, I just got to go back to doing whatever is my normal job or whatever my life is. I get that 100% right. You have to like, you got to feed your family.

A (30:34)

But, but the fatigue you're feeling is a tactic being used by the left.

B (30:38)

That's exactly right. It's the term like the quote unquote, suppression polls. I mean, this is why we, we started doing so much polling in this cycle, is because you saw all These polls out there for the prior two months up to the election, you know, Trump's down by 10, Trump's down by 20, Trump's down by 100%. Nobody's voting for him. He's even gonna vote against himself. You know, it's ridiculous.

A (30:57)

Well, I think that this was. It's kind of like the long march of the institutions, which is a leftist tactic. They talk about it a lot. And rule number eight, Stalinsky says, keep the pressure on. And now we're post election, and the election's actually now in the most consequential phase. And I'm gonna be honest, I'm exhausted. I haven't slept, I haven't eaten. Now you really dive deep. Because here's the problem, is that this election phase has now been handed off from the electioneers to the election counters. They kind of pass the baton. And the election counters, they got plenty of energy and they were waiting for this. And that's the creepy part, is that we're now the same people. We're the same people that were just advocating. And now we're trying to get into this whole new, like, wait a second, there's ballots here. We're doing this, and lawsuits. They had a whole infrastructure in place for this, and now they said, okay, now it's your turn and what people need to realize. And I'm gonna read this here. Meanwhile, GOP lawmakers overjoyed after they unexpectedly patterned their ranks. I mean, they were stunned. I made a prediction. We gained five House seats. Some cable networks came out and said immediately before the votes were counted, before polls were closed in California, they said that the Pelosi keeps the House and she expands by five seats. You know how many GOP incumbents they beat? Zero. They did not beat one Republican. Think about it.

B (32:12)

That's amazing.

A (32:14)

And CLF and the NRCC, and I'm friends with Kevin McCarthy. I mean that non sarcastically. He's always been very honest and very good to me. I don't agree with him on every issue, but he's always been very good to me. They got outspent like five to one in every one of these House races. And we flipped Elvira Salazar in Florida. We flipped all these races. The question is why? It wasn't because of. I don't think it wasn't because of massive money or strategy. It's because President Donald Trump nationalized this election. And all of a sudden you had people in rural Texas and rural Iowa that were like, I don't want my country going the way of socialists. Give me every r I possibly can.

B (32:47)

I think that's absolutely right. Which I think puts the lie to some of the things that are going on with the count of the Trump vote. So here's what happens is we keep the Senate when we were predicted not to.

A (33:00)

So can someone explain to me how zero Republican incumbents lose zero. We lose zero governor's mansions, we flip the Montana governor's mansion, we win a lot of state legislative races, which matters a lot for redistricting, yet Donald Trump loses in a lot of these states. How's that possible?

B (33:19)

This is like what we were talking about before. That seems like a weird statistical anomaly to me.

A (33:24)

The only explanation is you have Biden straight ticket Republican voters, right?

B (33:29)

That's right.

A (33:30)

Is that, is that a reasonable explanation?

B (33:32)

It doesn't seem like it to me.

A (33:33)

So according to the Secretary of state's office in Georgia, they're doing their best third world country impersonation there. It's a joke, by the way. I'm so exhausted by these people that are defending on television. This is a really hard job. Well, then go find a new job. Okay. This is the democracy of our, this is the country, the country we live in. It's constitutional. Republicans, if you can't get quick results, you should resign. Amgreatness.com, chris Buzkirk, please consider supporting us. Charliekirk.com support Chris, you're awesome. Thanks so much. Charliekirk.com support See you in a couple hours.