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I'm a big Nigel Farage fan. He's a dear friend.
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Email us your questions freedomarliekirk.com and if
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Nigel Farage is here. Time to save the West. Buckle up.
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Here we go. Charlie, what you've done is incredible here.
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Maybe Charlie Kirk is on the college campus.
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I want you to know we are lucky to have Charlie Kirk. Charlie Kirk's running the White House, folks.
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I want to thank Charlie. He's an incredible guy. His spirit, his love of this country. He's done an amazing job building one of the most powerful youth organizations ever created, Turning Point usa.
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We will not embrace the ideas that have destroyed countries, destroyed lives, and we are going to fight for freedom on campuses across the country. That's why we are here.
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friend and the defender of Western civilization, Nigel Farage. Nigel, welcome to the Charlie Kirk Show.
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Charlie, great to be here. Not before time, but great to be here. And I've got a big message for you.
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Oh, I can't wait. And I'm so glad you're here in America. I feel that you're more American than most Americans I deal with nowadays.
C
I spent my working life for 20 years working for American firms before getting into politics. So I've kind of been across the pond commuter for about 35 years.
B
I mean, you speak the language of American politics perfectly well.
C
I think the thing is we've got common cause. The big battles that are being fought right across the West. Don't think here in America, These are purely your challenges. We've got an attempt now. It isn't even socialism. It's a new form of Marxism that is out there. It's intent upon bringing down the West. Yes, bringing down the West. Smashing our Judeo Christian culture, defunding the police is just a part of that. And they will destroy capitalism, freedom and liberty and replace it with a new, wonderful Marxist order. That's what's really going on here.
B
I want to explore that with you. There's so much there. But I first want to say thank you for your contribution to, to the West. What you did with Brexit gave hope to so many Trump voters back in 2016. I remember that because all of a sudden, it kind of challenged conventional polling. It played into this what was once mythology, which then became hope of the silent majority, that there was more of us than we could ever imagine. And there was the wink and the nod society that we're gonna show up in big numbers, even though we might not be reflected on the BBC or the Guardian. And then you also forced the hand of the resignation of Prime Minister May. I think it's two years ago to the day.
C
Two years to the day. So what happened was we got Brexit in 2016. And you're quite right, that gave a lot of Americans, hey, you know, maybe this guy Trump can do it. You know, maybe we should ignore the opinion poll, huge confidence, and just get out there and vote with our hearts. And certainly Donald Trump himself believes it was a really big help and a factor in what happened here in November of that year. So we had our big celebration. But nearly three years on from Brexit, guess what? The globalists had stopped it from happening. And we had a date. We were due to leave the European Union. March 29, 2019. And guess what? We woke up on March 30 and we hadn't left. And many said, ah, it's okay, the British people have realized the terrible mistake they've made. But there was an opening, an opportunity. Because we hadn't left, we had to fight a set of national elections for the European Parliament. I put together a patriotic alliance, not just of conservatives, but of patriotic people on the center left as well. And that alliance, I mean, we smashed it, we won it, we got 50% more votes, I remember that, than the nearest party. And before the votes were even counted, the Prime Minister who'd betrayed Brexit resigned in disgrace. And so I like to think that I've got rid now of two British Prime Ministers. And that opened the door for Boris Johnson. I mean, Boris wouldn't even be there if we hadn't done what we'd done. But the reason it happened is people hadn't changed their minds. They were, in fact, even angrier that what we voted for was being betrayed. And I'm back here now, you know, five years on, doing a speaking tour around the States, saying to you that generally we follow American fashions, all right? But in politics, just for the minute, we are actually leading the way.
B
That's exactly right.
C
We led it in 16, and we're going to lead it again. And I'll explain to you exactly why.
B
Please do.
C
So there we were, I mean, frankly, down and out. The Labour Party was being headed up by a guy called Jeremy Corbyn, an avowed, open, anti Semitic Marxist. And that party, which for most of the years the Labour Party had been a soft centre left socialist party, but always patriotic, always believed in the country and people that voted for it, had fought for the country in world wars and goodness knows what else. So the Labour Party gets hijacked, but Brexit gets denied. We win the first battle by getting Brexit done and over the line, not just getting Conservative voters, we're getting patriotic Labour voters. The international socialists hated Brexit, never accepted Brexit. The international Socialists support complete open borders. They couldn't care less who comes in legally or illegally. And they joined the whole cancel culture phenomenon, which says we're ashamed of our flag, ashamed of our nation, ashamed of our history. We want to tear it down and destroy it. Now, the parallels with the US are extraordinary because the Dems, who've generally been relatively moderate center left, have now been dragged way, way out to the left extremes. In some cases, you've got a border crisis, something happening in this very state, which once again they're unconcerned by in Washington. But it's an insult to those who've legally come to America to see people simply walking through the door. And now that every state is becoming a border state because of the dispersal of the thousand people a day that are coming in illegally. And lastly, the reason cancel culture hurt the Labour Party so much is the working class British people who voted Labour ever since 1918 in their families, when they're told to be ashamed of their history, they say, do you know what? Actually we're proud of what our grandparents and great grandparents did in two world wars. Our grandmothers working in the factories. We know our history is not perfect, but we're proud of who we were. And I see right now, number one, we got Brexit. Number two, the socialist Labour Party is literally unconscious on the floor. It will not govern for 10 or 20 years. And these people, I mean these Labour people were voting for me in their millions. Now we've got Brexit. I've stepped back from the front line and Boris Johnson is the beneficiary of all of it. And even though he may not be as conservative as I would like or you would like, but just think about it. We've beaten the globalists and we've beaten the socialists. And if we can do it, I'm absolutely certain that America can do the same.
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I totally agree. And so there's a lot I want to unpack there. And there's so much wisdom. So the first part about labor, there's so many similarities here in the United States with the Democrat Party. And I call this an attempted flagless revolution. And what has been proven in the United Kingdom, which I think will manifest here in the United States absent the American conservatives. Not totally messing this up, is it's the first ever insurgent communist movement that actually hates the country they're trying to overthrow.
C
Absolutely.
B
And for example, Fidel Castro never said he hated Cuba. He said, I love the history of Cuba and I'm the true Cuban. Same with Lenin.
C
If you go right back to the beginning of this, in the run up to 1917 and the Russian Revolution, the first real attempt at putting Communism Communism in. There were always two types of communists. There was the patriotic Communist who believed in socialism in one country, and there was the Trotskyite global revolutionary who thought all nation states should be abolished, all boundaries should be abolished.
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Didn't work too well for Trotsky.
C
And a new world, though he got an ice pick in the end through his head, didn't he?
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That's exactly right.
C
But I wouldn't worry about Trotsky too much. What I would worry about are the 40 million Russians who died under that Soviet regime. And in the case of Mao, with his form of communism, probably nearer 80.
B
And he was also a nationalist too.
C
So you've always had that divide in socialism, communism, you get those that are nationalist and those that are more globalist, you know, more globalist. But hey, the National Socialists are pretty dangerous too.
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Oh, they totally are. But.
C
And a thought on this. Hitler's always thought of as being extreme right wing, but actually he was a National Socialist too.
B
That's exactly right.
C
But when it comes to the voters, when it comes to people who vote for centre left parties, they've been doing this for 100 years because they wanted a different form of economy. But economics is not dictating Western politics. This is now simple. The divide in politics is simple. Either you believe in your country, you're proud of its past, you want it to have a great future and whilst you'll trade and cooperate with other parts of the world, you'll put your own interests first. Or you're a globalist who believes in free movement of people and the erasing not just of history but of genuine teaching and debate within universities. Which of course is where turning point very much has come in.
B
Yes, I find myself more and more inspired by the writings of someone, you know, Edmund Burke, probably the first ever conservative who had a great saying that conservatives must stand for the bond between the dead, the living and the yet to be born. That kind of three tied knot. And that's what's drawing labor in. And it's less about free market economics or supply side whatever, which I've become less interested in than ever. Because if you don't have a nation, if you don't have a home and you just look at nothing but economic charts and graphs.
C
Yeah.
B
Then it's almost like the colonization.
C
Look, it matters because there are millions of.
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I'm not saying it's.
C
Yeah, it matters. Not inconsequent, but it is not what will decide the future. We've got Brexit, I'm pleased. But if America falls, we all fall. The battle now is here. Saving Western civilization can only happen in this country.
B
So I want to explore that. Because you have wisdom into how the left works and some Republicans think that pandering more to the private equity crowd and just being more globalist is the solution.
C
Yeah, so this is the big divide, you know, the left as I've said already before, used to be pretty patriotic. Now the left wants to destroy our history. Now the left sadly has got a grip over the education system. And so, you know, people are being taught at school that somehow, I mean, in my country, that if you're white and British, you've got this shameful past. Well, we don't have a shame, shameful past. We've actually left some very good legacies around the world.
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Like common law.
C
Well, well, Magna Carta, common law, you know, the concept of liberty and justice, natural law. And of course countries like Canada, Australia that have become great nations. And of course then there's America now you guys of course were the first Brexit. There's no doubt about that.
B
It was more of a separation than a revolution. I make the argument that calling it an American revolution is actually not correct semantically. It was more of a separation where the French was a revolution. Overthrow the customs, new time. Literally like not a seven day week, ten day week. The Jacobins were full of rage. The Americans were, they still wanted to preserve a lot of British customs. But it was, and the Declaration was basically very specific towards King George saying, these are all the things you've done wrong. And Edmund Burke and Pitt basically said, hey, they got a point, let them govern themselves.
C
Yes, no, that's right. I mean Burke was very much in favor of that. So as I say, the USA was the first Brexit. And with that you've gone on to become the most powerful and successful country in the world, which is what is worth fighting for. But the left have been taken over, the left have been poisoned. And you only have to look at what we've seen in the streets of London over the last few days to understand what I mean, I mean to
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think what has happened to the think.
C
Well, just so we don't know. Yeah. After the conflict, the Gaza, Israel conflict. Okay. Which by the way, I don't think would have happened if Donald Trump was still in the house.
B
I totally agree.
C
But what has happened? Last Sunday we saw motorcades driving through the Jewish districts of North London waving Palestinian flags out of windows and sunroofs on loud hailers, shouting loudly. The most offensive and intimidatory sexually violent language. I'm not even going to begin to think to repeat any of it right here now. And that's the kind of thing that's been happening. We've even had members of the British police force shouting out free Palestine when these demonstrations have been taking place. I saw some footage from New York the other evening of A Jewish guy, you know, actually being punched in the street. So the New Left, who like to sell themselves as being virtuous and lovely, actually, they're very, very dangerous people. And I'll tell you why. They think they are morally superior to us. They genuinely believe.
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I totally agree.
C
We kind of think they're a bit wacky and a bit silly, but they genuinely hate us. They've got a. And if you believe. If one group of people believe they're morally superior than another group of people, they are prepared to go to extraordinary lengths to get their way. And that includes, by the way, cheating, fiddling elections, but it also includes intimidation and violence. And this is what we're up against. And I do think the Jewish community, the way they're being treated, the fear they're beginning to live under, is something we kind of need to make the public understand just how nasty this New left is.
B
Winston Churchill wrote extensively about Israel and about the conflict in the Middle East. There was not one part of the world that Winston Churchill was not well versed in. And almost every prediction he made geopolitically was correct. And I think his prediction in India will end up being correct. He just thought it could never work because of the different types of people. And so what you have happening in the United Kingdom and also in America, and you are a little bit ahead of this, you're saying Labor's on the floor just begging for mercy.
C
Yep.
B
Do you think American conservatives can get to that kind of position? Because we're currently not that way.
C
So if you look at the Democrat vote in this country, take a very simple issue like voter ID. I mean, 75% of Americans think voter ID is a good idea. So you've automatically got half of the people who vote Democrat think this is a good idea, and their own party is wrong on this look at critical race theory. I saw some polling today. 28% of Americans think that race is a major, major contributory factor to all the problems in America. And you look at that and think that's shocking. But hang on a second. That actually means that two thirds plus, and that means another large chunk of Democrats who do not want their kids to have critical race theory rammed down their throats in school. And every time I look at each different sector, take the border war or the lack of one here in Arizona, but take the border crisis. And again, you find that nearly half of Democrats are concerned about what's going on. There is a massive opportunity here, a massive opportunity. Even if we question the integrity of the last election, just look how close overall the whole thing was. There wasn't much in it. I genuinely think that conservatives can aim at 50% of the traditional industrial, post industrial working class and blue collar Democrat voter. Now the one thing that needs to happen for this to work is for the conservative movement to be united with clear messaging and out there fighting. And my sense is a lot of conservatives, a lot of Republican officials have been in a period of mourning and it's been tough. And I know and I can see the threats you're all facing. But as I say, we in 2019 face those threats. We've come back and won. You can do it.
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what in you drove you, either instinctively or a view of history to be so ahead of the curve to want to defend the nation of the United Kingdom, to lead this what I would call a moral nationalism? Was it just an instinct or was it just kind of a kind of rejection of the overindulgence or the excesses of neoliberalism?
C
It wasn't just that. No, I tell you what it was. It was my so I live in a small village in Kent. Kent is the county just to the south of London. We're not far from London, but we might as well be a thousand miles away when it comes to attitudes. And I could see in the late 1980s, early 1990s, I could see this thing we Joined, called the Common Market, had changed its name. They suddenly called it, not the eec, but the ec, the European Community. Then they changed it again to the European Union.
B
That was early 2000s.
C
And this is. No, no, no, no, no, this is happening in 1992, 1993, they changed the name to the European Union.
B
They were changing names and I thought,
C
whoa, what's going on here? And once I started to drill down and to understand what was going on, I then started to go and meet Conservative politicians, Conservative MPs, I was a businessman, to express my concerns. And they'd say, Nigel, we absolutely understand what you're saying, but I'm afraid there really is nothing we can do. If we speak out against this, we'll get deselected. We won't be, you know, the country has decided this is our future. And then I go and meet people in my local pub in my village, you know, working people who go for a drink on a Friday night. And when I talk to them about what was going on, they couldn't believe it. They simply couldn't believe that this country, our country, will be sold out to the new globalist experiment. So a combination of Conservative cowardice, my genuine sense of feeling that big business and politics was out of touch with where we were. And I committed myself in 1993. I said, right, I am going to do something.
A
I was born.
C
Well, there you are, I'm a veteran. All the Tea Party guys say, oh, we were out campaigning in 2009, guys. I was about 16 years ahead of all of you. And once I started on this and I began to see the fear, the fear of the press, of the political class at me and what I was doing, I realized I was on the right track. You know, I can't pretend that doing it, I mean, in all from me beginning to campaign to getting Brexit finished, was 27 years. And for 25 of those years, in terms of well known people, I was pretty much on my own. Those that joined the Brexit campaign, like Boris, joined it at five minutes to midnight. I mean, let's be honest about it,
B
he did help a little bit on the margin, but I think it would have helped. I think he would have won without him.
C
Well, yes or no, the point is those that join, join very late. And there is a massive cost to doing this. I mean, you're virtually the modern day equivalent of volunteering for crucifixion. Because in social terms that's what they do to you. I mean, I have had, I've probably had as many if not more horrendous newspaper headlines than Donald Trump has had. Because I was doing it for a long time, but I just. Something in me, I don't know what it was. That's something in me. Something in me just said, if I don't do this, nobody else will.
B
So when was the European project? Was it 91, 92?
C
So the European project, the original European project, goes way back to the 1950s. Sure, the British then joined it.
B
But how about the euro, when was that introduced?
C
Oh, well, the euro battle. The euro battle came so I got elected to the European Parliament in 1999. Wow. And that next three years was the big decision. Who was joining the euro, who wasn't joining the euro? And thank goodness the UK with the skin of its teeth avoided joining the euro.
B
But you were in the euro zone, is that correct?
C
No, we've managed to maintain sterling, we've managed to keep inside the sterling zone. And of course if you don't control your own currency, of course you can't control interest rates and many other things.
B
But you were still then saying, we want to be regulated by Brussels.
C
Well, so we had this sort of odd position where the politicians couldn't push us into the euro because they knew the British people would say no, but
B
they knew the pound was but piece by piece, the end of the world.
C
But piece by piece they could sell us out in every other area to the European project, regulation, all sorts of stuff. It's rather like, you know, it's rather like if you put a lobster in very hot water, it'll fight to get out. But if you put a lobster in very, very cool water, cold water and turn up the gas, then ever so slowly the lobster cooks. And what was happening to our statehood was little p by little piece. Every little piece of law that got passed and barely noticed bound us ever more closely in with a form of government that we couldn't change at elections. And if you think about it, globalism actually is a battle of bureaucracy against democracy.
B
That's exactly right.
C
So they're all the things that I recognize, they're all the things that I fought against and hey, we got there.
B
Well, it's phenomenal because it was a multi decade project. And so I've been doing a lot of research into the American time period because America was making very similar decisions. And it's not as, it's not as well known, but 1991, George H.W. bush signed mass immigration bill, the National Immigration act, pandering to ted Kennedy. In 1994, we certified NAFTA in 1999, we deregulated our financial sector industry, I think, to the worst. Glass Steagall, which blurred commercial banks and investment banks. In 2001, we welcomed China into the World Trade organization. So that's 10 years, four major. I call it the Four Horsemen of the 1990s playing on the apocalypse. But it's that same sort of all of a sudden we want to be more global minded, that the flow of capital trumps all. And I think it actually confirms Russell Kirk's prediction that we in the west wouldn't really know what to do once the Soviet Union fell.
C
Yeah, well, that's right. I mean, it was a massive geopolitical event. But isn't it interesting? I mean, even today we've got the Biden administration looking to harmonize globally across the west anyway. Harmonize corporation tax rates. And guess who's come out in support of Bide? The British Labour Party. So you see? Yeah, absolutely.
B
Wow.
C
So the globalists are still at it, but we've got the upper hand. And why? Well, you mention the Berlin Wall. Actually Brexit's the biggest geopolitical change since the fall of the Berlin Wall. It's that big.
B
I totally agree.
C
It's that big. And I can, I mean, I can sit here and tell you with confidence that over the course of the next 10 years, the rest of those globalist structures across Europe are going to start to shake and one or two of them are going to fall. And all we have to do to make sure to make sure that at least for the next decade, we live in freedom, we live in peace, we live in liberty, is for the conservative movement here to unite and go out and attack those working class blue collar voters who hate the current direction of the Dems.
B
Well, and there's. In Europe, there's one of three countries that have to fall and the whole project will fall apart. Either France, Italy or Germany.
C
Italy is top of that list. I totally agree.
B
Then France and then Germany, they just.
C
Because the euro for Italy has been a complete disaster.
B
Totally.
C
And the Italians are.
B
And they tend to be nationalistic in language and culture. In immigration, they've suffered a huge cost.
C
Yeah. They have.
B
For mass migration from the Middle East.
C
Yeah. No, Italy may well leave and if it does, it could do so in a disorderly fashion. So we have to. One of these we must watch for. You know, Brexit's been a relatively peaceful process. It's gone very, very well. There's been no great.
B
It's been very British in the way you guys have handled it, very gentleman.
C
Like, I mean the history books will say in a hundred years time, this was a grassroots revolt led by, against the establishment.
B
And a peaceful separation.
C
And a peaceful separation. If Italy leaves, I worry that, you know, a lot of banks will go bust and.
B
But they tend to be more street minded people. French I would say.
C
Oh well, I mean, I mean, I mean Paris is like a war zone.
B
It's in their blood state, they've always been.
C
But no, no, I mean I honestly, you know, I, I could see how down people were in 2019 in Britain, but they're not now. We've turned it around and my message to Americans is, yep, I know some dreadful things have happened over the course of the last six months, but hey, disillusion is a self fulfilling prophecy. You've got to get organized and ready to fight and fight hard.
B
So you were in the financial sector, late 80s, early 90s, and just in 93 you launched this thing and you just said it's somewhat instinct, somewhat history, love of country. Your family probably fought in the great wars, you grew up revering Winston Churchill and you just rationally played this out and said we're not gonna have a Britain to love if we allow these globalists to crush our sovereignty.
C
We would have become a province, a colony literally of this unelected state.
B
That's so well said.
C
Who of course had chosen for themselves their own flag, their own anthem, you know, and of course had Hillary won in 2016, I mean she was talking about America joining what she called a hemispheric common market. So you kind of would have been part of the European single market as well. So that was a lucky escape.
B
So can we talk quickly, Nigel, why that a bad thing? Because it's attractive and tempting to young people in particular, you know, we are all the world. Why divide yourself into nations? Why are you such a stickler, Nigel, for saying that the isle of Britain, the English speaking people should have its own association?
C
Because people want to be part of something bigger than just themselves. And you can't be part of the world because the world is too big a concept to grasp. And every attempt that's been made to form massive governmental blocks has always ended in disaster, in fragmentation, ruin and often at considerable loss of life. The nation state works because it is the thing that you're prepared to swear allegiance to, pay your taxes to, and in extremists put on a military uniform to defend. That is why the nation state works. And to those who think nation states are outdated, well, have A think about this. In 1945, there were 55 countries in the world. There are now 230. All right. All over the world.
B
Great point.
C
Big blocks are breaking down into smaller units because people want a sense of ownership. It's like being a shareholder. They're invested in the country.
B
Yes. Like north Macedonia, for example.
C
When England plays soccer, people hang out millions of flags from their bedroom windows because they want the team to win. It's about belonging in economic terms. The argument for a big market with the same taxes, the same rules and the same regulations. You will hear it from the global multinationals over and over and over. Why? Because the more you regulate an industry, the higher the cost of entry for anybody new. And what you have here is a new kind of Marxist socialism where big businesses and big government work. And who are the losers? I'll tell you who the losers are. The losers are the millions of men and women who as entrepreneurs, are the real engines of growth. Thatcher and Reagan proved this in the 1980s. Free people up, allow them to go out and make money and they will do so. And so we're finishing up now with a handful of companies running the world with fewer choices of products, less innovation. Oh, and then he forgot. And higher consumer prices as well. So it is an absolute stitch up between big banks, big business and big politics.
B
I think you articulated the moral case for nation states, and I actually think it prevents conflicts because I actually think it's irrational to say, here's a point, right?
C
Wars happen when you have governments that do not have democratic controls and generally have expansionist ambition.
B
That was the word I had.
C
There is no single example of a functioning, mature democracy going to war with another. No single example. And that's something I've used in British universities and schools for decades. And no one's ever come back.
B
I'm sure they're flabbergasted.
C
No one's ever come back at me. That is the argument.
B
It is the greatest ever for self
C
determination and for the nation state. I can't think of a better thing to say about that.
B
And it's. And it's categorically anti neoconservative, which I find to be delicious.
A
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B
what is going on with the Royal family?
C
Oh dear, dear.
B
See you didn't see that one coming.
C
Oh dear, dear, dear. Well, of course the Queen is magnificent. I think she's terrific and without doubt the most popular human being in the world. She's popular in Britain, she's popular in America and don't forget the CommonW. There are two and a half billion people that live within the Commonwealth and she's the head of the Commonwealth. So this woman's influence over the world as an example of how perhaps we should live our lives is huge. Obviously. Her husband's just died. Magnificent man. Yeah, didn't quite make a hundred World War II naval veteran all round. Proper bloke who always spoke his mind and invariably got into a lot of trouble. And then we've got Harry. Now look, in 2016 we exported the Brexit phenomenon to you. I'm afraid to say we've exported a young couple to the west coast who not only are abusing their own family in public, which is a disgusting thing to do, but they now decided to attack America's First Amendment rights of free speech. Now, young Harry ought to read a bit of history because the last British royal that decided to tell the Americans exactly how they should and shouldn't live was George iii and it didn't end very well for him. And I've got a sense of the first interview with Oprah. You know, of course, it's so unfair, isn't it? He attacks effectively the Queen and she can't answer. And a lot of Americans thought, oh, isn't it horrible what's been done to them. But now I think the more they open their mouths, the more Americans are waking up to what a terrible self seeking group they are, bunch they are and the level of disrespect they've shown the Queen is quite extraordinary. The best quote on Harry, by the way, by Miles, was about nine months ago when Donald Trump was asked about Harry and he said, I wish Harry a lot of luck. Cause he's gonna need it.
B
And I ask because we as Americans have, I think, probably a. Probably not a very healthy fascination with the British Royal family.
C
It's extraordinary.
B
Everywhere I go, everyone loves him. You probably get asked more than anything else.
C
Yeah, yeah. And of course, the more awful Harry is, the more people talk about the royal family.
B
Oh, the drama increases tenfold and the
C
better the Queen looks.
B
That's exactly right. I think Harry's a liar and I think she's a liar. I don't think the incident they described happened. I think it's a misinterpretation, exaggeration. I think they're pathological and they're sociopathic.
A
And my biggest.
B
I mean, I went viral because I called him a metrosexual. Whatever. And I said. I said that because who allows a family, a country, a dynasty that is so rooted in traditional and honor and duty, those three words, to just who does that publicly on American television for ratings and for a paycheck? I consider that to be one of the highest acts of immorality when it comes towards family connection.
C
I'll tell you what's even more disgusting on the. On February 23rd, I was in London and I met the role correspondent for itv, one of our big TV stations. I said, come on, what's the inside story? He said, philip is about to be transferred back to Windsor so that he can die in Windsor. The hundredth birthday celebrations for June 10 have been cancelled. He's dying very, very shortly. If I knew that on the 23rd of February, Harry and Meghan knew that when they recorded that interview, about seven
B
or eight days, and Oprah's palatial estate.
C
And why couldn't they wait? Well, I'll tell you why they couldn't wait. Because the Netflix contract wouldn't wait. They'd already signed it. It had all been agreed. And to do that when your own grandfather is at death's door, I can't even put into words the repulsion I feel about their behavior.
B
I totally agree. And I think that that's the true silent majority that's gonna. It's gonna come out of just how detestable it is.
A
So you're here in America for how long, Nigel?
C
I'm here with Freedom Works grassroots conservative movement going around the country, addressing groups of people every night. We'll be here in Phoenix tomorrow night. And we've Got over a couple of thousand people booked to come already and they're coming to hear this message of optimism. You've been through six tough months. It's a six week tour. I'm just about keeping going, one week to go. And yeah, it is this message of how we've defeated socialism, we've defeated globalism. We're in a very good place. And this is where you can get to too.
B
And the lesson that I've derived is exactly what we're talking about on this show. That you lead with custom, history, tradition, something bigger than yourself, the nation. America is a country, not a colony. Economics matters. But that's not necessarily gonna be the gateway towards success politically.
C
No. We also need two other qualities. One is passion, because with passion comes. You seem to have that because with passion comes sincerity. And the other is humor. Let's all be happy warriors because that is the way forward.
B
And the left is the most. They are the most unhappy winners I've ever seen.
C
Well, look at Prince Harry. He used to be a real young lad. Pictures of Harry dressing up and misbehaving, but everyone loved him. But he was always smiling and fun. This marriage to Meghan hasn't made him look very happy, has it?
B
Marrying well is very important.
C
Something that. Well, you've just done it. Well done you.
B
Thank you. Thank you. All right, email us everybody. Freedomarliekirk.com Nigel, thank you for what you've done for our civilization. The honest historians will write that a courageous man in 93 saw the need for a restoration of national sovereignty and self governance. And that movement is just being felt now, 27 years later, the year I was born. And so we are reaping what you sowed a long time ago, truly, because you saw it coming. Nigel, best wishes. Thanks so much.
C
Thank you.
A
Thanks so much for listening everybody. Email us your questions freedomarliekirk.com and if
B
you want to support us, go to charliekirk.com support. God bless you guys. Speak to you soon.
Episode: How to Save Western Civilization with Nigel Farage
Date: May 25, 2021
Host: Charlie Kirk
Guest: Nigel Farage
This episode features a dynamic discussion between Charlie Kirk, American conservative activist and founder of Turning Point USA, and Nigel Farage, British politician and prominent advocate for Brexit. Together, they examine the existential threats facing Western civilization, analyze the rise of a "new Marxism," draw parallels between the U.S. and U.K.'s political landscapes, and highlight strategies for conservative resurgence. Farage shares lessons from Brexit, offers a critique of globalization, and stresses the moral and historical importance of nation-states.
Farage’s Perspective:
Farage argues that the West is facing not just traditional socialism but a "new form of Marxism" seeking to undermine Judeo-Christian culture, capitalist economies, individual liberty, and even national histories.
"It's a new form of Marxism that is out there. It's intent upon bringing down the West. Yes, bringing down the West. Smashing our Judeo Christian culture..." — Nigel Farage [03:02]
Charlie on US-UK Parallels:
Kirk concurs, describing an “attempted flagless revolution” in both nations where the radical left seeks to overturn the very identity of the nations they operate within.
"It's the first ever insurgent communist movement that actually hates the country they're trying to overthrow." — Charlie Kirk [09:00]
Brexit’s Trajectory:
Farage recounts the initial victory in the 2016 Brexit referendum, ongoing resistance from globalists, and ultimate success thanks to a coalition of "patriotic" voters across party lines.
"We got Brexit in 2016… But nearly three years on, the globalists had stopped it from happening... I put together a patriotic alliance... we smashed it, we won it..." — Nigel Farage [04:13]
Trust Betrayed, then Restored:
The delayed Brexit energized voters, especially those feeling betrayed, resulting in political upsets and forced resignations among establishment leaders.
"People hadn't changed their minds. They were, in fact, even angrier that what we voted for was being betrayed." — Nigel Farage [05:25]
Insight for the US:
Farage sees the UK's lead as a template America can follow — “If we can do it, I'm absolutely certain that America can do the same.” [08:31]
Nature of the Political Divide:
Farage views today’s core battle as one not of economics but of identity:
"Either you believe in your country, you're proud of its past, you want it to have a great future… Or you're a globalist who believes in free movement of people and the erasing not just of history but of genuine teaching and debate within universities." — Nigel Farage [10:18]
Economic vs. Cultural Issues:
Kirk reflects on conservative thought, emphasizing that culture, tradition, and national bonds are more crucial than pure economics.
"If you don't have a nation, if you don't have a home and you just look at…economic charts and graphs, then it's almost like the colonization." — Charlie Kirk [11:28]
Impact on Working-Class Voters:
Farage highlights how leftist “cancel culture” alienates traditional Labour voters, who are proud of national history and resent being told to be ashamed of their ancestors' achievements.
"We're proud of what our grandparents and great grandparents did in two world wars. Our grandmothers working in the factories... we're proud of who we were." — Nigel Farage [07:59]
Dangerous Morality:
Both warn about the new left's sense of moral superiority fueling radicalization, election interference, and violence.
"If one group of people believe they're morally superior... they are prepared to go to extraordinary lengths... including intimidation and violence." — Nigel Farage [14:41]
Polling and Issues:
Farage cites polling suggesting many Democrat voters oppose measures like relaxing voter ID requirements or teaching critical race theory, presenting a chance for conservatives to build a broader coalition.
"I genuinely think that conservatives can aim at 50% of the traditional industrial, post industrial working class and blue collar Democrat voter." — Nigel Farage [17:16]
Urgency for Unity:
Success, for Farage, depends on a united conservative movement with clear messaging that is willing to go on the offensive.
"The one thing that needs to happen...is for the conservative movement to be united with clear messaging and out there fighting." — Nigel Farage [17:32]
Spotting Supreme Control:
Farage explains how the UK's gradual shift from economic cooperation in the EEC to deeper union (“like a lobster in cool water”) left many unaware of lost sovereignty.
"Every little piece of law that got passed and barely noticed bound us ever more closely...with a form of government we couldn't change." — Nigel Farage [23:04]
American Parallel:
Kirk draws parallels with US policy shifts in the ‘90s–2000s (mass immigration, NAFTA, financial deregulation, China’s ascension to WTO).
"I call it the Four Horsemen of the 1990s...It’s that same sort of...‘we want to be more global minded’…” — Charlie Kirk [24:24]
Why Nations Matter:
Farage offers a passionate defense of the nation-state as the only political unit capable of inspiring allegiance, sacrifice, and shared prosperity.
"The nation state works because it is the thing that you're prepared to swear allegiance to, pay your taxes to, and in extremists put on a military uniform to defend." — Nigel Farage [28:17]
Historical Evidence:
He points to the proliferation of nation-states in recent decades, contradicting predictions of global unification.
"In 1945, there were 55 countries in the world. There are now 230...People want a sense of ownership." — Nigel Farage [28:51]
Nation-States as Peacekeepers:
Farage contends that mature democracies do not initiate wars with each other, underscoring the stabilizing effect of democratic nation-states.
"There is no single example of a functioning, mature democracy going to war with another." — Nigel Farage [30:27]
On Prince Harry & Meghan Markle:
Farage criticizes the couple’s public airing of grievances and their attacks on British and American traditions, calling it an act of profound disrespect.
"They now decided to attack America's First Amendment rights of free speech...the last British royal that decided to tell the Americans exactly how they should and shouldn't live was George III and it didn't end very well for him." — Nigel Farage [32:48]
Charlie’s View:
Kirk denounces their actions as an "act of immorality" against family and country, seeing their behavior as symptomatic of deeper cultural decay.
"Who allows a family, a country, a dynasty...to just...do that publicly on American television for ratings and for a paycheck?" — Charlie Kirk [34:06]
Farage’s Optimistic Note:
Despite challenges, Farage insists on optimism, unity, passion, and humor within the conservative movement.
“It is this message of how we’ve defeated socialism, we’ve defeated globalism. We’re in a very good place. And this is where you can get to too.” — Nigel Farage [35:55]
"We also need two other qualities. One is passion...and the other is humor. Let's all be happy warriors because that is the way forward." — Nigel Farage [36:13]
The conversation is unapologetically conservative, passionate, and direct—marked by a mix of historical reflection, sharp political critique, and energizing calls to action. Farage combines humor and gravitas; Kirk matches with earnestness and conviction, making the episode both engaging and a manifesto for conservative grassroots activism.
This episode offers an urgent, transatlantic conservative roadmap for saving Western civilization, centering on national identity, grassroots mobilization, and reclaiming culture from radical leftist ideologies. Farage’s Brexit journey provides a template, and the episode closes with optimism and calls for unity, resolve, and principled defense of the nation-state ideal.