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Hey, it's the creator of the Epstein Files. Before we get into today's episode, I wanted to share a quick note about subscribing to our newsletter. What you're listening to is part of the Neural Broadcast Network. We built NBN around one source rich primary source investigations that cut through the noise. No spin, no agenda, just the raw intelligence. We have more IP dropping soon, new shows, new investigations and newsletter subscribers hear about it. First link is at NBN fm or find it in the description, wherever you're listening. Alright, let's get into it.
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3 million pages of evidence. Thousands of unsealed flight logs. Millions of data points, names, themes and timelines connected. You are listening to the Epstein Files, the world's first AI native investigation into the case that traditional journalism simply could not handle.
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Welcome back to the Epstein Files. Last time we walked through Pam Bondi promising a client list on Fox News, getting fired three weeks later and refusing a Congressional subpoena. Today we're following Trump's next chick for the job, Lee Zeldin. He spent the last year gutting the Environmental Protection Agency. He has never made a single public statement about Jeffrey Epstein. As always, every document and source we reference is available at the Neural Broadcast Network website. So when Trump nominated Zeldin to replace Bondi as Attorney General, reporters searched for any prior statement, interview or social media post from Zeldin referencing Epstein, Maxwell or the efta. There was nothing. A blank page.
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Right. And the premise here relies entirely on that public record. And that record establishes a very specific sequence of events. Lee Zeldin was nominated as Attorney General directly following Pam Bundy's April 2nd firing.
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Right.
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Before this nomination, she served as the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency. And you know, as you noted, a comprehensive review of his public life yields zero indication of how he intends to manage the 3 million withheld pages.
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The FST Network pages.
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Exactly. The tension we are looking at is not based on speculation. It is based on this absolute absence of data intersecting with the highest law enforcement office in the country.
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And just to set the parameters for you as you listen to this, everything we discuss today relies strictly on public statements, congressional records and documents already released under the Epstein Files Transparency act, the efta. Yes, we are looking at the documented administrative record to understand how a governing philosophy applied at one federal agency translates to another.
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Right.
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So let us establish exactly who Lee Zeldin is based on the public record.
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Okay.
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He is a former Republican Congressman. He represented New York's 1st congressional district, which covers the eastern end of Long island from 2015 to 2023.
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That is correct. His background is firmly rooted in elected office, political campaigning and military service.
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Yeah, the military record is documented.
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Right. Before his time in the House, Zeldin served in the New York State Senate. He also served in the United States army, which included a deployment to Iraq as a military intelligence officer and prosecutor.
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But that was in military context, right? Not civilian federal prosecution.
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Correct. Military context only. In 2022, he ran for governor of New York, a race he lost to Kathy Hochul.
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Right.
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Then, following the 2024 election, President Trump appointed Zeldin to lead the Environmental Protection Agency. He held that cabinet level position until this recent nomination to replace Pam Bundy.
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Okay, so that tenure at the EPA requires a massive amount of scrutiny today. It does, because it is literally the only executive leadership record to analyze. It is the only data point showing what he actually does when you hand him the keys to a federal agency.
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Yes, and budget documents and internal agency memos released over the past year show that his tenure at the EPA was defined by an aggressive deregulatory agenda.
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He systematically rolled back environmental protections.
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We are looking at the documented reduction of air quality standards, the weakening of water pollution regulations, and the easing of chemical safety requirements.
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And we need to look at how that deregulation was actually achieved structurally. You know, based on the EPA records.
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Right. The administrative record demonstrates his approach was fundamentally ideological. He viewed regulation as an inherent impediment to economic growth.
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But you do not just snap your fingers and erase a regulation.
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No, you do not. The ETA under Zeldin prioritized industry access by structurally reducing the agency's capacity to enforce the law.
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Right.
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Federal employment data shows a deliberate reduction in the agency's enforcement staff and a shrinking of the enforcement budget.
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Let me make sure I understand the mechanics of this, because I want you, the listener, to picture how this actually works. If you are the head of the EPA and you want to let chemical companies off the hook, you do not necessarily rewrite the Clean Water Act.
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No, that requires an act of Congress.
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You just stop paying for the water inspectors.
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Precisely. It is a mechanism of administrative capture. When you reduce enforcement staff, you are mechanically reducing the agency's capacity to penalize non compliance.
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You cut the travel budget so inspectors cannot physically visit the chemical plant.
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You freeze hiring so that when veteran environmental lawyers retire, their positions are left vacant.
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Right. So it is a structural shift from policing in an industry to accommodating it.
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You neutralize the enforcement arm of the agency without ever having to pass a new law.
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That is exactly what the EPA budget records show Zeldin was essentially hired to dismantle the burglar alarms so the factories could pollute without tripping the sirens.
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That is an accurate assessment of the administrative record.
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I get that. If you are an energy company, Zeldin is your preferred administrator. But how does that translate to the Justice Department?
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The subject matter is entirely different. Yes.
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The DOJ is not dealing with carbon emissions or chemical spills. They are hunting down international sex trafficking rings and managing massive transparency mandates. Those two jobs have absolutely nothing in common. How does an ideological approach that prioritizes industry access translate to the Department of Justice?
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The philosophy of administration translates directly when you identify the core dynamic, which is, at the epa, Zeldin favored the regulated entities. The public record shows a consistent pattern of favoring energy companies and chemical manufacturers over the statutory enforcement of the law.
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Okay, yes.
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If we apply that exact same administrative philosophy to the Department of Justice, we simply have to identify the regulated entities in the context of the Epstein case.
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Right. The people the DOJ is supposed to be policing.
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Exactly. In this specific file, those entities are the financial institutions that facilitated the money transfers, the political figures who benefited from the network, and the high net worth individuals referenced throughout the E5 documents.
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So if his established pattern of favoring the powerful over statutory enforcement hold it
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suggests the Department of Justice that will protect those named in the files. Rather than enforce the transparency mandate that requires releasing their information, he is now
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being handed the keys to the biggest bank vault in the world. The Epstein files. He does not need to burn the files. He just needs to unplug the transparency alarms.
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Correct. The EFTA compliance staff functions identically to the EPA water inspectors in this analogy.
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Let us look at the exact timeline of this nomination. Because the context of the vacancy dictates the operational reality of the building he's walking into.
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The timeline is critical here.
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Zeledin's nomination occurred in the immediate aftermath of Pam Bondi's firing on April 2.
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Yes.
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At the moment this nomination was announced, Deputy Attorney General Pog Blanche was serving as the de facto operational head of the Department.
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And Lanch's management of the doj, and specifically his management of the Epstein file, was already the subject of intense documented
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scrutiny based on his previous role as President Trump's defense attorney.
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Which brings us to the qualifications gap documented in the public record. If you look at the historical norms for the Attorney General position, previous office holders have almost universally possessed extensive resumes within the Federal justice system.
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We are talking about former federal prosecutors, highly experienced litigators, former state Attorneys general
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or legal scholars with deep structural backgrounds. Backgrounds in criminal justice.
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Like Edward Levi, Janet Reno, William Barr or Merrick Garland. They all had deep roots in the machinery of federal law.
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Yes, Whereas Lee Zeldin has none.
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Wait. None? The Attorney General of the United States. You are telling me the public record shows Lee Zeldin has never prosecuted a single civilian federal case.
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The public record confirms he has no background in civilian criminal law, federal prosecution or Department of Justice administration.
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Not at all.
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He possesses a law degree from All Albany Law School. And he practiced law briefly before entering politics. In addition to his military legal experience. Yeah, but his career has been spent in elected office and executive branch management.
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He would be the first Attorney General in modern history to lead the Department without substantial prosecutorial or DOJ experience.
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That is correct.
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If you are listening to this and wondering why a resume gap matters, think about what the Attorney General actually does. Every day they are signing off on complex wiretap applications, evaluating multi jurisdictional indictments, and managing over 115,000 employees.
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Including the FBI.
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Including the FBI. Exactly. To drop someone with zero federal prosecutorial experience into that role serves a very specific political utility for the Administration making the nomination.
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It communicates a specific institutional posture. By placing Zeledin in this role, the Administration inserts a loyalist into the highest law enforcement position.
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Someone who has absolutely no institutional allegiance to the DOJ's career staff or its traditional norms.
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A career prosecutor might feel a loyalty to the institution of the Justice Department, a desire to protect its historical independence. A political manager from the outside has no such allegiance.
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And let us look at the immediate political problem this solves. It effectively removes the acting authority from Todd Blanche. Blanche's conflict of interest was drawing sustained bipartisan criticism. You had the President's former personal defense attorney running the Justice Department and actively telling the public to move on from the Epstein files.
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Replacing Blanche at the top with an administrator from the EPA solves the immediate public relations problem regarding Blanche, while redefining
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the Attorney General role as a purely managerial position rather than a prosecutorial one.
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The Administration is signaling through this nomination that they do not view the management of the DOJ or the handling of its most sensitive files as a legal or prosecutorial challenge. They view it as an administrative challenge.
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And as we have established using the EPA records, Lee's Eldin is an administrator with a documented history of neutralizing the agencies he runs. Yes, but this brings us to the central tension of today's analysis. M.M. zeldin is a blank page on the most consequential document release decisions in the department's recent history.
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And a blank page in executive leadership does not remain blank.
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No. It will either be written on by the career prosecutors and EFTA compliance staff who are statutorily mandated to process these
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releases, or it will be written on by the political interests that are fundamentally threatened by the Epstein files.
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Based on the administrative record we just outlined from his time at the epa, the evidence strongly suggests which force will prevail.
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Let us examine the mechanics of that blank page. Because the thoroughness of this silence is remarkable.
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It is absolute.
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Following the nomination, investigative reporters and transparency advocates conducted exhaustive reviews of the public record. They searched LexisNexis databases, congressional transcripts spanning his eight years in the House, social
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media archives, press releases, debate transcripts from
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his gubernatorial run, and interview logs.
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And according to those records, what did they find?
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Zero. In any searchable database. Lee Zeldin has made zero public statements about the Epstein case.
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Nothing.
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He has never mentioned the Epstein Files Transparency Act. He has never commented on the status of the document releases. He has never referenced the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force's memo.
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The OCD ETF memo.
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Yes. He has never spoken about the prosecution of Epstein's network. Furthermore, his congressional voting record between 2015 and 2023 contains votes on Epstein related legislation.
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It is an absolute absence of data is. If you are listening to this, you have to understand how unusual that absolute silence is. The Epstein case has dominated the cultural and political conversation for years.
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We can contrast his silence with his predecessors to establish that baseline.
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Look at the public record of previous attorneys General and nominees since Epstein's arrest in 2019. William Barr spoke publicly and forcefully about the systemic failures at the Metropolitan Correctional center where Epstein died.
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Merrick Garland's absolute silence on initiating new prosecutions was in itself a definitive and heavily scrutinized stance that defined his tenure.
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Pam Bondi aggressively made the client list claim on national television before her confirmation.
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Todd Blanche made a definitive public statement urging the country to move on.
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Every single one of them staked out a position on the public record. Zeldin's silence is unprecedented.
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And we must document exactly what that silence currently covers.
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Right. Because it encompasses every critical decision pending before the Department.
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We do not have documentation for his stance on the 3 million withheld pages. We do not know if he plans to reverse Todd Blanche's block of the OCD ETF memo.
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We have no record of whether he will recuse himself from decisions involving individuals referenced in the FTA files who possess close ties to the administration that nominated him.
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We have no statement on whether he would pursue additional prosecutions or how he intends to handle the Department's compliance with pending congressional subpoenas.
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The silence spans the entire operational jurisdiction of the Attorney General regarding this case.
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It does.
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Look at it from a political survival standpoint. There are really two analytical interpretations of this documented silence. The charitable interpretation is simply a matter of jurisdiction. He was serving as a congressman, focusing on Long island, then running for governor of New York, then leading the Environmental Protection Agency.
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So the handling of an international sex trafficking network simply was not his portfolio. He had no operational reason to comment on it.
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That is the charitable view.
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The alternative interpretation, which aligns more closely with standard confirmation strategy, is that taking a definitive position on the Epstein file before Senate confirmation creates immense political exposure.
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Because the Epstein case is politically radioactive.
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Exactly. Making a commitment to full transparency angers powerful interests embedded in the files.
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Financial institutions, political donors, international figures.
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And making a commitment to block the files angers the public and transparency advocates and invites hostile questioning from the Senate Judiciary Committee.
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So what is the smartest play? Say absolutely nothing.
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Strategic silence preserves maximum flexibility. If this second interpretation is accurate, his silence is not simply the absence of a position. It is a highly informative, tactical maneuver
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designed to secure confirmation without making enforceable commitments.
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He arrives at the confirmation hearings without any past statements that can be used against him.
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But if he is confirmed without making those commitments, we have to look at the exact scope of the authority he will immediately inherit.
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The authority is vast.
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This is not just about reading files. The public record shows the Attorney General maintains direct control over multiple DOJ components that intersect directly with the Epstein case. Let us map this out for the listener.
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We can break it down by component. First, the Attorney General oversees the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the FBI, who conducted
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the initial sprawling investigations into Epstein and
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his network, gathering the surveillance, the financial records, and the victim testimonies. Second, the AG oversees the Southern District of New York, or sdny, which is the federal jurisdiction that brought the actual charges against Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell.
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And we cannot forget the Bureau of Prisons.
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The AG controls the Bureau of Prisons, which is responsible for the systemic, documented failures at the MCC facility where Epstein died.
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And finally, the AG commands the Drug Enforcement Administration, the dea, which ran the
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financial investigations outlined in the heavily contested OCDETF memo.
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Additionally, and perhaps most critically for our analysis today, the Attorney General oversees the internal departmental components responsible for processing the EFTA releases. Yes, we have discussed this statutory framework before on the Epstein files, but we need to look at the mechanics of it. Under A new administrator. There are approximately 3 million pages still withheld by the Department of Justice.
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And the Attorney General possesses total discretion over the pace of that document review.
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This is where we must unpack the concept of bureaucratic starvation that we discussed regarding his time at the epa.
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EFTA compliance is not a passive process. It requires active authorization.
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You have to picture how document release actually works at the doj. It is not an automated system. You have a room full of career lawyers who have to read 3 million
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pages line by line to redact legally sensitive information, protect victim identities, and apply statutory exemptions.
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Right. It is an incredibly labor intensive process. If you want to hide the files, you do not hold a press conference and say you are hiding the files them.
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That would trigger a massive public backlash and immediate lawsuits.
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Exactly. You just quietly reassign 90% of those compliance lawyers to a different department, perhaps antitrust or civil rights.
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You cut the budget for the software used to process FOIA and IFTA requests. Suddenly a review process that was supposed to take months will statistically take 40 years.
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That is bureaucratic starvation.
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The Attorney General determines which exemptions are claimed to justify withholding specific documents, and they determine how many people are assigned to process those exemptions.
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If Zeldin applies his EPA management style to the DOJ's transparency office, the 3 million pages will simply remain in a perpetual state of being under review.
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And that administrative control extends to the most complex legal hurdle in this entire transparency process. Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 6e.
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We need to spend some time on this because it is the primary shield the DOJ is using to keep these files locked down. Yes. For the listener. Rule 6e is the law that demands absolute secrecy for federal grand jury proceedings. If you testify before a grand jury, what you say is secret.
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The prosecutors cannot leak it, the stenographer cannot leak it, and the DOJ cannot release it.
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And this is where the Attorney General's discretion becomes absolute. The IFAT a statute mandates transparency. But millions of pages within the Epstein file are classified as grand jury materials under Rule 6.
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Either these materials remain sealed unless an exception applies or a federal judge orders their release.
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But a judge does not just wake up one day and decide to unseal them. Someone has to ask the judge.
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That is the critical mechanism. The Department of Justice holds the keys to requesting that court order.
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The Attorney General must proactively instruct the Department's lawyers to draft a motion, file it in federal court, and argue before a judge that the public interest in releasing these Epstein grand jury files outweighs the historical mandate of grand jury secrecy.
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It requires a massive coordinated legal effort by the DOJ against its own historical precedents.
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So if Li Zeldin simply does nothing, if he maintains his documented silence and issues no directives, what happens to those grand jury files?
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They remain permanently sealed.
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Permanently.
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The EFTA mandate cannot be fully realized without the DOJ's active participation in federal court. If the Attorney General does not petition the judiciary, the grand jury subsets of those files will never see the light of day.
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The law requires the DOJ to release the files, but the DOJ must actively petition the judiciary to release the grand jury subsets.
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Silence and inaction from the Attorney General are functionally identical to a permanent cover up.
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And the public record shows absolutely no indication that Zaledin is prepared to initiate complex precedent breaking litigation against the secrecy of his own department's grand juries.
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Especially when you consider his lack of
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prosecutorial experience managing federal litigation. Understanding the intricacies of grand jury secrecy and navigating the complexities of multi district financial task forces are highly technical legal challenges.
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This is where a political manager relies entirely on the career bureaucracy for technical legal guidance.
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And when you rely on the DOJ bureaucracy, they will always advise caution.
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The institution's natural instinct is self preservation. The DOJ's institutional instinct is to guard its files, protect its sources and defend its past decisions.
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A nominee with no legal framework to challenge that bureaucracy will naturally defer to it.
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The control of that machinery extends to the single most consequential power the office holds prosecution authority.
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Let us talk about the 14 unnamed CO subjects. The attorney General has the unilateral authority to authorize new grand jury proceedings for the uncharged CO conspirators documented in the files.
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Conversely, the AG has the authority to
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decline additional prosecution, which effectively closes the investigative chapter permanently.
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The power to open or close criminal liability for the network rests entirely with the office Zeldin has been nominated to fill.
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And we must evaluate how that authority intersects with congressional oversight. Because the conflict between the DOJ and Congress is the exact reason this vacancy exists.
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The public record demonstrates that both Pam Bondi and Todd Blanche actively resisted congressional oversight regarding the Epstein files.
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Bondi refused to comply with a congressional subpoena resulting in her termination. Blanche actively blocked the OCD ETF memo that was formally requested by Senator W H Wyden.
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The Attorney General directs the Department's posture toward these Congressional demands.
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If you are wondering why the OCD ETF memo matters so much, let us look at what the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Forces actually do. They do not just kick down doors, they follow the financial trails.
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They are multi agency financial strike teams.
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Senator Wh W Y din, as the head of the Senate Finance Committee, has been demanding the release of the OCD ETF memo because it reportedly contains the financial mapping of the Epstein network.
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Who funded it, where the money went.
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Todd Blanche blocked it. Pam Bondi ignored it. Now Lee Zeldin inherits the standoff, which
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requires us to analyze the structural narrative surrounding this nomination. We are looking at a system that concentrates an immense amount of discretionary authority into a state single political appointee.
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The pace of document release, the application of redactions, the petitioning for grand jury unsealing, the initiation of new grand juries, and the response to Congressional subpoenas when
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that appointee has never stated a public position on the case, has zero prosecutorial experience, and possesses an administrative record defined by dismantling enforcement to favor regulated entities. Concentrating that much authority is a severe institutional risk assessment.
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It is not a neutral administrative transition. It is the consolidation of power in a blank page.
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That risk assessment brings us to the historical reality of this specific moment in the transparency process.
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The evidence shows that Zel Din is the first Attorney General nominee in the post Epstein era arriving without any Epstein related history or professional context.
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There is no baseline data to allow the public, the press or the victims to anticipate his approach to the EFTA mandate. We are flying completely blind into the most critical phase of document release.
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The immediate stakes awaiting his decision are completely documented. The moment he takes the oath of office, he inherits a massive complicated portfolio. First, he inherits the 3 million withheld pages.
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Second, he inherits the blocked OCD ETF memo that the Senate Finance Committee is actively demanding.
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Third, he inherits the case files of the 14 unnamed CO subjects who have yet to face charges.
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And fourth, he inherits the defense of the pending victim privacy lawsuit against the Department.
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We should expand on that lawsuit as it highlights the conflict of interest inherent in the DOJ managing its own transparency. The DOJ is currently defending itself against litigation from victims regarding how their information
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was handled and the Department's failure to protect their rights under the Crime Victims Rights Act. During the non prosecution agreement process, the
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Attorney General determines the litigation posture of the United States. Meaning he decides how hard the DOJ fights back against the victim.
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Exactly. He can choose to settle that lawsuit, admit fault on behalf of the Department and implement structural reforms.
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Or he could deploy the full unlimited resources of the Department of Justice to fight the victims in court, effectively protecting
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the Prosecutors who engineered the original deals.
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When an administrator with a record of protecting institutions over individuals is handed that decision, the public record suggests he will deploy the DOJ's lawyers to defeat the victim's claims.
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Which brings us back to the reality of Todd Blanche. Zeldin's nomination removes the acting authority from Blanche, but it does not remove Blanche from the department.
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Blanche remains as Deputy Attorney General.
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If you have an Attorney General who lacks prosecutorial experience, what does he naturally do? He delegates.
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If Zeldin delegates the operational management of criminal files to his highly experienced, legally credentialed deputy, then the operational control of the Epstein file remains exactly where it is right now.
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It remains with Todd Blanche, the individual who already told the public to move on and who actively blocked Senator why Den's requests.
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That structural dynamic perfectly aligns with the strategic interpretation of Zeldin's silence. He does not need to make a public statement about the Epstein files if the internal architecture of the Department is already calibrated to withhold them.
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The public record shows a seamless transition of obstruction over the past several months. Pam Mon d promised transparency, realized the impossibility of delivering it without harming institutional interests, and was removed when she clashed with Congress.
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Todd Blanche stepped in to formalize the blockade.
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Now Lee Zeldin is nominated to oversee the Department, bringing an administrative philosophy of deregulation, a reliance on his deputy, and a completely blank public record on the specific issue at hand.
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This places an extraordinary burden on the Senate Judiciary Committee during the upcoming confirmation process. The confirmation hearings represent the bottleneck for this entire process.
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The EFTA releases are theoretically ongoing, though heavily delayed.
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The Congressional subpoenas are still active. Senator W H Y Denn is still demanding the OCD ETF memo.
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The pressure matrix surrounding the Department is not pausing for the confirmation process.
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Every day that passes without clear and forcible commitments from the incoming Attorney General is another day that the 3 million pages remain secured in the DOJ systems, inaccessible to the public and the victims.
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The Senate Judiciary Committee has a mandate to extract verifiable commitments under oath. The Senators must ask specific operational questions.
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They cannot allow him to retreat into broad administrative platitudes. They must ask, will he commit to a firm timeline for ifto release compliance?
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Will he unblock the OCD ETF memo and provide it to the Senate Finance Committee?
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Will he formally recuse himself from decisions involving individuals referenced in the files where political or financial conflicts of interest exist?
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Will he authorize grand juries for the uncharged co conspirators?
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Will he direct his attorneys to file rule 6e unsealing motions. These are not philosophical questions. They are binary administrative decisions.
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If the Senate Judiciary Committee fails to secure those commitments under oath, the public is left with the final factual synthesis of this nomination.
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We have only one documented reference point for how Lee Zeldin governs an executive agency. His record at the Environmental Protection Agency,
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the public record, shows that when given administrative authority, he consistently chose the interests of the powerful and the regulated over the statutory enforcement of the law.
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He dismantled the burglar alarms. If that operational pattern holds at the Department of Justice, the Epstein case will simply have its fifth Attorney General who chose institutional protection over accountability.
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It is a philosophy of systemic neutralization. You do not need to rewrite the laws if you simply neutralize the Department responsible for enforcing them.
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In the context of the Epstein Files Transparency act, the law exists. The mandate is clear. The public has a right to the documents.
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But if the administrator of the agency neutralizes the compliance mechanisms, refuses to petition for grand jury unsealing, relies on a deputy hostile to disclosure, and shields the uncharged co conspirators from new grand juries, the law is rendered functional, functionally inert.
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The silence of the nominee is the first and most potent indicator of that neutralization process. Next time on The Epstein files 3 million pages released. 3 million more withheld what is in the half the DOJ refuses to give you?
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You have just heard an analysis of the official record. Every claim, name and date mentioned in this episode is backed by primary source documents. You can view the original files for yourself at Epsteinfiles fm. If you value this data first approach to journalism. Please leave a five star review wherever you're listening right now. It helps keep this investigation visible. We'll see you in the next file.
Episode: File 165 — Lee Zeldin: From Gutting the EPA to Running the DOJ. His Epstein Position Is a Blank Page
Date: April 28, 2026
Podcast: The Epstein Files (NBN.fm)
This episode examines Donald Trump’s nomination of Lee Zeldin to replace Pam Bondi as U.S. Attorney General, focusing on Zeldin’s record as EPA Administrator and his absolute silence on the Jeffrey Epstein case. Leveraging a unique AI-driven analysis of the 3M+ pages of evidence from federal investigations, the hosts explore what Zeldin’s management style and prior deregulatory approach at the EPA might mean for the future of Epstein files transparency, ongoing DOJ compliance, and prosecution prospects. The episode provides a fact-driven, document-based investigation into potential risks posed by Zeldin’s appointment, especially given his lack of prosecutorial experience, his administrative pattern of empowering the regulated over regulators, and the unprecedented absence of any public position on the Epstein case.
Translating EPA Strategy to DOJ
Centralization of Authority versus Oversight
Total Silence on Epstein
Confirmation Stakes & Senate’s Mandate
Methods of Withholding Evidence
Independent Bureaucracy's Cautious Instincts
| Timestamp | Segment/Topic | |---------------|--------------------------------------| | 01:08 | Introduction of Lee Zeldin as AG nominee and his blank record on Epstein | | 04:00–05:43 | How Zeldin administratively gutted the EPA | | 06:25–07:31 | Parallels between EPA deregulatory tactics and prospective DOJ transparency inaction | | 08:55–09:22 | Zeldin’s lack of prosecutorial experience | | 13:36 | His absolute and unprecedented silence on Epstein | | 15:28–15:41 | Strategic rationale for public silence pre-confirmation | | 18:31–20:34 | Bureaucratic starvation, FOIA, and Rule 6e grand jury secrecy | | 21:12 | DOJ bureaucracy’s self-protective instincts | | 24:17–25:27 | Immediate portfolio Zeldin inherits (withheld files, blocked memos, lawsuits) | | 26:11 | Implications of Blanche’s continued presence/delegation risk | | 27:40–28:22 | Senate Judiciary’s duty to secure operational commitments | | 28:49–29:32 | What happens if patterns repeat: Institutional neutralization |
The episode delivers a methodical, primary-source-driven warning about the institutional risks posed by Lee Zeldin’s appointment to the Department of Justice. With no prosecutorial and DOJ experience, an established history of dismantling enforcement at the EPA, and a public record devoid of any position or comment on the Epstein case, Zeldin represents a "blank page" at a pivotal moment for transparency and accountability. The hosts stress the need for rigorous Senate oversight to secure explicit, on-the-record commitments. Without them, the episode argues, administrative inaction, bureaucratic inertia, and the protection of institutional power will prevail, keeping the most sensitive files permanently from public reach.
Next time: What’s in the half the DOJ refuses to release?