Why Hungary is being accused of undermining support for Ukraine

Summary

The Monocle Daily: Why Hungary is Being Accused of Undermining Support for Ukraine (Feb 26, 2026)

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Episode Overview

In this episode of The Monocle Daily, host Andrew Muller is joined by Marta Lorimer (lecturer in politics, Cardiff University) and Michael Binion (foreign affairs specialist, The Times) to dissect the day's most pressing international stories. The principal theme centers on Hungary's controversial relationship with Ukraine, particularly its recent moves to block EU aid to Kyiv and ongoing energy disputes. The panel also delves into escalating US-Iran tensions, shifting pet ownership patterns in Japan, bizarre urban planning in Mumbai, and the re-emergence of Austrian Habsburg nostalgia.

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1. Hungary’s Role in Undermining Support for Ukraine

Segment Start: [03:41]
Key Discussion Points:

• Viktor Orban's Actions:

  • Orban accuses Ukraine of energy blackmail and imposes vetoes on critical EU measures—namely, fresh sanctions against Moscow and a €90 billion loan package for Ukraine ([03:41]).
  • Speculation that Orban’s stance is motivated by domestic electoral concerns, with polls hinting at possible political upheaval ([03:41]).

• Hungary-Ukraine Energy Dispute:

  • Orban claims Ukraine is deliberately stalling repairs on the Druzhba pipeline, stoking conspiracy and tension ([03:41]).
  • Panel skepticism about the plausibility and intent behind Ukraine’s actions—whether it’s strategic revenge or genuine logistical difficulty for a country at war ([05:21]).
    • "I would kind of respect Ukraine if they were holding up the Russian gas for Hungary..." – Marta Lorimer ([05:39])

• Dependence on Russian Energy:

  • While most EU states moved to reduce reliance on Russian supplies post-2022, Hungary actively maintains its connections ([07:16]).
  • Orban’s shift from a young liberal reformer to a Putin apologist is highlighted, provoking bafflement ([07:56]).
    • "He was the liberal future of Eastern Europe..." – Michael Binion ([07:56])
    • "...he just goes where the money is." – Anonymous Baltic Minister, relayed by Andrew Muller ([08:04])

• Regional Sympathy and Alternatives:

  • Some empathy for Hungary and Slovakia’s landlocked predicament, but criticism for lack of real effort to diversify energy sources ([08:43]).
    • "...both of them with governments that are not making their lives any easier...they haven't really put much effort in..." – Marta Lorimer ([08:43])

• Prospect of Political Change:

  • Even with possible election loss, Orban may find ways to retain power, continuing to frustrate EU and Ukraine ([09:58]).
    • "He may not win the vote, but that doesn't mean he won’t leave power." – Michael Binion ([09:58])

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2. US-Iran Tensions and Diplomatic Deadlock

Segment Start: [10:40]
Key Discussion Points:

• US-Iran Talks Resume:

  • Negotiations in Geneva, facilitated by Oman, happen in the shadow of military threats ([10:40]).
  • Talks focus on Iran’s nuclear ambitions, but US objectives seem muddled ([11:34]):
    • Nuclear containment? Regime change? Defending human rights?
    • Panel skeptical that any agreement will be stable or meaningful, especially with Trump’s unpredictability ([11:34]).
    • "Whenever Donald Trump is concerned, you’re not really 100% sure about whether talking is a good idea or not..." – Marta Lorimer ([11:34])

• Motivations of Each Side:

  • US may be seeking regime change but without a clear or feasible path ([13:05]).
    • "What are they actually trying to achieve? And what is the best outcome for the United States?" – Michael Binion ([13:05])
  • Iran’s leadership might see no reason to cede on arms or nuclear program; martyrdom over concession ([13:05]).

• The Israeli Factor:

  • Muller posits that Israel acts as “guarantor of last resort,” prepared to strike if Iran approaches nuclear capability ([14:38]).
    • "...if Israel actually ever thought Iran was anywhere near acquiring a nuclear weapon, Israel would do what it did..." ([14:38])
  • Iran knows Israel's red lines, making serious escalation less likely—but no easy solutions in sight ([15:27]).

• US Domestic Politics:

  • Trump's base once rallied around “no more stupid wars,” yet his administration appears more interventionist than expected ([16:54]).
    • "This is... the most striking part of the fact that we're even having this conversation...” – Marta Lorimer ([16:54])

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3. Japanese Pet Ownership Trends

Segment Start: [17:50]
Key Discussion Points:

• Increasing Dog Ownership, Declining Cats:

  • National survey: dog's population up, cats down for the first time in a decade ([17:50]).
  • Hypotheses: pets as child substitutes amidst financial and social constraints facing young adults ([19:21]).
    • "People are investing more in pets because they finding the space in which to have children is expensive and difficult..." – Andrew Muller paraphrasing a popular theory ([18:57])

• Social Factors:

  • Increase in single-person households may be fueling companion animal adoption ([19:45]).
    • "Having an animal is something that will keep you company..." – Marta Lorimer ([19:49])
  • Dogs lauded as social facilitators, while cats offer solo companionship ([21:04]).

• Cultural Tech Alternatives:

  • Mention of Japan’s brief fascination with robotic pets (Tamagotchi), reflecting societal trends ([21:04]).
    • "They invented these creatures where you have a dog that you sort of pretend to feed..." – Michael Binion ([21:04])

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4. Urban Planning Oddities: Mumbai’s Musical Road

Segment Start: [22:12]
Key Discussion Points:

• Musical Roadway:

  • Mumbai authorities install road grooves to play a tune from "Slumdog Millionaire" at target speeds ([22:12]).
  • Residents along the route are furious and overwhelmed by the constant noise ([23:11]).
    • "I am not, I assure listeners, a violent man. I would have set fire to the town hall." – Andrew Muller ([23:14])

• Technical and Social Critiques:

  • Panel marvels at the technical precision but denounces practical sense ([23:41]).
    • "I've had this in the past with buildings... the architects couldn't understand why the academics were asking about having bookshelves in their offices." – Marta Lorimer, on the disconnect between planners and real people ([24:01])
  • Warnings about unintended consequences, like encouraging unsafe speeds, and the irony of adding more noise to already cacophonous cities ([25:06]).
    • "There's an implication here that the people who made this decision thought this city is just not noisy enough." – Andrew Muller ([26:02])

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5. Monocle Magazine: Urban Beautification and Favorite Scenic Drives

Segment Start: [26:23]
Key Discussion Points:

• Greece’s Highway Oleanders:

  • Praised as urban beautification—practical and pleasant, but with caveats about water usage and toxicity ([26:45]).
  • "Any flowers beside a road make the road more pleasant to drive down." – Michael Binion ([27:05])

• Scenic Drives:

  • Personal favorites range from English countryside to California’s Alabama Hills ([27:23], [28:01]).
    • "...Alabama Hills, which used to be a movie set...a really, really stunning place. Sometimes still think about it." – Marta Lorimer ([28:01])

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6. Habsburg Nostalgia and the Florentine Diamond

Segment Start: [28:31]
Key Discussion Points:

• Austrian Monarchism:

  • Feature report by Alexei Korolev on Austria’s revived debate over the legendary Florentine diamond ([28:31]).
  • Austrian society’s complex relationship with its imperial past—is the Habsburg legacy a force for nostalgia or a relevant cultural anchor? ([29:08]-[33:19])

• Profiles and Perspectives:

  • Lars Ivanovic of the Ottonen Fraternity expresses measured monarchist nostalgia, emphasizing history and fellowship rather than political agitation ([30:26], [31:05]).
    • "We obviously stand firmly behind the Austrian Republic, but we are also not willing to forget how we got where we are and what our past is." – Lars Ivanovic ([31:05])
  • Historian Christopher Brennan points out the enduring soft power of the Habsburg name ([33:19]).
    • "...they do serve as a cultural anchor. No Austrian, even the most hardcore republican, could pretend that the Habsburgs were not the very base of the concept of Austria." ([33:19])

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Notable Quotes & Memorable Moments

• "I would kind of respect Ukraine if they were holding up the Russian gas for Hungary...he's basically used Ukraine as a token to get further concessions from the European Union..."
  — Marta Lorimer ([05:39])

• "He may not win the vote, but that doesn't mean he won’t leave power."
  — Michael Binion ([09:58])

• "Whenever Donald Trump is concerned, you’re not really 100% sure about whether talking is a good idea or not..."
  — Marta Lorimer ([11:34])

• "What are they actually trying to achieve?...Is the motive to actually promote regime change. In that case, you need a war at least."
  — Michael Binion ([13:05])

• "I am not, I assure listeners, a violent man. I would have set fire to the town hall."
  — Andrew Muller ([23:14]) — on Mumbai's musical road.

• "They do serve as a cultural anchor. No Austrian, even the most hardcore republican, could pretend that the Habsburgs were not the very base of the concept of Austria."
  — Christopher Brennan, Habsburg historian ([33:19])

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Timestamps Summary at a Glance

• 03:41 – Hungary’s Ukraine policy and Orban’s political calculus
• 05:21 – Scepticism toward Ukraine’s pipeline claims
• 07:16 – Hungary’s dependence on Russian energy
• 09:58 – Potential consequences of Hungarian elections
• 10:40 – US-Iran negotiation and nuclear tensions
• 13:05 – Confusion over US strategy with Iran
• 14:38 – Israel’s role as nuclear "guarantor"
• 16:54 – Trump’s base versus his foreign policy moves
• 17:50 – Japanese pet demographics and social context
• 22:12 – Mumbai’s “musical” road kerfuffle
• 26:23 – Urban beautification, Greek roads, and scenic drives
• 28:31 – Austria: Habsburg nostalgia and the fate of the Florentine diamond

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Conclusion

The episode offers a sharp, layered analysis of Europe’s evolving political landscape and global affairs. Hungary's intransigence and Orban's possible downfall, US-Iran brinkmanship, shifting pet ownership as social commentary, eccentric city planning, and Austria’s flirtations with monarchical nostalgia collectively paint a portrait of a world grappling with its past, future, and the bizarre in between. Through expert commentary and lively banter, the panel keeps the discussion both incisive and entertaining.

Transcript

[A]

You're listening to the Monocle Daily, first broadcast on 26 February 2026 on Monocle

[B]

Radio, Hungary's prime minister attempts to make matters worse. Can the US and Iran talk each other out of war? And municipal authorities in Mumbai have a completely terrible idea. I'm Andrew Muller. The Monocle Daily starts. Hello, and welcome to the Monocle Daily. Coming to you from our studios here at Midori House in London. I'm Andrew Muller. My guests, Marta Lorimer and Michael Binion will discuss today's big stories. And we'll learn of Austria's dilemma about a resurfaced crown jewel. Stay tuned. All that and more coming up right here on the Monocle Daily. This is the Monocle Daily. I'm Andrew Muller and I am joined today by Marta Lorimer, lecturer in politics at Cardiff University, and by Michael Binion, foreign affairs specialist for the Times. Hello to you both. Hello, Marta. I put it to you well, I know this to be true for a fact because we were literally just talking about it outside. You have literally just been to Cologne. How was that?

[A]

It was okay. Although I spent most of the time, as is usual, trapped in a room in a building talking about populism and Euroscepticism.

[B]

And how's all that going?

[A]

It's going great. Why, do you ask,

[B]

was this. I'm going to take a wild guess. A room full of people who we could characterize as unenthusiastic about populism and Euroscepticism.

[A]

Yes, for the most part it was Eurosceptic skeptics, if you will, and a few populist skeptics as well.

[B]

So anti unpopulists. Anyway, have they had any bright ideas?

[A]

Well, we haven't at this point. We are still scoping the literature and finding out more about the connections between these two concepts. But we will get to the solution phase in the next couple of years of the project.

[B]

I mean, you know, France is poised to elect, you know, a far right president, you know, basically next year, no rush, in your own time.

[A]

I have a very busy year ahead of me.

[B]

Michael, you are shortly to be venturing to Italy. As somebody who has myself just returned there from. I'm already jealous.

[C]

Yes, well, Italy is always a place one should want to go to and does want to go to. And I'm going even more exciting. I'm going on a wine tour in northern Italy, just outside Turin. I'm going with a group of people for about four days. And it's all organized, so there'll be plenty of tastings and lots of good instruction about what to drink. And it sounds absolutely wonderful.

[B]

It says here, Michael, going back to your introduction in the script, that you are in fact a foreign affairs specialist.

[C]

Well, there you are.

[B]

I mean, granted that this is foreign, but does this really fall with. Within your remit?

[C]

Well, I'm not going, I have to say, not going for serious journalistic investigation. I might mark up some good wines just as a prompter for myself. No, it's just for fun and it's, it's. I was invited to join this group so I thought why not? And the other thing I do want to do, if I haven't booked it yet, but I'm very keen, I think this year sometime I want to go to Pompeii also in Italy, because I want to, I want to see Vesuvius before it's covered up again by another eruption.

[B]

I mean I, I did go to pompeii myself about 30 odd years ago. What in another. I dare say it hasn't changed much.

[C]

Not much, probably not a little bit more out.

[B]

We will begin in Hungary, where Prime Minister Viktor Orban continues to insist that a country which gets itself invaded by Russia has nobody to blame but itself. A view which may bemuse those of his fellow citizens who recall the events of 70 years ago this November. Orban is now accusing Ukraine of imposing an energy blockade on his own country by foot dragging vis a vis repairing the Druzhba pipeline through which Hungary continues to purchase Russian oil and which Ukraine claims was recently damaged by a Russian drone. By way of further expressing his dudgeon, Orban has also vetoed the latest package of EU sanctions on Moscow and a 90 billion euro EU loan to Ukraine. Possibly not coincidentally, polls ahead of Hungary's general election on April 12 suggest that Orban may shortly be seeking alternative employment. Michael Orban is all but suggesting that Ukraine, you know, which obviously has nothing better to do at the moment, is gearing up for some sort of actual conflict with Hungary. Is there any way at all this isn't as mad as it sounds?

[C]

It's absolutely mad. There's no way that's going to happen. Ukraine is extremely angry with Hungary, particularly if Hungary succeeds in blocking this vital 90 billion euro package, which is the EU's attempt to keep Ukraine solvent while over the next two or three months Ukraine desperately needs money as well as plenty else. But if Hungary does veto it, and the EU is trying to find a way around that, then Ukraine will be absolutely furious. But they're not going to take up arms and I very much doubt if they're going to help Hungary do much to repair the pipeline.

[B]

That said, Marta, are we, do you think, entitled to an amount of scepticism re Ukraine's line that the pipeline was either actually damaged by Russia or that repairs are proving this difficult, all terribly complicated, can't get the parts, etc. Don't know what to tell you.

[A]

I would kind of respect Ukraine if they were holding up the Russian gas for Hungary. Since Viktor Orban has been making their life completely impossible for the last couple of years, he's basically used Ukraine as a token to get further concessions from a European Union that is increasingly sick of his maneuvering to stay in power. So it does sound like it would be well warranted revenge on him. But I also think we're talking about a conflict situation. I am guessing that getting gas back to Hungary is not exactly Ukraine's priority right now. So it could credibly take them long to actually resolve the problem.

[B]

I mean, it is a thing that's a constantly amazing subplot of this conflict. Michael, that Russian oil, Russian energy has continued to transport across Ukraine in pipelines on Ukrainian territory. Is it not actually kind of amazing that Ukraine didn't blow all these up years ago and say it was all done by Russia by accident?

[C]

Yes, well, of course there's suspicion that people of Ukrainian origin, if not Ukrainians themselves, have already blown up a pipeline. And that's the one under the North

[B]

Sea, the Nord Stream 2.

[C]

Yes, the one that was taking Russian oil. Well, it was due to take Russian oil from Russia directly to Germany. But I think the danger is that, well, Hungary doesn't really know how to get gas or oil from. Yes, it's oil, particularly from anywhere else. No, sorry, we're talking about gas. Yes, it's gas that they want.

[B]

Either or both.

[C]

Well, they don't have anything of their own. They need it. And they have been given exemption in the past by the EU to be allowed to continue, as were most places dependent on Russian energy. But most of them have managed to wean themselves off it, including particularly Germany, which depended enormously on Russian energy and getting it off it. Getting off it. Well, Orban has no intention of trying to do so. I mean, he is very much, for some reason, he's an apologist for Russia, which is all the more bizarre because I remember going to an election way back in 1992 when he was the young liberal.

[B]

He was, he was the liberal future

[C]

of Eastern Europe, communist liberal, who was going to break all the connections with the past and lead Hungary into a bright future. Well, a long way from that now,

[B]

endowed with his George Soros sponsored degree from Oxford University, in fact. Yes, yes, it is extraordinary. And for what it may be worth, where Orban is concerned, one Baltic minister who I will not name or hint at did once suggest to me, Marta, off the record, when I asked him, basically, what is the deal with Viktor Orban, he just sort of sighed and says, victor just goes where the money is. I couldn't possibly comment, but do we have any particular sympathy for Hungary and Slovakia's line that they were due in exemption because they're landlocked and it's therefore more difficult for them to access seaborne elements, lng, seaborne oil, et cetera.

[A]

You can have a lot of sympathy for these countries, but the problem is that they also come with, well, both of them with governments that are not making their lives any easier in any sort of reasonable way. So we know, of course, Hungary has been at this point, we can call it, I think, safely a dictatorship since 2010. And Slovakia also has a leader that has decided that his way of doing things is to pick fights with the European Union and again, use Ukraine as sort of as collateral damage. So while they might be making a fair point, there are also alternatives to it. Right now they're getting their oil through Croatia, but the point that Croatia makes is saying, well, yeah, sure, we'll get you oil, but we're not getting you Russian oil. So I think there's also the point that they haven't really put much of an effort in terms of securing alternatives to that.

[B]

Michael, just finally on this one, we might be six weeks away or so from a change of government in Hungary, which I'm sure will lead to a cascade of champagne corks being popped across Brussels. But will it make life much easier for Ukraine as well?

[C]

Not really. I mean, Hungary is still dependent on energy, well, from Russia or possibly if they can find alternative sources, other pipelines coming from elsewhere. But it's hard to switch straight away. But the point is they are doing more than simply buying Russian oil. They're being very, very obstructive in any attempt to put pressure on Russia or to give aid to Ukraine. I mean, they are blocking all EU initiatives on this, mind you. Also, I wouldn't be so sure that Orban will be swept out of power. He may not win the vote, but that doesn't mean he won't leave power. I mean, he'll find ways to declare the election either null and void or fraud or recount he'll try to do his best to stay there.

[B]

Well, moving along from a conflict occurring exclusively in Viktor Orban's head to one which may yet occur for real American and Iranian negotiation negotiatures. Negotiators was the word I wanted. Have again been meeting in Geneva today in talks brokered by Oman and metaphorically overshadowed by the formidable American armada assembling off Iran's coast. The issue still appears to be Iran's ambiguous nuclear ambitions, once constrained by a multilateral deal from which US President Donald Trump flounced during his first stint in the White House, possibly further stalled by last year's air raids on Iranian nuclear sites by the United States and Israel. Marta, does it strike you that these talks are going to make conflict any more or less likely? Are we at least reassured that as long as they're talking to each other, there is some hope that this won't actually happen?

[A]

The problem is that whenever Donald Trump is concerned, you're not really 100% sure about whether talking is a good idea or not, and whether he is is going to be sticking to whatever he has agreed to or not. So certainly the fact that there is some attempt at talking and sort of continuing this negotiations does give some hope. However, Trump seems to also have put himself into a position where anything less than what he is requiring is going to be a good cause to potentially start a conflict, yet another conflict in the area that we probably don't really need. So it's always quite difficult. I find it. I found it difficult to understand this part of foreign policy before, and I find that with Donald Trump, you just have that added element of randomness to it that makes it very hard to read where he might push.

[B]

Because is it clear, Michael, what the United States actual desired outcome of either this coercion or perhaps conflict would be? I mean, I can well imagine that it. Well, you don't have to imagine. It's been the case since 1979 that the United States would prefer that the ayatollahs were no longer running Iran, which is not in itself an ignoble aspiration. But is that actually what the United States wants? Because removing the Iranian regime is not going to be a simple solution to whatever they think the problem is.

[C]

You put your finger exactly on the dilemma and the contradiction of these talks. What are they actually trying to achieve? And what is the best outcome for the United States? I mean, at the start it was, and officially it's all about nuclear disarmament or at least stopping Iran even reaching nuclear status. So that they can't build a nuclear weapon? Well, yes and no. But equally, Trump has talked about coming to the aid of the oppressed Iranian people and threatening that he would start a war, as it were, if the Iranian authorities continued repressing and killing demonstrators. Well, he, he more or less said help is on the way. A month or so ago it wasn't on the way. As a result, people took to the streets and got mown down. So that appears not to be any more a motive. Is the motive to actually promote regime change. In that case, you need a war at least. So he might think many people say that wouldn't actually lead to regime change. It would simply entrench the Iranians. And other people say that is the Iranian aim. They're not going to surrender their ballistic missiles, which is one of the demands of these talks. They would rather actually have a war. And the Ayatollah himself, the old 86 year old supreme leader, he would rather die a martyr than be forced to give up Iran's missiles and also see any threat to the Islamic Republic. So the outcome is completely unclear. Even if they do agree, what have they agreed and what, what is the interest for both countries?

[B]

Because going back to the nuclear aspect of this mata and does Iran want one or does Iran not want a bomb? My theory for some time, not just after Donald Trump left the treaty, but even before the treaty was agreed, is that surely everybody who is party to this knows it's all kind of nonsense because everybody, including the Iranians, understands that the like it or not, the guarantor of last resort is Israel. That if Israel actually ever thought Iran was anywhere near acquiring a nuclear weapon, Israel would do what it did to the Iraqi reactor in 1981, to the Syrian reactor I think 2007, ish, if memory serves, and to Iran's nuclear sites last year.

[A]

I think that the it is still putting a lot of expectations on Israel, although of course, which I suppose might be part of the story because at the moment they are quite busy. So I'm not again, I'm not quite sure what the end point of any of this is, is if not to just try and defuse a situation that could potentially escalate if left unattended, if you will. But this is the point that it's not necessarily the case that if we do try and defuse the situation, that that is actually going to happen.

[C]

No, the irony of course is if they do come to a deal, it will actually strengthen the regime instead of weakening it. And Trump seems to want to Weaken the regime as well as getting a deal. If they get a deal, then there's no excuse for then launching a war. So you sort of think, well, are they really trying to find agreement or not?

[B]

And just finally on this one, Marta, do we have any sense of how enthusiastic Trump's actual base is for this? I mean, obviously they can do their best to sell it. They can maybe suggest it's going to be, you know, a short, sharp shock similar to that which removed Nicola Maduro in Venezuela, in which Trump, Trump by now appears to have completely lost interest. But one of his whole selling points to his base in all three of his presidential elections was no more stupid wars. We're not doing this anymore.

[A]

This is, to me, the most striking part of the fact that we're even having this conversation and that there's even discussion about a possible military intervention in Iran. This is, Donald Trump got elected on a platform that basically said, we're going to do America first. We are going to focus on our own country. We are not going to go and disperse the love throughout the world and basically just send American troops wherever we can. And lately that's not what he's been doing. This is a very, this has proven to be quite an interventionist, a fairly interventionist presidency, and in a way that is actually hurting Americans who are probably going to be a lot more concerned about what the effect that his tariffs are having, rather without needing to even think about, okay, now we are at war with Iran.

[B]

Well, to Japan and to something completely different. An apparent surge in dog ownership. According to what it says here is merely the latest national survey on dog and cat ownership by Japan's Pet Food Association. There's always someone worse off. Japan's canine population now stands at 6.82 million, up from 6.79 million a year ago, reversing a decade long decline. The news is less good for cats, down from 9.2 million to 8.8 million. Perhaps the extra 30,000 dogs ate some of them. Marta, first of all, do you personally own more dogs and fewer cats than you did this time last year? Are you part of this trend?

[A]

No, I live in London and am a millennial, so having animals, animals is a bit difficult.

[B]

What, you just have nowhere in which they make a vort?

[A]

Yes, well, it's more like I was renting until relatively recently. And then I also travel a lot. I live in London and work in Cardiff. So I think trying to fit this around an animal, very difficult.

[B]

But to follow that up, speaking as a millennial, you can you can probably speak to the hypothesis surrounding this in Japan, at least, that people are investing more in pets because they finding the space in which to have children is expensive and difficult. Or perhaps they've realized that children are just expensive and tedious in and of themselves.

[A]

I think there's. There's. There's at least two different storylines here. One is the storyline of people who are in a couple and that get a pet either because they think they're not ready for children or because they want to try out what it feels like to have a shared responsibility. Which to me was. Has always seemed very strange because animals are a huge responsibility and they don't really grow up. You don't send them away.

[B]

Well, actually, the same can be said of some people, in fairness.

[A]

Sure. I do come from Italy, where most people stay home until they turn 35 and then they are kicked out. Maybe the other story, which I think is the other possibility, is that this is also linked to the fact that we are increasingly seeing people not living in couple and a lot more people living by themselves. And in that case, having an animal is something that will keep you company. So perhaps if we're talking about this loneliness epidemic and the concerns about this generation not having children because a lot of them simply don't really have partners, that could also be part of the reason why we're seeing animals, more animals in a place like Japan that has very serious problems with the birth rate.

[B]

It does, but very nearly. Interestingly, on exactly that thought, Michael, it is reported in this survey that people tend to acquire cats for companionship. Although it's debatable, really, what kind of companionship you do actually get from a creature which would frankly eat you or just dispense with you entirely if it could figure out how to open a tin. But that dogs actually do facilitate social interactions, and that's why people like them, presumably because when you take it outside, people will wish to interact with it.

[C]

Yes, Well, I suppose that you could claim the same for cat owners. I mean, people divide into dog lovers and cat lovers or some that have both, mostly one or the other. I think in Japan, though, what's interesting is the correlation between loneliness, not having children and keeping pets. I mean, there's not a direct link between them, but they all do seem to be very closely associated. And I'm surprised that there's been a decline in the dog ownership. Until recently, I thought that it was constantly going up and up. And in fact, I think what was confusing the picture is that for a while the Japanese were Extremely excited by robotic dogs, namely Tamagotchi. They invented these creatures where you have a dog that you sort of pretend to feed. It's all done by his computer. You just basically look at your dog on a screen. I mean, the whole thing is a robot. And I thought, well, isn't that just absolutely right for Japanese society at the moment? But it's somehow rather sad, I'm afraid. I just think, think, you know, what about real life? What about real people? What about having some children? Which is what the government is also asking, what about it? And why not?

[B]

Well, moving along to another completely different subject. A new issue of Monocle magazine is on a newsstand near you now, including a great big list of 100 people, places or things which are basically good, helpful and or enhancers of the general gaiety. Among them, named best highway enhancer, is Greece's habit of festooning roadside verges with oleander bushes, both colour colorful and aromatic. Not among them is the worst idea in the world, one had by municipal authorities in Mumbai who have grooved a main road such that when vehicles drive along it at certain speeds, it emits a tune from the soundtrack of Slumdog Millionaire. I think we have a clip of it. Do we have a clip of it, Michael? Perhaps, unsurprisingly, people who live along that stretch of road are other than delighted,

[C]

furious, as I understand, they are absolutely fed up with the noise.

[B]

I mean, how. I am absolutely. I am lost for words about this. I am not, I assure listeners, a violent man. I would have set fire to the town hall.

[C]

Well, why can.

[B]

How.

[C]

First of all, how do you construct this road? How do you work out where to put the grooves? How big are the grooves? I mean, it's quite a fine art to have a groove that's a little bit bigger.

[B]

It is. It is. Technically, I will grant you, impressive. As I understand it, it works on broadly the same principles as the 33 RPM vinyl record, or in terms you might understand, Michael, the 78 revolutions per minute.

[C]

Oh, yes, I understand vinyl record,

[B]

but it apparently works the same way, which is almost impressive. But, Marta, dear God, how is this allowed to happen?

[A]

I have no idea who thought this was a good idea. Sometimes you get a sense that the people who are making decisions have absolutely no idea about how the thing that they're making decisions about functions. I've had this in the past with buildings where in my previous institution, they were redoing offices and I sat in a meeting with architects where they looked at academics and there was a Discussion with a couple of professors and the architects couldn't understand why the academics were asking about having bookshelves in their offices.

[B]

Well, obviously, I mean, it's an insane idea.

[A]

It's an absolutely insane idea. Right. And I feel that this is very much. The city planners sound like people who have never used a robot, who have never lived on a road and who would therefore be completely surprised to find out that the idea of having sound going on every time that there's a car that is nice enough to respect the rules is absolutely maddening.

[B]

It is apparently completely, absolutely incessant.

[C]

I think they started from the other end. They wanted to see how you could make sure drivers maintained a constant and safe speed and that therefore drivers would be so excited to hear the grooves making the right. No. And they could only do it at however fast it was, 45 kilometres an hour or something. They made it so that they would all obey this. This speed in order to produce the sound. And therefore it'd be the safest road in India. Well, the safest, but also the most annoying.

[B]

I mean, Marta, I cannot lie to our panelists or our listeners. I have not myself been to Mumbai. I have been to a couple of other big Indian megalopolises. I've been to New Delhi and Kolkata. What absolutely mesmerizes me about this is that there's an implication here that the people who made this decision thought this city is just not noisy enough.

[A]

I mean, I think the real implication is that you could actually go fast on Indian roads. My experience of being in Delhi a few years ago is that 90% of the time you are stuck in a traffic jam. So I would be quite surprised if they actually hit 45km an hour as a speed.

[C]

The danger will be when you get these pedal cabs trying to hit that speed in order to produce the sound.

[A]

Or when the elephant and comes back.

[B]

It is extraordinary. We should try to close on a slightly more constructive and upbeat note. Which was the oleander verges of Greece, Michael, which we started by talking about. I mean, this is good urbanism. This is a simple idea that just makes everyday surroundings more pleasant, isn't it? Or do you have a controversial.

[A]

To me, I believe that oleanders are poisonous. Well, I know that they.

[B]

No one's asking you to eat them.

[A]

Yeah, no one's asking you to eat them. And I think they are also like quite water intensive. So particularly in Mediterranean countries, they're very popular. But I think they might not be great from a water they do provide. They're beautiful.

[C]

They protect you from headlights coming in the other direction if you have them down the center part of the dual carriageway. But any flowers beside a road make the road more pleasant to drive down. I mean, any kind of floral display. And quite a lot of countries do take that seriously and so they should do.

[B]

Either of you in closing, have just a particular favorite scenic drive anywhere in the world?

[C]

Oh, gosh, yes. Through a tunnel in the Blackwall Tunnel. I mean, the obvious ones are sort of, you know, beautiful valleys with lovely mountains in the distance and or even rolling hills of England, English pasture, countryside. I mean, almost anywhere if it's pleasant and not too full of other cars and you have time to appreciate the scenery is nice.

[B]

And Marta, are there any particular oleander free vergers you're especially fond of?

[A]

I am just remembering a couple of years ago I went to the United States and we drove in this place called Alabama Hills, which used to be a movie set. And that to me is one of the most stunning drives have ever done in spite of the fact that I'm not even sure how we got out of it because it had recently been flooded and that's flood plus desert. So the road was very dangerous to drive on. But a really, really stunning place sometimes. Still think about it.

[B]

Marta Lorimer and Michael Binion, thank you both for joining us. Finally on today's show, the former Austrian imperial family, the Habsburgs, are never far from headlines. Most recently it's because of the resurfacing in a Canadian vault of the legendary 137carat Florentine diamond, a symbol of Habsburg power for centuries. An Austrian government commission is now deciding whether the jewel belongs to the Austrian state or should be returned to the family. Monocle's Alexei Korolev in Vienna investigates why Austrian monarchism still holds sway

[D]

in Vienna. The legacy of the Habsburgs is everywhere and nowhere all at once.

[E]

That's the whole paradox of this republic which is so strongly and uncompromisingly republican. But when you look around in Vienna, there are very few cities that look so imperial, very few institutions that weren't somehow founded by the Habsburgs.

[D]

Christopher Brennan is a historian of the Habsburgs and a guest researcher at the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna.

[E]

They are ever present in every single street, in lots of buildings, in the endless sissy regalia, the kitsch, but they don't resonate with people.

[D]

There are places where nostalgia for the

[F]

empire is real, though we're currently in our, you could say community center where we regularly meet up here is also the place where we train for our fencing. Here's also the place where we do also regular parties. My name is Lars Ivanovic. I'm the current consignor, the second in command of our fraternity, Otonan. I'm happy to welcome you in our humble abode.

[D]

Lars Ivanovich has the big woolly moustache of a bygone age and wears an imperial black and yellow sash over his shoulder. I meet him in the chilly basement of a block of flats in eastern Vienna, the headquarters of the Ottonen. There are many types of all male fraternities across the German speaking world, from right wing groups to Catholic ones. But the Ottonen are different. They are supporters of Habsburg legitimism. This means they believe in theory, if not in practice, that Habsburg rule should be restored, including in what was once a Zartland, Austria. And that's despite the fact that Otto Habsburg, the Empire's last crown prince, renounced all family claims in 1961.

[F]

Lars Ivanovich, of course you will find in the milieu that our fraternities, in hardcore monarchists that still claim that the best form of regency is monarchy and that democracy is merely a failing experiment. But we do see ourselves as aware citizens of Austria that respect its deep and long history. A tendency of the Second Republic is to denounce anything Habsburg and even the contributions that were done by the Habsburgs in order to create a second Republic. We obviously stand firmly behind the Austrian Republic, but we are also not willing to forget how we got where we are and what our past is.

[D]

There are organizations in Austria. The Schwarzgelbe Allianz, or Black Yellow alliance, is one which actively campaign for the return of the King. But for the Ottonen, if a revived Habsburg monarchy isn't on the table, what keeps people coming?

[F]

First of all, I think bands of brotherhoods will always attract a certain type of man. Conservatism is obviously a big part of it. I might even be the most liberal example. But we do hold up values that seem long forgotten. For example, when we say brotherhood, we mean it. We also offer a great space for practicing how to interact in social situations. So that's how most people find their way to us.

[D]

And then there's the broader picture. In our uncertain times, the idea of a benevolent Kaiser can offer comfort to some. And unlike the British royal family, the Habsburgs are still widely seen as having principles. Otto, for example, denounced Vladimir Putin as a creeping dictator as early as 2003, when most world leaders were still trying to cozy up to him. And Karl, his son and the current head of the family has made European unity against Russia his central concern. A last word from Habsburg historian Christopher Brennan.

[E]

The house of Habsburg Lorraine, or the Habsburg Lorraine family, if you are being very strict, has a strange sort of position in Austria. It can speak without any worries about Ukraine and Russia. Russia, it can speak for itself. As a family who once did have power, they do serve as a cultural anchor. No Austrian, even the most hardcore republican, could pretend that the Habsburgs were not the very base of the concept of Austria. And the fact that they have this commitment to a unified pro European vision in this current climate, that is something that could resonate with the people. But otherwise, of course, they are far from power, but undeniably still there.

[D]

For Monocle Radio in Vienna, I'm Alexei Korolev.

[B]

Thank you, Alexei. And that is all for this edition of the Monocle Daily. Thanks to our panelists today, Marta Loramer and Michael Binion. The show was produced by Hassan Anderson and Tom Webb and researched by Anneliese Matt Maynard. Our sound engineer was Steph Chungu. I'm Andrew Muller here in London. The Daily is back at the same time tomorrow. Thanks for listening. It.