Brendan Benedict (41:43)
Yeah. No, it's an Article 3 judge. And you've seen a lot of attacks on Chief Judge Brosberg because he's also touched an aspect of the administration's deportation policy. So he's been a lightning rod for the MAGA movement. But to turn to the merits, I think what's challenging is just how limited the opinion was and that it just focused on market definition and market shares, market power. Typically, market definition is considered like a mixed question of law and fact, or depending on what aspects of the analysis are being challenged. If you're just appealing on a factual issue, that's a tough standard of review on appeal for clear error. If it's a legal issue, it gets reviewed de novo. If it's mixed, well, we'll see what they focus on. But I think that sort of at the outset makes. Makes an appeal challenging in this area. And then, you know, I think there are arguments available. I'll talk about a couple that, that I can see from the FTC standpoint. But so much of the opinion is shot through with credibility determinations, determinations about weighing some evidence more than others. You know, discounting the credibility of the government's expert economists for potential bias. Those things are very difficult to challenge on appeal. But a couple areas I see that, you know, are closer to legal issues. You know, one which is a legal issue is the FTC's authority under Section 13B to, you know, really, the court said there has to be a monopoly now or in the future. The conduct has to be ongoing in order to get an injunction under section 13B of the FTC Act. And generally, we think about equitable principles, as, you know, injunction is stopping something that's happening or happening in the future. And the reason that's important is, you know, at what point in time do you measure whether Meta was a monopolist? Do you look at the time of the acquisitions of Instagram and WhatsApp in 2012, 2014? Or do you do it as the court said today and look at monopoly power today? You know, I think what the FTC would say is that it might have proved a violation in the past and that it's still able to get injunctive relief to remedy the past violation if Google is still enjoying the fruits of that and if there's, you know, also a likelihood of recurrence in the future. So I think, you know, that that's one area they could look at as a sort of legal issue. And so, you know, maybe then they didn't have to prove that Metta had a monopoly today, but they could look back in time and say, well, certainly at 2014, you know, they had a monopoly. I think another issue is the courts. Just as we talked about market share, what. What is enough to show monopoly power is indirect evidence. Same issue in that case in. In the medic case, where the court sort of cast doubt on the idea that something less than 65% market share could show monopoly power. It's cited to Alcoa in the Second Circuit, which a case from, you know, judge learned hand in like the 50s or 60s, saying that you need 2/3 of the market for monopoly power. That's not even good law in the Second Circuit anymore. And that's out of circuit from where the trial was, which was in the District of Columbia. Now there's other stuff in there where the, where the court said, you know, sort of consider the idea, well, maybe in the 50 to 70% range, but here's some factual reasons why that doesn't matter. That's what I think complicates it. But still, you know, you could point to that as an issue and say, listen, 50% is enough, 51% is enough. The court, you know, kind of pay lip service to this idea really, you know, created a rule that says you need 2/3 of the market and that's, that's legally wrong. And then the third one I might think about is the court focused so much on time spent between Meta's apps, Instagram and Facebook and TikTok and YouTube, and it really, you know, bought hook, line and sinker. The story that Meta's expert John List was talking about substitution between those apps. But most of the experiments that he looked at were cases where one of them was completely offline. So in India, where there's a ban of TikTok, where does usage go from the time spent that was on TikTok to other apps? Or when Meta briefly had a blackout of its apps, where does user time go on the mobile device there? And really it was about the order of substitution based on the FTC's market definition of personal social networking. So the FTC said Snapchat's in the market, for instance. And some of these experiments showed that in those blackouts, more people went to YouTube and to TikTok than they went to Snapchat. So if Snapchat's in the market, doesn't it mean by deductive reasoning that these apps were also in the market too? That is backwards. That is not how markets get defined. We're always trying to define the smallest market. So you start with the candidate product and add products to that market one by one to see if the hypothetical monopolist could properly impose a price increase on those products. That's where you draw then the market definition line. Once the answer to that question is yes, and you do it at the smallest level that you can do it. If you start from the outside looking in, there's plenty of Antitrust cases that say, yeah, there might be competition happening up here or happening in the broader market or happening for other goods and services, but it's not competition that's happening at the level that we care about for analyzing monopoly power based on the plaintiff's claim. So I don't doubt at all that there is competition between Meta's apps and TikTok and YouTube for watching video. But how many people announce their engagement news or the birth of their child on YouTube versus on Meta's apps? And that was at the core of the use case that the FTC was defining. So I think, you know, it's fair to say that a lot of these apps have tons of different features or different products embedded within them. In some ways they resemble cluster markets which are multiple products being offered together. It wasn't a problem for the court that, you know, Facebook has a dating app, Facebook has a marketplace. Facebook has a lot of stuff that wasn't talked about in the case. But if the court just looked at the level of the firm rather than the level of the product, that is a basic antitrust mistake. Now I guess the question is, even if it did make that mistake, does it matter? Because the court didn't even reach anti competitive effects. Does Google have an argument that says even if it was wrong on market definition, we still would have won the case because there were no anti competitive effects or the pro competitive benefits outweighed? If it gets remanded for the court to do do that, does it change its mind? Probably not. He was a skeptic of the case. Clearly, if you read that opinion. So you know, I could see there's, there's some grist there for short term win or you know, some legal issues that could get resolved. But I'm not sure that the ultimate outcome would be different.