The Spanish Civil War Episodes on Targeted Subjects w/ Karl Dahl (Part 2)

Summary

The Pete Quiñones Show

Spanish Civil War Episodes on Targeted Subjects w/ Karl Dahl (Part 2)

August 5, 2026

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Episode Overview

This rich episode, hosted by Pete Quiñones, is part of a focused series on the Spanish Civil War, featuring historian and writer Karl Dahl and his Spanish correspondent Morgor. The discussion dives into the intricacies of pivotal personalities, especially José Calvo Sotelo and Francisco Largo Caballero, the structure and paranoia of leftist and rightist forces, the role of women, and recurring historical and ideological patterns. Using newly translated Spanish primary sources, the episode draws striking parallels between 1930s Spain and contemporary political climates, especially regarding polarization, the fragility of institutions, and the cyclical nature of political violence.

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Key Discussion Points & Insights

1. Setting the Stage: Spanish Civil War Revisionism (00:47 – 07:09)

• Purpose: Pete sets the episode's aims: challenging mainstream/liberal English histories on the Spanish Civil War, emphasizing underrepresented Spanish primary sources, and understanding Spain as a cautionary tale for current ideological divisions in the US/West.
• Sources: Karl's substack features direct Spanish material, heavily aided by Morgor's research/translation.

“Once you understand the story of José Calvo Sotelo, you can start understanding that if something isn't done pretty quickly, this is the kind of direction we're headed.” – Pete (00:56)

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2. The Assassination of José Calvo Sotelo: The Spark (07:10 – 36:41)

• Background: Detailed biographical and political summary of Calvo Sotelo, his evolution from a legal/political prodigy to a symbolic figure of the Spanish right/royalists.
• Murder Orchestration: The leftist Republican government orchestrated Sotelo's murder via assault guards, with explicit orders to kill if alone/no witnesses. This act essentially triggered the military uprising.
  • Timeline of events, featuring explicit complicity of government agents, hitmen, and militia.
• Motivation & Paranoia: The left’s intransigence and government passivity effectively “sealed their fate,” making war inevitable.
• Comparison to Modern Day: Pete and Karl draw dark parallels to current activist groups (e.g., Antifa) as lumpen, "degenerate" and easily manipulable by “top-down” political actors.

Notable Quotes:

“You have to crush these people. So that was the motivation for this piece.” – Karl (01:51)

“…unless you crush these people now, there will be somebody who is… who wants to kill you because of what you believe that will get in office. And that's when these people… will be activated.” – Pete (09:28)

Timestamps:

• Biography of Calvo Sotelo: 13:47
• Assassination details: 26:47

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3. Aftermath – State Complicity & Suppression (36:41 – 43:35)

• Official Inaction: Authorities delayed investigation; evidence covered up; post-war communist militias stole and destroyed files.
• Firsthand Testimony: Aniceto Castro Piñero, one of the guards in the van, recounted state-ordered, mob-style execution. The system protected the perpetrators.
• Martyrdom: Sotelo’s death became a rallying cry for the right; the left’s bloodlust and “no happy middle ground” argument is emphasized.

Quote:

“The blood of our martyr was a war cry against the Marxist beast which threatened to destroy Spain.” – Karl reading Morgor, (64:01)

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4. Parallel Lessons for Today (43:35 – 72:01)

• The ‘Indecisive Middle’: The greatest danger, as per Morgor’s article, are the centrist/conservatives who “stand by and let things happen”—a warning for contemporary audiences.
• Polarization: Only extremes (far left/far right) have energy; the middle is increasingly irrelevant.
• Role of the State: Arguments over an “orderly, virtuous society” versus anarcho-tyranny; skepticism of liberal proceduralism and libertarianism.
• Libertarians and the Left: Indictment of libertarians as useful idiots ("They’re useful idiots. And then they just get rid of them." – Karl, 73:01).

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5. Women in the Spanish Civil War: The Natural Order vs. Progressive Delusion (85:30 – 132:22)

• Distinct Roles:
  • Right: Women led massive aid, nursing, and propaganda organizations (e.g., Pilar Primo de Rivera—female branch of Falange, Mercedes San Bachiller—Auxilio Social). These support roles were pivotal to nationalist “machine.”
  • Left: Prominent in propaganda, radical feminism, and front-line combat initially, but their militarism swiftly backfired—propaganda outpaced reality, with huge practical/disciplinary problems.
• Betrayal of Ideals: Many leftist women, particularly anarchists, felt “radically betrayed” when forcibly removed from combat roles (by 1937) and shunted into factories/hospitals. Propaganda morphed from “heroine warriors” to “supporting mothers.”
• Sordid Realities: Up to 45% of front-line leftist women were prostitutes (“joyful life”); STDs rampaged; many men needed hospitalization for venereal disease.
• Propaganda & Disillusion: Iconic images (e.g., "girl with a Mauser") were mostly staged; most female combatants quickly fled or were returned to the rear.

Quotes:

“The left of today carries the same bloodthirsty spirit seen since the beginning of the 20th century. The more things change, the more they stay the same.” – Karl reading Morgor, (132:22)

“As we know now, this is not a winning strategy.” – Karl, on women in combat (112:17)

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6. Francisco Largo Caballero: Radicalization of a Moderate Socialist (163:24 – End)

• Origin: Born poor, self-educated, rose through trade union ranks; instinctively socialist before ideologue; longtime moderate but grew bitter and radical in response to political obstruction and perceived betrayals.
• Party Politics: Outlines the slow, contentious radicalization of the PSOE, ultimate schism forming the Communist Party (PCE), and Caballero’s alignment with the Soviets.
• Republican Failure: By late 1935–36, moderate republicans, centrist politicians, and the military all lost faith in the system. “None of these people believed in the Republic.”
• Caballero’s Downfall: After the May Days of 1937 (anarchist–communist in-fighting, Soviet takeover), he was cashiered from power, exiled, imprisoned by Nazis, died in obscurity—his efforts ultimately “felt like a waste.”

Timestamps:

• Biography/beginning: 176:10
• Collaboration/Conflicts: 203:00 – 239:00
• Stalin’s Influence/Paranoia: 252:09 – 259:39
• Ousting & Exile: 266:16 – 276:55
• Final assessment of Caballero: 278:48 – end

Quotes:

“We will destroy the regime of private property. We are attacked because we are the enemies of the family. And we answer, they are the enemies of the family... We, as socialists, wish families could be... free from economic burden.” – Largo Caballero’s Badajoz speech, read aloud by Karl (290:44)

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Memorable Moments & Notable Quotes

• On the parallels to the US:

  “You, you can make fun of these people all you want…These are people who have nothing to lose…They're waiting to be told, ‘yeah, sure, you can go, we're not going to stop you if you start killing our enemies.’ And once you realize that that's what it is, it will come off as random violence. But really it's top down. Because it's always top down.” – Pete (07:39)

• On the personas of Spanish leftist leaders:

  “They all look like degenerates. Like every single one of them. None of them are handsome. None of them look in the least bit like ordered.” – Karl (11:07)

• On repeating history:

  “History doesn't repeat itself, but it's a script. If the script works, do it over and over again.” – Pete (285:04)

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Thematic Threads & Echoes for Today

• State-Sanctioned Political Violence: The murder of Sotelo is analyzed as a deliberate political act, with explicit state sanction and subsequent cover-up—serving as an inflection point for civil war.
• Warnings on Societal Passivity: Both the 1930s and today, the hosts argue, suffer most from an inactive middle—those unwilling to take decisive action until it is too late.
• Role of Ideology & Its Limits: Both right and left betray their stated ideals in practice, with leftist unity unraveling to violence, betrayal, and severe Iron Law of Woke inertia. Libertarians and “classical liberals” are particularly ridiculed for their misapprehension of power.
• Cycles of Radicalization: Leaders and parties (e.g., Largo Caballero) repeatedly radicalize as perceived legal, political, and institutional channels block their agendas; the hosts press listeners to recognize when similar dynamics are occurring today.

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Suggested Timestamps for Key Segments

• Backdrop & Episode Goals: 00:47–07:09
• Calvo Sotelo’s Backstory & Murder: 13:47–36:41
• Aftermath & State Inaction: 36:41–43:35
• Parallel Lessons: 43:35–72:01
• Women in the Civil War: 85:30–132:22
• Largo Caballero’s Arc: 163:24–End

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Closing Credits

• Karl Dahl’s Work:

  • karldahl.substack.com
  • Books: Faction and Faction with the Crusaders (on Amazon)

• Morgor:

  • Spanish writer, artist, now-and-then series contributor

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For Listeners New to the Topic

This episode is a foundational guide to understanding how political polarization, revolutionary violence, and institutional breakdown played out in interwar Spain—offered with clear, sometimes polemical, attribution and a focus on lessons for today’s anglosphere. It is also a call to take historical warning signs seriously and to engage with primary, non-Anglo, or revisionist sources.

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For More: Visit karldahl.substack.com and follow Pete Quiñones’ ongoing analysis of history and politics on The Pete Quiñones Show.

Transcript

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[Pete]

I want to welcome everyone back to the Picanono Show. Karl Dahl is back. What's up, Carl?

[Carl Dahl]

Not much, Pete. Happy to be here.

[Pete]

Awesome. Awesome. Let's continue talking about the Spanish Civil War. And there's a collection of episodes that we have that I call specific subjects, like targeted subjects that I release every once in a while as a large file for people to listen to. They can have it all in one spot and I assume this one is going. This one will definitely be added on to that. But this is a really, this is important and this is one of those, one of those things that once you understand the story of Jose Calvo Sotelo, you, you can start understanding that if something isn't done pretty quickly, this is the kind of direction we're headed. So yeah, I'll turn it over to you.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, so I have to point out on my sub stack I publish many pieces. It's typically research that I've done with primary sources or like one source removed. That's really good summary material using Spanish primary sources, Spanish language material. And in this case I have two articles now in the now and Then series by my friend Morgor, who's a Spanish friend and correspondent. He helped me with a lot of like Spanish language idiom and a little bit of research validating some of the assumptions that I was making based on, you know, my own studies of material when I was working on with the Crusaders. And so he's the one who helped with the Negrata Brilliante turn of phrase that, that I had to add to that story for a nice twist. And he has really enjoyed diving into the subject himself. He's one of us. And the environment in Spain is really interesting because there's all this great material and there's a subset of the population that knows the score. In, in Spain, the, the academy and the government are acting like, you know, the, the Western misperception, propaganda, propaganda driven misperception of the war is correct. But they have way too much evidence to the contrary from primary sources that really explain the situation and that, that creates a big challenge for them and in the academy and they have their own kind of, you know, correcting the record revisionist population that has to play a little bit to the, you know, the current powers that be, while also having a realistic conversation on the subject of what was actually going on. So, for example, you know, one of the big elements is that there was no, there was no happy middle ground like, you know, Democratic Republic that wasn't Bolshevik and the anarchists weren't just these, you know, kind of libertarian hippies who wanted to be left alone. Man, you know, that's totally not the case. You have to, you have to deal with the reality of the people. And you don't see this kind of information in so many of the English language sources. Stanley Payne's an exception. But, you know, the big boys, bevoir, Preston Thomas, etc. Aren't going to bring you the material that we have here, which is taken from very good sources that can be found all over the Internet in Spanish that Morgore has translated for us with an introduction. His motivation for this was when Charlie Kirk was shot, he immediately was like, you know, there's elements that are related to this. But he agreed with me, which is that, you know, Charlie Kirk is going to be a martyr figure. And he's an early, like you said, Pete, warning of where this is going to go if we don't change direction. And the direction change has to be done by the government. And we have, you know, Trump and his people in the administration right now. We absolutely need them to step in and intervene and be the legitimate system that will uphold order. Because you can't do this onesie twosie light touch thing that will just like push it out into the future and you really have to crush these people. So that was the, the motivation for this piece. There's a large section. Well, there's a section of kind of opinion and observation, a summary of the life of Jose Calvo Sotelo, who was a Spanish parliamentarian who was murdered, which essentially set things in motion for the military uprising which caused the Spanish Civil War. And we have great detail about the actual night of the murder and the days beforehand, what was taking place in the government where they made the arrangements which made this possible from like a security perspective.

[Pete]

And I think people need to understand that the, you know, when you hear that the government, you know, basically, they, it was elements inside the government that planned this, that said, yeah, this must be done. People need to realize that they didn't go, obviously they didn't go out to do it. They sent their. Was it the civil gutter?

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, largely. And they also had assault guards and some other militia. Yeah, yeah.

[Pete]

So you're not gonna, you're probably not going to have that in this country because they've already built up an army on the street. So what people I think need to understand is, is that you can make fun of these people all you want. These people who show up at protests and are black block and masks whenever they get arrested, you get to see the, you get to see the mug shots and you get to laugh at them there. These are people who have nothing to lose. They have no life whatsoever. And they're just waiting.

[Carl Dahl]

Yep.

[Pete]

They're waiting to be told, yeah, sure, you can go, we're not going to stop you if you start killing our enemies. And once you realize that that's what it is that you will have, it will come off as random violence. But really it's top down. Because it's always top down. Sorry.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. They have to create the conditions that make it possible. And that comes from the top down.

[Pete]

Correct. So even though once you go through this story and you see exactly who the players were, you need to understand that those, these people are already out there. And yep, they're, they're not going, they have no one, they're not going to answer to anyone unless people decide now to make them answer. Because it's, unless you get this reigned in now, it's going to be much more difficult to rein it in later because this is not going to jump off the way it will when Donald Trump is president or even a Trump kind of person is president. But unless you crush these people now, there will be somebody who is, who wants to kill you because of what you believe that will get in office. And that's when these people or the ones that come after them will be activated. And I know people don't want to believe that, but when you start studying who like the leftists were the people on the left in the Spanish Civil War, these weren't impressive people. No, these people were scum. They were no different than the anti fight you're making fun of when you see their mug shots. Yet how many People did they kill? How many people did they execute?

[Carl Dahl]

There is a going to be doing a show with Astral after Halloween on anarcho tyranny and bioleninism as it relates to Spain and as well as just those, those pieces. So like Sam Francis on anarcho tyranny and Spandrel on bioleninism. And if you go through and you look at the photos of the. To your point, Pete, the photos of the leaders of the left in Spain.

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[Carl Dahl]

They. They all look like degenerates. Like every single one of them. None of them are handsome. None of them look in the least bit like ordered. It's. It's completely crazy when you see that. And it's like you said, it's just like when you see the mug shot of the antifa types, it's just these degenerates. And it's an interesting, it's an interesting process because there's a little bit of a chicken and egg thing going on there. There's. There's interesting arguments to be had there and a lot of, A lot of work has been done by psychiatrists in the past on this subject. But that is a conversation for another time.

[Pete]

Why don't you talk a little bit about the, you know, the, the meeting of politicians and what leads up to this? Okay, great.

[Carl Dahl]

So shall we consult the piece?

[Pete]

Please, let's do it.

[Carl Dahl]

Okay, great. So I'm going to cruise down. Shall we start out with just kind of an overview of who Jose Calvo Sotello was and who he represented?

[Pete]

Absolutely. But I would, I would. I think it's hilarious. I realized this the other day that both sides of my family come from Galicia.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, interesting.

[Pete]

Came to this, kind of like, came to this, like. I have relatives that came from Galicia in Spain, you know, or I mean, really, it's. Is that Spain or Portugal? Historically? Who knows? Yes, it could be France too. But you know, also, you know, my, my great grandparents escaped Galicia to get away from murderer psychopaths there in 1910 and 1911. That's the one up in the corner. In the other corner of the, of the peninsula.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, yeah. I believe, I believe Morgor is from, from Galicia. I believe he's Galician also.

[Pete]

Is he. So he's b. Is he Basque?

[Carl Dahl]

I don't have a way of knowing.

[Pete]

Okay.

[Carl Dahl]

But yeah, I believe so.

[Pete]

Wouldn't be, wouldn't be surprising if he was.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, I'm sure. I'm sure genetically, the, the vast majority of especially northern Spaniards are going to show up as quote, unquote, Basque, especially

[Pete]

the ones that are racially aware.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, yes, yes, yes, absolutely. So should I just read directly from the piece?

[Pete]

Yeah, go ahead, man.

[Carl Dahl]

Okay.

[Pete]

It'd be, it'd be nice for, for an episode like this where I don't have to read, so.

[Carl Dahl]

You have the most melodious voice, but I will, I will happily dive into this, so thank you. So now and then, the Murder of Jose Calvo Sotelo. I begin with a brief biography of Jose Calvo Sotelo, as it is appropriate to have an understanding of the man whose murder we are discussing. Jose Calvo Sotelo was born in tuy, Galicia on May 6, 1893, to a deeply religious middle class family. In his early years, he proved to be a very capable and intelligent young man who easily scored in the top of his class. He began work on his bachelor's degree at the University of Zaragoza in 1909, where he showed great aptitude for the sciences and languages. But like Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, he was drawn to the law. As a student, he took many small jobs, such as artist or tutorial to aid his family while still excelling in academics. He graduated in 1912. Armed with his bachelor's, he undertook doctoral studies at the University of Madrid, where he became extremely close to his professor Gumarcindo Huskarate, who eventually nominated his thesis for an extraordinary doctorate award. I checked it out. Extraordinary doctorate award is like the. The top person in every field of study in Spain, whether it's at the university level or or nationally that they kind of call it the same thing. So shortly after completing his studies, Jose Calvo Sotelo applied for the public examination to work in the Ministry of Justice. And keep in mind, he's like 21 years old at this time. While preparing for his upcoming exams, he became a familiar site in debate circles at Madrid's many libraries and athenaeums. Here, Calvo Sotelo would meet many of his future political foes, such as Manuel Azania and Angel Galarza. It was around 1915 when he was appointed Secretary of Politics and Moral Sciences when Calvo Sotelo became a supporter of Marismo, a truly reactionary conservative faction led by Antonio Mora, which broke off in a schism within the contemporary conservative party. And Then, my editor's note. The Conservative and Liberal parties had participated in the Tourno Pacifico, the peaceful turn in which leadership of the government was handed off between the two parties in fixed intervals over several decades. A real life example of the conservative quote, if you use government power, the opposition will simply use that same power against you. So never do anything for your constituency, unquote mentality. In 1916, at the age of 23, he became a state attorney after achieving a perfect examination score. In a twist of fate, Calvo Sotelo was assigned to Toledo, where he met Enriqueta de Grondona, daughter of a wealthy and prominent civil engineer, whom he would wed a year later. In 1919, Antonio Mora selected Calvo Sotelo to become an electoral candidate for his faction and in the following elections he became a member of parliament, a position he lost the following year. In 1921, with grave disasters such as the murder of Eduardo Datto by Catalan anarchists and the disaster of Anual, an earth shaking defeat of the Spanish army in the Moroccan Rif war, new elections were held in which the Morrists surged. Mora became president again and Calvo Sotello was appointed governor of Valencia. All changed drastically 13 September 1919 23, with a military coup d' etat led by General Primo de Rivera, driven by reactionary elements who were done with the weakness of the parliament and useless squabbling of the politicians and sought to, quote, regenerate Spain. Calvo Sotelo strongly ascribed to these ideas and became a vocal supporter of the dictatorship. He was soon appointed General Administration director and and later in 1925, he was appointed chief of the Revenue Ministry, where he carried out many innovative tax reforms which would result in some people calling him a, quote, communist. So this is that third position that the Spanish right was shifting towards, particularly the younger Spanish right. In 1930, shortly after the death of old age of General Primo de Rivera and the global stock market crash of 1929, Calvo Sotelo and many former ministers of the dictatorship decided to band together to create a party which, quote, carried the spirit and will of Primo de Rivera, unquote, to help Spain recover. They sought the aid of General Barringer, the then dictator, to form a government. But with mood brought about by the victory of republican and left wing parties in the 1931 elections, Calvo Sotelo fled to Portugal. The painful birth of the republic, celebrated with looting and the destruction of churches, deeply tarnished Calvo Sotelo's belief in helping Spain recover via political means. Nonetheless, he became A Morris candidate for Arense, Galicia, in the hope that the law of pardons would be applied to him in the same manner it was applied to communist criminals such as Largo Caballero and Julian Besteiro, who had led the strike of 1917. Side note, Morager is going to do an article about Largo Caballero for whom there just isn't a lot of really good English language material. There are some new biographies that are available. There's one where the title. And again the Spanish language, only the. The title is essentially Largo Caballero, Spain's Lenin or the Spanish Lenin. So that will be.

[Pete]

But didn't he, when he was in jail, didn't he call himself that? Yeah, he referred to himself as that when he was in jail. Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

Even though the party he represented wasn't a per se Bolshevik party, it was a Spanish kind of National Socialist, quote unquote party in the. In a left sense. But he converted to Marxist Leninism while he was in prison and then was totally open about it. Okay. However, the Republicans sought to persecute those who had, quote, collaborated with the dictatorship and created a special court which further soured Calvo Sotelo's opinion on the Republic. In 1933, Calvo Sotelo established residence in Paris where he networked with and learned from personalities such as Charles Morris of Action Action Francais and established ties with the Italian government via Italo Balbo, even meeting Il Duce himself in Rome to garner support for the conservative movement of Spain. What's up, fools? Main event Jay USO here from the wwe. When it's just me between matches, it's day one ish. And that means it's Chumba time. With hundreds of casino style games and new titles arriving weekly, there's always something fun fresh to try at Chumba Casino. The Daily Boost make it even more

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21+ Sponsored by Chumba Casino yet his most important role during exile was as a conduit between the Carlists and Alphonsists to create a unified monarchist element. With the passing of an amnesty law in April 1934 and the resounding defeat of the left in the 1934 general elections, Calvo Sotelo returned to Spain as a member of parliament for the party Renovacion Espanola and here's an image from a Renovacion Espanola event. Excellent.

[Pete]

That flag is incredible energy.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible energy. And that. Look at that carpet, that rug.

[Pete]

It's incredible. Oh, yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

All right. His political career after returning to Spain is well known specifically because he became an icon of the right, which the leftists sought more than any other to cast down. Not only because he was staunch in his assertions, but because he had served in government during the dictatorship and was thus a collaborator. The left was truly out for blood, which in his case would be realized that tragic night of July 12, 1936, if this murder was not, quote unquote, premeditated. It had been announced multiple times in the days prior. It was during a session of Parliament on June 16, 1936, when then Minister of War Santiago Casares Quiroga threatened Jose Calvo Sotelo amid thunderous support from fellow leftists who began shouting Hail the Red Army. They're just.

[Pete]

Stop right, let's stop right there.

[Carl Dahl]

They're just. They're just liberal democrats.

[Pete]

I mean, this is a Republican. Is this a republican government?

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible.

[Pete]

Oh yeah. See, what happened in Spain was they elected this republican government and everything was going to be great. And a bunch of fascist rose up to overthrow the republican government that was shouting Hail the Red Army.

[Carl Dahl]

And for those who don't know, the Spanish Republic's army had red rank insignia with red stars on it and was led by. They were advised and sometimes led directly by NKVD and always NKVD trained and led officers. This was a communist operation run by the Soviets in West.

[Pete]

Was Republican. It was Republican. It says it's. That's their name. Their name are Republicans.

[Carl Dahl]

Aren't you a Republican? It's incredible. It's incredible. That very day the commander of the Corps of Carabineros and close friend of Casaras Quiroga, Luis Barcelo, said, quote, I will kill him myself, unquote. On June 29, then General Security Chief Alonzo Malol called agents Jose Garriga Pato, a communist fully loyal to the Popular Front. The Popular Front was the basically the coalition of leftist, communist etc parties that were running the government and Rodolfo Serrano de la Parte, a close friend of Casares Quiroga, to his office to replace the current agents who were then assigned to guard Calvo Sotelo. So they hand picked leftists to be his guards. The following day, Staff Sergeant Lorenzo Aguirre Sanchez briefed the two men and that their task was not one of protection, but of espionage. They were to report on Calvo Sotelo's schedule and the identities of everyone that met with him. Two days later, the very same sergeant informed the men, per orders from the security chief, that if an attempt on the life of Calvo Sotelo were made in a public place with witnesses, they should pretend to protect him. But if it happened in a place without witnesses, they should be sure to finish him off. And here's Santiago Casares Quiroga, who looks like a worm.

[Pete]

Yeah, I mean, it's. It's amazing the. How the physiognomy never fails on these people.

[Carl Dahl]

Never. Never.

[Pete]

And we're not talking about just. No. The kind of physiognomy that we normally talk about. We're talking about just, you know, the. The mystery grove tweet. Just ugly, ugly people.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, exactly. You can tell if you do a line chart, you know, the eye, top of the ear, etc. It's. That's not. That's not what we're talking about here.

[Pete]

Right.

[Morgor]

Yeah.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

All right. Unfortunately for the conspirators, Agent Rodolfo Serrano had a conscience. He spoke of this troubling revelation with Joaquin Bau Nola, a Carlist member of Parliament and close friend of Calvo Sotelo. Upon Hearing this news, Mr. Bao immediately visited the office of the Minister of Government to confront him about this outrageous order. Minister Alfredo Molles denied having given such an order. The following day, Bough and Calvo Sotelo visited the office, now more alarmed than before and demanding explanations. Moles downplayed their alarm, saying that it was trash talk from a couple of officers to which Cavo Sotelo, rightfully angered, asked the minister, are we their buddies or members of the government? In the early Evening hours of July 12, Assault Guard Lt. Jose del Castillo was assassinated by suspected members of the Falange. Although succeeding events prevented the government from confirming who had murdered him. Upon hearing this news, an emergency cabinet meeting regarding retaliation for the murder of Lt. Del Castillo was conducted between Alfredo Mollus Casares Quiroga and Alonso Malol, with commander of the Gardia de Asalto, the assault guards Ricardo Burrillos Sotole, Lieutenant Maximo Moreno and Captain of the Guardia Civil, Fernando Condes. After a heated discussion, it was agreed that they would arrest high profile right wing figures and defined a list of suspects to which they added a few standing members of Parliament. Hey, why not? Among which were Jose Maria Gil Robles and Jose Calvo Sotelo. During the early hours of July 13, Fernando Condes gathered a number of men at the Pontejos barracks The most important names among them, aside from Condes, were Victoriano Cuenca, AKA Luis Cuenca Estevas, a hitman, bodyguard and close friend of the socialist Indalesio Prieto, known as the Cuban Jose Rey Hernandez, bodyguard and close friend of the socialist Margarita Nelkin, Interesting last name. Federico Coelho Garcia, medical student, socialist and coast friend, close friend of Indalecio Prieto and Anaceto Castro Pinera, member of the Gardia de Assalto, who would later confess to the events which transpired. There were a total of 14 men in a van, followed by a car with five more. The van is interesting, we have a picture of it in this article. It's of the era, very narrow. The group, after a fruitless hunt for Jose Gil Robles, who was away from Madrid, decided to drive to Velazquez street, number 89, the home of Calvo Sotelo. So I'll point out Jose Gil Robles. I have an article in here that Morgor also wrote, which is translating a speech that Jose Gil Robles gave in the Cortes after the assassination of Calvo Sotelo, which basically stated the rights case and why they were done with talking anymore. Jose Gilrobles was the leader of seda, which was that coalition government. And Jose Calvo Sotello wasn't the leader, but he was like one of the most prominent figures of that Renovacion Espanola, which was that that royalist faction. Condes and Cuenca left the van at Calvo Sotelo's home with a group of Gardia who surrounded the building. The rest followed Condes and Cuenca inside, where they knocked on the door and were met by a maid. And remember, this is like two or three in the morning. They stated that they wanted to carry out a search. The maid warned Calvo Sotelo of what was taking place, so he came to the door. Upon opening, Condes and his men entered the home and told Calvo Sotelo that they were to search his house. They spread out and cut the phone line. Cuenca instructed Calvo Sotelo that by order of the General Security Directorate he was under arrest. Upon hearing this, Sotelo warned the men that he was a member of Parliament and and he could not be arrested without the order of a judge or clear evidence of a crime. Calvo Sotelo attempted to make a call to the Security Directorate, but he realized the line had been cut and the troopers were preventing his wife and maids from leaving the house to call for help. Due to the tense situation, Condes showed his badge and assured Calvo Sotelo that he was called for an emergency meeting in Parliament. Once they arrived, he could meet with the security chief himself. Seeing the tense situation he was in, on top of his family being completely surrounded and helpless, Calvo Sotelo agreed to leave his home for the quote unquote meeting. After dressing and kissing his children goodbye, his wife pleaded with him not to leave the house. Calvo Sotelo reassured her that when he arrived at Parliament he would call her, though he added, unless these men put a bullet in the back of my head. This statement has led many to conclude that Calvo Sotelo suspected what was going to happen. But in order to protect his loved ones, he agreed to go, even though he suspected he was to be murdered. In the van, Condes proceeded to tell his men that it was time to leave. Aniceto Castro Pinero sat to the right of Sotelo, while Victoriano Cuenca, the hitman, sat in the seat directly behind him. The van drove for roughly 500 meters when Victoriano drew a gun and shot Calvo Sotelo twice in the back of the head, causing him to fall dead upon the seats in front of him. The van didn't stop and the men inside didn't protest or make a sound. Eventually, the van reached a Gardia de Assalto checkpoint, which, upon seeing that the van was one of theirs, and they let them through. Barely an hour later, the van arrived at the Cemetery Cementario del Este, or Eastern Cemetery, where Condes hailed the guards to let the van in. The men left Calvo Sotelo's body at the door of the morgue without informing the graveyard shift employees of his identity. So this is a diagram where he's seated and his assassin was right behind him with all these other men and who. Who was with Witch Guardia Seville, Guardia de Assalto and PSOE militants. After this grim task was performed, the men returned to the van and drove away. The driver commented, I guess they won't rat us out. Conde's replied, don't worry, nothing will happen. Cuenca added, whoever blabs about this better kill himself or else we will kill him like this mutt. Upon returning to the Pondejos barracks, Commander Burrillo received Condes and Cuenca with a sound handshake and led them to his office, while the driver, Tomas Perez, cleaned the back of the van of any blood. The van would be decommissioned the following day. Meanwhile, Cavo Sotelo's wife, Lady Enriqueta de Guerre, Grona Grondona. Excuse me. Began to contact authorities, friends and relatives the instant her husband was taken away. She tried best to report the kidnapping and get help to track down Calvo Sotello. But the pertinent authorities reported, quote, he hasn't arrived. To the General Security Directorate, unquote. Many of the public employees, security officers and command members of the General Security Directorate. The Ministry of Public Order corroborated that no one in charge, upon hearing the news of the disappearance of Calvo Sotelo, took any action to find out where he was. It wasn't until early in the morning, when relatives of Calvo Sotello went directly to the Government Ministry, that the crime report was even formally filed. In this report, a concerned Lt. Sanchez Plaza recorded that during the night and van number 17 arrived after patrol with blood inside due to a minor injury to one of the troopers. And all of the agents involved in the incident were reassigned to other duties the following day. This information caused panic among Sotelo's relatives. And after a short talk outside Sub Secretary Osorio's office, Lieutenant Sanchez confirmed that a group of the Guardia de As? Alto had committed high insubordination. So I have a nice image here of Jose Calvo Sotelo's funeral, attended by thousands in Madrid. And I note that libtards had sealed their fate.

[Pete]

Well, they weren't. I mean they were just getting started, but I mean there was, there was no way that after this that the military wasn't going to be involved.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, there was no way that there was going to be any more talk.

[Pete]

Right. And I just think it's interesting that last year, 2024, when Butler, Pennsylvania happened. It happened on July 13th.

[Carl Dahl]

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[Pete]

I mean, I don't know who they is when I say I don't know who they is. But they sure do like to pick certain dates, don't they? They use them over and over again, they do. You can go back a couple centuries on September, just search September 11th, things that happened on September 11th, and you'll go back a couple centuries and you'll be like, this has to be wrong. When you see the things that were done on September 11th of certain years throughout the last few centuries, it's one of those things where you're like, I don't want to be a conspiracy theorist, but how can I not be?

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, of course. And it makes me wonder sometimes. So there's obviously scenarios in which things are done on certain dates for deliberate reasons. There's also, you know, as. As Thomas likes to point out, that war comes like the seasons, right? You will have a season of war. And so sometimes I think, you know, there are certain scenarios in which you're like, maybe that's just a cycle, but it sure is interesting and it's definitely noteworthy, and at the very least, it bears scrutiny before you can come to any conclusions.

[Pete]

Yep, correct.

[Carl Dahl]

All right. So again, this is the morning immediately after the assassination, and tensions are extremely high. But things have not exploded yet. At the same time, at the same time as this report was being filed by the family and these conversations were taking place internally with concerned officers and like legitimate guys who worked within the government. At the same time, Alonso Mole received in his office a nervous captain of the Gardia de Salto, concerned over the disappearance of Calvo Sotelo. Malol answered, quote, we should not make hasty conclusions as to what has happened. After all, whatever happened, we cannot do anything about it, unquote, signaling his passivity and suggesting to a certain degree that he knew what had happened. Later, this captain would corroborate the outstanding passivity of the government regarding the disappearance and potential member of a standing member of Parliament, which spread in the media and reached the police chief of Madrid, who only gave an order to arrest the driver of the van. It wasn't until noon when a cemetery employee reported to Town hall that the body of Calvo Sotelo was in the morgue. Since he knew the man personally, he shared all of what was known to have happened that night at the morgue. Authorities who weren't controlled by left wing elements soon mobilized to investigate the case, although they were constantly halted by higher ups in the Republican government. For example, when a police lineup was conducted in order to identify the troopers who took Calvo Sotelo, none of the agents who were there that night were called to it. In fact, the government took direct action to protect those involved in the event when Lieutenant Maximo Moreno was called to testify before a judge. He took refuge in the General Security Directorate for a week before agreeing to appear, where he refused to testify. After the military uprising on July 25, a group of 10 armed communist militiamen burst into the Supreme Court of the palace of justice and demanded to be handed the files and everything related to the investigation of the murder of Calvo Sotelo. Powerless, a judge handed over the files and from there nobody knows what happened to them. Most of the events related above were corroborated by many people, from public officials to the friends and family of Jose Calvo Sotelo, probably the most revealing and important of all testimony. Details regarding the actual murder were recounted in an interview with Aniceto Castro Pinero, a Guardia de Salto, who was in the van when Sotelo was murdered. This enlightening interview, performed during the war in a nationalist prison camp, was published in El Diario Vasco newspaper, 16th November of 1938. So this is two years later, before the war is over. This reporter is able to interview someone who is involved and what was taking place in these prisoner of war camps. The nationalists were taking all these people that they had captured who'd been fighting against them and interrogating and parsing them and corroborating their backgrounds and researching their backgrounds and stories to figure out, are these just draftees, are these people who've been involved in atrocities, are these red agitators, are they just like a liberal who happened to vote liberal, but they're not like fire breathers? And then they were drafted or, you know, conscripted or whatever. Like this is what those camps like, a major portion of what they were. Because you needed to figure out and identify who had brought the country to the point where there was a war, correct?

[Pete]

Yeah, you had mentioned that the, that the war wasn't over yet, but really, I think at this point, really, isn't it only the Battle of Ebro that's really left, like that's the only major thing that's going to happen.

[Carl Dahl]

Correct. It's still simmering at this time. The Battle of the Ebro is still underway by November 16th of 38. They're completely isolated and cut off up there. And so that just has to be resolved. And then force is kind of reconstituted so that they can take Catalonia and then go through Valencia and up through, up to Madrid.

[Pete]

There's a really good book by, by Osprey Press on the Battle of Ebro. It is detailed and it is, you know, how Darryl's World War I episode. How. Yeah, I mean, that's how that book is. And you're just like,

[Carl Dahl]

I'll have to get that. That's fairly recent, isn't it? Or am I misremembering?

[Pete]

Yeah, yeah. And that. Yeah, that's one of those ones where you're like, oh, yeah, I wouldn't want to be in the trenches of World War I and I would not want to be in the battle of Ebro.

[Carl Dahl]

No, you would not. On either side. It was. Yeah, it was brutal. It was brutal. All right, I wet my whistle and I'm ready to continue. So this is that interview straight out of the newspaper. And you can find this in Spanish all over the Internet in Spanish language, you know, Spanish Civil War themed websites and forums and stuff like that. I. I corroborated all this stuff. I have a screenshot of like the COVID of this newspaper or the first page of the article, like above the fold, etc, like, this is straight out of that, that paper. And there's photos of the people that are involved and everything like this. This is incredibly well documented. These camps were not just atrocities taking place. They were just democrats who wanted to vote. So they were in a prison camp. We filed the paperwork to access the prison camp and speak with the Guardia de Salto, who was in the van 17 when the illustrious Jose Calvo Sotello was murdered. Aniceto Castro Pinero was taken prisoner by our forces in Madrid near the clinical hospital. We also need the permission of the standing judge to speak with the prisoner. It's. It's a little. The translation here is slightly stilted, but it's a. It's a good translation in terms of being technically accurate. This judge is a captain of the law corps who not only allowed us to talk with him, but accompanied us to the camp. We find many prisoners in this place. We are taken aback by the vast diversity of clothing. Some wearing sleeveless shirts, others wool jackets, and most militia uniforms of many colors. Soon we see a prisoner leaving the barracks. He stands out among the rest due to the way he carries himself. That one is Ansetto Castro Pinero, says the captain. He approaches our group and addressing the captain, he asks, your orders? The captain answers, these people wish to ask you some questions. Where are you from, Aniceto? Lugo. How old are you? 27. I'm single. Siblings? I have two brothers, one in the Guardia de Salto and the other a priest. Interesting. Do you belong to any or did you belong to any political organization or workers union before joining The Corps? None. What was your employment before joining the corps? I was a farmhand. I also worked as a stonecutter for a time. What was your first destination when you joined the corps? I begun in Oviedo, the capital of Asturias. I served from November of 1934 up to April of 1935, which would have been a rather busy first.

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[Carl Dahl]

group void where prohibited by law 21+ terms and conditions apply. Tour Given what was going on up there then I was sent to Madrid. Did you request a transfer? Of course. 3rd April I joined the second assault company. One of the specials. What specialty did your company have? We had divisions of machine gunners, mortars and gas weapons. These are internal police. It's not. They aren't just like gum shoes and you know, beat cops. Who was in charge of your company? Captain Moreno Navarro. The entire group was under the orders of Commander Barillo. It was said that the second company you belonged to leaned heavily to the left. Almost every trooper in it was a member of the most extreme left wing organizations. Truly, very few of us were moderates or right leaning. Among our lot there were two sergeants who were displeased with the leftist aspect of the company. It got to a point where any trooper in another company had problems or a fight with his superiors. Due to their rebellious leftist attitude, they asked to be reassigned to the second Company. They were among their peers there. However, there was another company formed mainly of right wingers, men of order and loyalty. We called it the Pacific Company. And I'll add a note here that keep in mind that the Assault Guards were a special core established under the Republic by the Republic. Specifically looking for a. To create a new law enforcement arm that would be loyal to the Republic, that would enforce their. Basically their. Their politically moderating stance. Their. Their concern was that the Civil Guard was this old established system that had a lot of like royalists and people who had served under the dictatorship. And they wanted to create this new arm that would do whatever. But again, you know, obviously you're Getting these rather tough people. And so you need to go with who you can get. And so there's going to be kind of a mix of people, but they're kind of segregating, which you see, during the war, the same thing took place some the different groups and it was heavily influenced by your chances of actually pulling off, you know, asserting whichever group you, you decided to throw in with, like in the time and place of where you were at. So like, if you were behind like Republican lines, it would be a lot harder for you to, you know, side with the, the nationalists.

[Pete]

Gotcha.

[Carl Dahl]

Okay. Continuing Interviewer I wish to you to tell us how the crime against Mr. Calvo Sotello was planned and how it took place. I know very little of the planning. When Lieutenant Castillo was murdered, the second company was in uproar. No wonder Lieutenant Castillo had a great reputation among those men. And our company was commonly called the revolutionary. They were very angry with Corporals Francisco Conde Garcia and Mariano Garcia Garria being the angriest. They said they had to put all the fascists down. They had to kill them to the last to avenge the lieutenant. You didn't know the assassination of Lieutenant Castillo was carried out by the government in order to rouse the radical leftists into action. So this is kind of like, yeah, this is a theory that, pushed by the right. I don't know how accurate it was. I, I don't think there's enough evidence to come to any conclusions there. But that was kind of one of the right wings, quote unquote conspiracy theories that it was a, that it was an op of some kind.

[Pete]

But it was the, it's commonly thought that the Falung. Hey. Carried it out, right?

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, correct. And I've never seen any evidence that that wasn't the case. But there isn't a ton of evidence. But again, he was a big, glowing, pulsating target for the Falange because of the types of stuff that he was doing against them, where they would go. Castillo was leading men to arrest Falange members and they would just like wipe them out quite often. So it's, it's assumed that that's the case. But it's interesting when these things pop up, you know, conspiracy theories of the time. Continuing. He responds no, but it wouldn't surprise me if it was carried out by the government as a false flag. Interviewer. Keep going. As I was saying that kept going on about avenging Lieutenant Castillo. There were very heated arguments and fists in the air. And with those passions running high, we got to the night of the 12th and into the 13th, the captain of the Guardia Civil Condes was in the barracks of Pontejos. He was in plain clothes. He made his way to the boss's office. After that, others arrived. Among them there was a sinister man, a hitman. It was he who carried out the barbaric crime. Soon begun rumors among the troopers that we were going to carry out the arrests of dozens of right wingers. With that news, the leftists among us rejoiced and. And like that, midnight arrived. A little after midnight, many troopers left to carry out the arrests. Around two in the morning, Lieutenant Andres Leon Lupon left his office and addressed all of us, saying, three of you get in the van. He then spoke with the Guardia Jose del Rey and gave him a document that looked like a list with names of people we were to arrest. Three of us in uniform got in the van. After us came the driver, Captain Condeis, and the Guardia Jose del Rey. After them arrived other troopers, all in plain clothes, belonging to the Guardia de Assalto. With them came the sinister hitman that, as it was rumored then, and I would know much later, was the bodyguard of former Socialist minister Indelecio Prieto. That man had a badge from our corps given to him by the General Security Directorate, even though he didn't fulfill the requirements which would be handy. He looked to be around 27, strong and cheery. He was always smiling. We left the barracks and left up Alcala street until we reached Velasquez Street. Driving to a building at the end of the street, we stopped there and the doorman approached the van to ask the driver if we arrived to arrest Calvo Sotelo. One of the troopers shouted to him to open the door, keep quiet and leave if he didn't want to get killed. Captain Condes, who, by order of Lieutenant Lupion, we had to obey, ordered the gardias with machine pistols to surround the building and others to cover the surrounding streets. After that, Condes, accompanied by the gardilla Jose del Rey and the hitman, went into the home of Mr. Calvo Sotello. By the door there was the doorman and two guards who were on duty guarding the house. I do not know what happened inside. Nobody spoke of it. Around 15 minutes later they came down, the three of them with Calvo Sotelo, who dressed in a gray suit and carried a briefcase. They made him get into the van and he took the third seat in the middle. I sat to his left, and to his right was another trooper the hitman sat directly behind Calvo Sotelo. Worried, Mr. Sotelo asked where the captain was and Condeis answered from outside the van. He looked at us and said, let's see what they want with me. The other troopers got in the van. Soon after, we could see some of his relatives peeking out of the balconies and windows to bid him farewell, to which he answered, waving his hand. Sorry.

[Pete]

I'm sorry. Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

After that, the van departed. We drove down Velasquez Street. We didn't even drive 500 meters when we heard a weird popping sound. Then Calvo Sotelo, without giving a hint of pain, dropped onto the seat in front of him and rolled on the gardilla to his right. Finally, he dropped to the floor. Two men kicked his body so that it would fit between the two rows of seats.

[Pete]

You want me to read?

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, I'm okay.

[Pete]

Okay.

[Carl Dahl]

Moments after, the gunman who sat behind Mr. Sotelo got up and kneeling on the seat, shot him again in the head. He said, one of the murderers of Castillo is down. And again, you were like one of the murders of Castillo. What are you talking about? When the anarchists and socialist and communist risings took place in Asturias and all over the country in 1932. Excuse me, 1933 into 1934, the government cracked down on them and the right wingers were blamed. Even though like the the Republic's government, the republican government, basically said, this is too much, we gotta do something. And the excuse for the uprising, which of course the real goal behind it was Bolshevik revolution, an anarchist revolution, was that, oh well, we can't tolerate, you know, having an elected right wing government after a legitimate election. Like it's the Republic and we're stealing this motherfucker. So that's their cope is they do killing, There's a reaction to them and then they call the people who reacted to them to bring in order, the murderers. Right,

[Pete]

okay. Sounds familiar, huh?

[Carl Dahl]

Sounds familiar. Sounds familiar.

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[Carl Dahl]

I noted that the first shot of the hitman was from below in the nape, while the second was from above in the head. I think the first one had to be lethal. Then the guardia to the right of Calvo Sotelo got up and left for a seat in the back. I sat still. Nobody realized that such a horrible murder took place. Nobody said a word. Those in the back of the van didn't even turn their heads. The van kept driving on with its terrible cargo. When we reached the crossing with Alcala street, there were a couple of Gardilla de As Alto at a checkpoint, stopping any driver and asking for papers from anyone driving at that hour. They signaled us to stop, but when they saw we were in a van of the Security Directorate, they let us through. We kept driving on to the eastern cemetery. We tried to place the body of Cavo Sotelo in such a way that you couldn't see it from the outside. We arrived to the graveyard and Captain Condesce and Del Rey hailed the cemetery guards. They opened the doors and let us through until we reached the building. The captain told us to drop the body and three of us took it out of the van. I grabbed one of his arms, another the legs and another the other arm. We pulled as hard as we could, but due to how he fell, it wasn't easy to get him out. That's why he had bruises on the knees. We dropped the body outside. There wasn't a struggle. No, the band was. The van was filled with blood. But Calvo Sotelo didn't utter a word. Soon after, we drove back to the barracks. The driver, looking at us and addressing Captain Condes, said, quote. I suppose you won't rat me out. Unquote. Del Rey answered, quote. Don't worry. Whoever blabs about this better kill himself, or else we will kill him like this. Unquote. We drove back without uttering a word until we got back to the barracks. When we arrived, the hitman, or better said the murderer of Calvo Sotelo and Captain Condes left for the office of Commander Barillo, who gave a handshake to the murderer. They went up to the commander's office. You didn't speak with any of the troopers about what happened? Not that day. Others caught wind of it from the papers, but I spoke about it with some friends the next day. And the van? What happened to it? Since it was soaked in blood, it had to be cleaned up. That task was for Gardia Tomas Perez. Once it was Done. It was ordered to be decommissioned. What happened after all of that? We all kept on active duty. But after that day, we never saw Captain Contes or the hitman ever again. A few days after, due to the police investigation, a maid and a teacher that were in the home of Calvo Sotelo came to the barracks for a lineup. All of our company was ordered to attend, except the three of us who were in the van the day of the murder. This was done to see if any of the servants of the house recognized any of the men who were there. But the three of us that were in the van didn't set foot in the house. Anyways, while all of this happened, Lieutenant Barletta called the three of us who weren't at the identity parade, which the the police lineup and told us, quote, don't worry, nothing will happen to you. This hit was ordered by the General Security Director, who was ordered by the Minister of Government. Everyone in the government and your bosses know about it. They are the ones who did it, unquote. Did he really say that? Exactly as he said. It was an order from the Security Director and the Government Minister. And you know what happened to the others that were in the van with you? Yes. Gardia del Rey fled to Portugal and then was in Badajoz as head of the militia. Right now he's a lieutenant in Barcelona. I was told that the hitman was killed. Injustice was served on his part. They riddled him with bullets in Guadarrama. And last I know, Captain Condes died in Extremadura. Weren't some Guardia and the driver of the van arrested and taken to the palace of Justice? Yes, but it was all a ruse. The government just put up a farce. Why do you think that Lt. Sanchez Planas went to the barracks of Pontejos? He was the head of the Gardia de Salto. He probably wanted to know what happened. This information confirms what we knew already. The murder of Mr. Calvo Sotelo was a crime ordered by the State. The blood of our martyr was a war cry against the Marxist beast which threatened to destroy Spain. Okay, so.

[Pete]

Yeah, yeah. This. These next parts are. Your notes. Here are very important.

[Carl Dahl]

And I. I credit. I credit Morguer with the vast majority of this. These are his sentiments and. But I love that. Closing. The blood of our martyr was a war cry against the Marxist beast which threatened to destroy Spain. And this is written when they're on the march. And the final victory over this Marxist beast in Spain is almost achieved. The final victory for, for now there is.

[Pete]

Yeah. Thomas and I are doing, we're doing a series on Suf and Hoff Hoffman's book, which pin basically pin World War II on. On Stalin Icebreaker.

[Carl Dahl]

Outstanding.

[Pete]

Yeah. Icebreaker and Stalin's War of Extermination.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, yes.

[Pete]

Really good books. And I haven't gotten through all of Stalin's War of Extermination, but I've read Icebreaker and Icebreaker. I mean that. It's one of those ones. It's just all circumstantial evidence, but it's. So once you, you, you read it all, you're just like, yeah, this. We're so far away from the, you know, from the official. Officially what happened to. That led up to that conflict. But one of the things, yeah, one of the things I said in that episode at the end of that episode was, you know, what a lot of people don't realize, you know, Spain and, and the right get all this flack for, you know, Germany helping them and Italy helping them and you know, basically fascists coming in from Romania coming in from everywhere to help them. But they left after they won. If the left would have won, Spain belonged to Stalin.

[Carl Dahl]

Absolutely.

[Pete]

He wasn't leaving. And that means that he would have had a foothold at the top of the peninsula and he would have had a foothold at the bottom of the peninsula. He would have had. He would have basically had the mouth of the Mediterranean.

[Carl Dahl]

And I suspect that the international brigades would have swelled and the communists in Western Europe would have amassed there as well as, you know, the Anglosphere would have amassed in Spain to prepare for the next phase. I firmly believe that.

[Pete]

Yeah, it's. People do not realize what the bullet that was dodged by, by the right winning. If the left would have won. I mean, if the left would have won, basically, I mean, world. The outcome of World War II was bad enough. There's a pretty good chance Stalin would have had all of Europe. And I don't know that. I don't know that the United States or England would have said anything about it.

[Carl Dahl]

And England would have just basically continued on the angle that it was that it was following. Right. That they, they would have just been that much more communist flavored instead of pretending that they aren't.

[Morgor]

Yeah.

[Pete]

Yeah. All right, go on.

[Carl Dahl]

All right, let's wrap this up. So these are Morgor's sentiments, but great stuff. While I advise that everyone read this with a pinch of salt, it was written during the war, after all. It is important to note that the bloodlust of the left was not much different then, as it is now. An open secret to everyone that they constantly try to deny publicly, obviously, although less so, I'll add, these days, as they do not want to suffer the rightful retribution which will eventually come. And if it comes to one of them, they firmly believe it will come for every single one of them. That said, the true subject of this article is the indecisive centrist or conservative, the man who stands by and lets things happen either out of fear or indifference. An all too common archetype today as they watch the world devolve into barbarism, yet refuse to budge until they are personally victimized, or refuse even then to act, whether out of fear of prison, social scorn, death, economic loss. Such are legion in this day and age. While their passivity is worthy of scorn, you must remember that many of them are struggling like you or others. You know, they wish they could do something. They wish they could spare time or money or maybe escape from everything that is becoming worse and worse over time. But remember, while the left will attempt to gain the support of the middle via terror, you can win them over by offering a world of order and virtue. The end. This is the monument to Jose Calvo Sotelo and the Plaza de Castilla in Madrid.

[Pete]

Do you think that they. Do you think they can be won over by that?

[Carl Dahl]

I believe.

[Pete]

How bad will it have to get in order for them to embrace order and virtue?

[Carl Dahl]

I kind of feel like they. They will get with the program and you will have people, as things progress, they get that, get with the program sooner rather than later. But I think it's a. It's a progression. Many are, you know, pretty much useless. What matters is that they stay out of the way.

[Pete]

Yeah, I mean, that's. Unfortunately, that's exactly where exactly the point is that right now they're just in the way and they just need to step aside and they don't want to. I mean, they.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, they.

[Pete]

They've been in power for so long. They've been, you know, they've been the top of the heap for so long that it's like, well, no, no, I'm gonna hold on to this until the day I die. Well, everything else is dying around you while you're. While you're holding out. So, yeah, maybe you need to step aside.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. And I feel. I feel pretty positive in. In regards to wherever there's energy, it's either on our, like, real energy, it's on our side, or the enemies. And that middle is so increasingly irrelevant. That, you know, I just want to be left alone is a sentiment you hear all the time. But they're irrelevant. They don't participate in anything, they don't do anything. And I just feel like that their irrelevancy is so obvious to people that they're just not worried about them. And, and that's the correct mentality to have. Like every once in a while you run across someone who's like, oh, someone's. We gotta persuade all these people. And other people are like, no, they'll, they will be persuaded by action and events taking place around them. And so I wouldn't worry about it, you know.

[Pete]

Do you remember a few years ago when John Brennan like mentioned enemies of the regime and he happened to mention libertarians?

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, yeah.

[Pete]

All of their nipples got hard when he said that.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah.

[Pete]

They all got so excited because look, we're relevant. I had, I had someone tell me that he goes, we're an enemy of the regime. Because John Brennan, I'm like, somebody told him to say that he doesn't know what a libertarian is. Are you kidding me? This is a guy who was going on TV and talking about his white privilege. Do you think he can explain to you what white privilege means in context of who he's supposed to be signaling that to please stop Libertarians, classical liberals are a threat. Well, how come they're, how come they're the ones who are leaking the fucking group chats?

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. Yeah, well, he could be, it could be a mask off moment because as we know, the Bolsheviks always enjoy massacring the libertarians. So they're litter. They're not an actual combatant enemy, but they're an enemy that they deal with. Right.

[Pete]

They usually end up being useful in some way to them.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, they're useful idiots. And then they just get rid of them. Even, even though they're never a threat. They just, they just sweep them into the dustbin. They do it everywhere. They did it in Russia, they did it in Spain.

[Pete]

Yeah, I was, you can read about some, like, they would just have it in the streets of Madrid. A libertarian and an, and an anarchist or a libertarian and a Communist would just start having an argument. Argument and the communist or the anarchists would just pull a gun out and shoot the libertarian. Just kill them right there. Yeah. Even though they were on the same, Even though they were on the same side.

[Carl Dahl]

Yep.

[Pete]

Yeah. They're fighting side by side and they're like, I mean, which is one of the reasons, you know, probably the main reason the left lost, thankfully, was not Only because the right was, you know, they had purpose and they were basically fighting a crusade. And it's kind of hard to be crusaders, but you're, it's kind of hard to beat crusaders if you're not organized, if you're not one, if you're not all, you know, dropping your, your ideological, your ideological baggage and you're letting it get in the way and you're like executing the person who's fighting alongside of you. Insane.

[Carl Dahl]

Exactly.

[Pete]

And they could have probably held. They could have probably held Madrid if it wasn't for.

[Carl Dahl]

Probably they, they probably could have. But the, the other thing too is, is it took so long. There was, there was such a long protracted period of this internal grinding against each other. Because remember, Madrid, there was that heavy push for, I want to say, like nine months about before. Before the nationalists pretty much just stopped worrying about Madrid. I mean, they still had to have their holding units there to, to retain, you know, the, the ground that they had taken around it. But they weren't attempting any pushes after, after basically spring of 1937. And so when they, when they shifted nationalist attention elsewhere to grind out the war elsewhere. To your point, the, the various factions in Madrid had nothing to do, no one to fight with except each other, which is brilliant really, to, to leave them to, to fight against one another so that by the time, you know, the, the grinding war has taken place all around the country, all that you have left are these, you know, hardcore, like, internal security types who aren't like real soldiers, they're just murderers that are running around in the cities, you know, quote unquote, you know, maintaining order. And they don't, they don't have anyone who wants to fight with them. Left to the point where there was a, a huge faction within that basically took over the government, you know, the remains of the republican government, and said, we're going to surrender. A couple of communists stood up and tried, you know, take them out, and they were crushed because everyone was basically like, all we have to do is kill like a couple hundred communists and the war is over, and the war is over anyway, so why not just waste them and like, negotiate? Which is what they did. And then they handed over Madrid to the nationalists, basically without a shot fired against the nationalists. So absolutely incredible. And an important lesson. That's what they do. And, and so all these people, these like, libertarians who are taking up aspects of the left because they're like, oh, you're just statists. You worship the state, you know, oh, what about the liberties of The. The people being grabbed by ice. It's like, look, if you want that kind of world, you need to understand who it's for and who can create it and who can maintain it. And it's not the people being deported. Like, if they're here. The parasitism that you decried in the 90s when it was almost purely domestic parasitism, like what you have now is 30, 35 years of highly evolved parasitism. Whereas we've seen recently the SNAP benefits are going like 2/3 to foreigners, if not more than 2/3. It's. It's massive. And they're people who are literally imported here just to be given Gibbs and just to replace you. So they're out of here. You have a much better chance of resolving the internal situation where you have more of the liberty that you want, because it's a Western country and filled with Western people who care about European people who care about this. These beliefs that you say are important to you. You can't get that among being swarmed with people who not only don't believe in this stuff, but have been told that they're here to take your stuff. And so all they have to do is side with the people who want to take your stuff and replace you. And so they do it. Sorry, it's not that complicated.

[Pete]

Yeah, it's just once you see it, you know, it's. It's kind of hard to unsee.

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[Pete]

Because you. Once you start reading about stuff like this, you know, it's like. I mean, libertarians and classical, you know, not so much classical liberals, but definitely like the libertarian types will say, you know, the reason the Spanish Civil War happened is because they were all statists, you know, and what do you. I mean, what.

[Carl Dahl]

So the anarchists in Catalonia who are running around murdering priests and raping nuns and burning down churches, well, they weren't statists.

[Pete]

Well, they were those. Those aren't real anarchists, Carl.

[Carl Dahl]

Choose your own Spanish Civil War.

[Pete]

Yeah, exactly.

[Carl Dahl]

Libertarian version. That's like eight people Agreed with them in all of Spain, like maybe, maybe they called, they even called themselves libertarian. They were still the, the violent anarchists among them. Cope all you want, that's who they were. That's where your identity comes from. Sorry.

[Pete]

Well, I think one thing I, I think they're one of the reasons why the libertarian to remember they called it the alt right pipeline. Why that exists is, is because deep down in the recesses of their, the part of their, the part of them that they don't want to admit exists, they know that authoritarianism is the only way that they get to anything that looks close to what they want.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, and that's that I realized that quite, you know, relatively early in the period of calling myself a libertarian, I was like, that's the only way you can get to it. And then I read Hoppa and was like, that's literally all he just said. He repeated the exact same thing that I kind of intuited. And. Yeah, so, you know, if you're just holding it as like this, it'd be nice to have. It's an ideal that I would like to achieve. You have to understand that the only way to get anywhere close to that is you have the, the shield wall around your society on the outside so that you can have that kind of world on the inside. And you have to have that shield wall and you have to enforce that against people that oppose it, which is not very nice. And that requires power to do it. And if you call that a state or it's a group of people, you know, who just volunteer to do it, hey, you know, whatever, call it whatever you want, man. I don't care.

[Pete]

Yeah, I mean, I'm very happy that I used to be able to look at a situation and go, hey, here's the problem. No, I didn't know what the problem was. No, no, no, I wasn't able. Oh, libertarians are really good at diagnosing. No, they're not. No, no, Communists, Marxists are much better. People who like study dialectical materialism, they're much better at diagnosing what the problem is. Problem is they don't know how to fix it any better at all. Their ways are just as destructive as the anarcho capitalist answer would be.

[Carl Dahl]

Absolutely, Absolutely.

[Pete]

All right, man, tell everybody where they can find you. And you know, we were just reading basically right off of your sub stack. So, yes, this, there's more stuff like, there's more stuff like that on there. So tell people where they can find it.

[Carl Dahl]

Karldahl.subsack.com. that's K-A-R L D A H L.substack.com I have two books on Amazon, Faction and Faction with the Crusaders. Faction with the Crusaders is my Spanish Civil War story. I'm also on Twitter, although I really dislike Twitter. But every once in a while I will put up a banger. So that's, that's where you see my. My mindless posts thrown into the void. And. And I also will update, you know, when I'm posting stuff on Substack there as well. But it's fun because you get to engage with your friends. So thanks, Pete. Had a great time talking to you today.

[Pete]

Yeah, man. That's what the group chats are for, though. Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, that's true. The group chats are the best part of it.

[Pete]

Always appreciate it, Carl. Thank you.

[Carl Dahl]

Thanks.

[Pete]

I want to welcome everyone back to the Peak and Yellow Show. Carl Dahl is back. How you doing, Carl?

[Carl Dahl]

Doing great, Pete. Glad to be here.

[Pete]

Awesome, awesome. Hey, if you're here, let's talk about a little more about the Spanish Civil War and let's go in a completely different direction than we've done before. When I read this, I was like, yeah, this information has to get out there because not only does it speak to the time they were in, but I think it definitely speaks to a lot of the conversations that we have now as far as women in politics and, you know, conversations like that. So, yeah, yeah, I'll. I'll just let you go.

[Carl Dahl]

All right. So, as in our last recording, my Spanish correspondent and friend Morgor, he'd been helping me with some research and translation and then started. He was really inspired by the assassination of Charlie Kirk to talk about like a realistic perspective on the similarities and differences between Spain of the 30s and the United States now, as you know, as well as just kind of the meta global kind of European political scene. And so he, he keeps coming across all this really interesting information. And so he's been writing these articles. I just apply a tiny bit of polish to them because some stuff doesn't translate perfectly from Spanish to English. And so I'm just happy to be sharing those. But yeah, this one is a banger. Women in the Spanish Civil War. And you know, putting together my substack article. And you can read this, read along with us at karldahl.substack.com that's K A R L D A H L dot substack.com and the subtitle I gave it is the Natural Order versus Progressive Delusion. So let's dive right into it. I'll read along and Pete will pipe up when he wants to add some some comments. There will be plenty more coming on this topic, including a full article on one of the women who's mentioned herein and as well as Largo Caballero, which is going to be super interesting because there just isn't a ton of great single source information about Largo Caballero in English.

[Pete]

That's awesome.

[Carl Dahl]

All right, great. So we begin Women are important. No matter what we say, think or do, in our heart of hearts we know that women are very important to any healthy society or movement. We have all indulged in comments about voids, women moments and whatnot, rightfully criticizing the behavior and habits of the vast majority of modern women. But we know that despite their behavior flaws and the many things men cannot comprehend about them, which transcends time, women are important. This is a constant, as true in the past as it remains today. No matter how many years go by or how our ideas may have changed, a properly functioning movement needs both men and women. It can be divided by gender subgroups for men and women, as in the Falange, but we need places of honor for both. I learned some time ago that a man is a product of his experience, while a woman is a product of her environment. This truism is illustrated by the years leading up to and during the Spanish Civil War, a tumultuous time of change with new ideas, mentalities and organizations which also changed women in many different ways during the last years of the dictatorship. In the early years of the Republic, there was considerable growth in workers unions and left wing associations. Initially, these groups focused upon working men, as most women in Spain did not work. Around 24% of women were employed at the time, with more than 80% of those being widows or single. But most women during the late 1920s joined Catholic associations as well as welfare or mutual aid organizations because at the time it would have been done privately in Spain, in the United States, etc. So the rise of left wing organizations and workers unions in the 1930s saw a steady increase in the number of working women, mainly from humble families from Andalusia, Asturias, Catalonia and Basque country who formed the main bulk of those organizations. Female membership along with outliers such as the occasional daughter of a wealthy family, intellectuals or aspiring politicians which are so common today. As the left saw a steady rise in both manpower and influence within the Republic, reactionary right wing organizations also developed and grew their own institutions. These organizations began with the old religious unions and welfare Organizations which could be transformed into something new or else were abandoned in favor of a more fitting structure. The moderate right wing organizations allowed female participation, but others, like the Falange, did not allow female membership. For this, women created their own parallel, all female organizations as a complementary wing of the one they wish to join. Such was the case of the Session Feminina Female Section, which began as a student's union, which evolved into the Support wing of the Falange, led by the scrumptious Pilar Primo de Rivera, sister of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, the leader of the Falange. Most women who joined right wing organizations were religious women from all walks of life, from college days aged women to daughters and wives from wealthy families and the nobility. There was a substantial divide between the left and right and how women contributed and took action. Each side bears the names of important women who played significant roles. The lovely Pilar Primo de Rivera with her chud jaw and Mercedes San Bachelaire. So two great women of the Spanish right were Mercedes San Bachelor and the aforementioned Pilar Primo de Rivera. Mercedes San Bachelor founded the Auxilio Social, or Social Aid, which initially served as a welfare organization focused upon poverty relief in the countryside via food, says rationing, but really provisioning at this stage closed distribution and providing health care. When the civil war broke out, the Auxilio Sociale expanded into a support wing for the army and was soon in charge of providing aid to the civilian population within liberated zones through field kitchens, hospitals and the managed distribution of rationed supplies. Pilar Primo de Rivera founded the Cession Feminina or Female Sections Support Wing of the Phalange mentioned before. Their initial responsibilities focused upon communication with imprisoned Falange members, propaganda and aiding the members, the families of members of the Falange killed by the Left, of whom there were many. When war broke out, the Cession Feminina grew into an extremely important movement, aiding the civilian population within the nationalist zone in the same manner as the Auxilio Social. These two organizations, which eventually developed a rivalry, grew into immense formal operations, with the cession feminina reaching 900,000 members by the end of the civil war. In the post war Franco era, men were compelled into mandatory military service, while women were required to engage in social service via one or the other of these two organizations. While some readers will understand neither the importance nor the dignity of the women serving in these critical supporting roles, we cannot deny their relevance in securing the final victory. So I have two. Yes, sir.

[Pete]

Well, what's interesting about this is that. So take the, Take the war in Vietnam, okay? United States invades Vietnam and you know, any kind of help that's being done in there is either going to be done. There'll be foreign aid, there'll be. There'll be Vietnamese who would actually do it. It's really different this being a civil war. Anyone coming in from the outside to help you would. I mean, I would look at as with suspicion.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes.

[Pete]

You know, because you. This is a war where you did have foreign, you know, foreign outfits coming in. You had foreign divisions coming in. United States, Germany, Russia. There was, I mean, pretty much every England, France. You know, it's really, it's really important that, you know, you have women in a civil war, that it's women who are from there and, you know, obviously they're going to choose sides. I mean, someone with the last name Primo de Rivera, you know, with a moniker. Primo de Rivera is going to be

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[Pete]

Terms and Conditions apply Obviously on one side. So yeah, I just thought I'd put that in there that if you're having a civil war, you probably do not want any. You'd be hesitant to have quote unquote volunteers coming in on your side.

[Carl Dahl]

Absolutely, yeah. And the, the. The Republic had largely, I mean, at the local level, women were essentially conscripted also into these like workers bans and everything. So they, they helped to some degree. We'll get into that in a moment. But there, to your point, there was a significant bit of foreign aid where foreigners were doing the distribution and it was heavily communist. There were some religious. I want to say it was. The Quakers had some fairly decent numbers, but it was nothing like mobilizing the whole society in the way that the Nationalists did. So. All right, so we have some nice propaganda posters here and as noted in the. The kind of the script here, the Spanish rights women were never delusional. They have women supporting the men in the field and the women responding to take care of Spain, you know, in, in response to, you know, the. Basically the refugee crisis in destroyed cities. So it's the. It's very good framing. So the remainder of this article will focus upon the women of the west, the left, excuse me, of whom the most ardent, rabid and militant saw their dreams and delusions fade to dust as the true goals of their movement were realized. Liberation in quotes, drove them to destroy the virtue of other women. Their ideals led them to be betrayed by everyone around them the moment reality set in. This last is the case of Clara Campo Amor, one of the first and perhaps most important feminists in Spain. A woman from a humble family who after a tremendous struggle, became a divorce lawyer and eventually a politician in the moderate left. In fact, the first woman to serve in the Cortes. During her time as a politician, she worked tirelessly to gain voting rights for women. A proposition that was ironically opposed by fellow feminist politicians such as Victoria Kent and Margarita Nelkin. Last name check. Who stated that, quote, women brainwashed by the church do not deserve the vote, lest we give victory to the right. Unquote.

[Pete]

You know when, you know when someone says, oh, you know, the. Whatever power you take while you're in power, when you're out of power, whoever gets in power is just going to use it against you. I mean, that's literally what I'm reading here.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, exactly. Yep.

[Pete]

I mean, I'm not saying I agree with that, especially with the left in this country. I mean, when has. When has the left ever needed an excuse to increase their power? Once they.

[Carl Dahl]

Exactly. All right. This statement may surprise some readers or listeners, but note that many prominent interwar figures on the right promoted the female franchise for that precise reason Spanish women would eventually achieve the franchise with their first national engagement taking place in 1934, which the right won substantially. This marked the end of Clara Campo Amor's reputation and political career as the 1934 electoral defeat caused the left to actively disregard the. The issue of women's political rights. Campo Amor made an attempt to launch her own political party, but her reputation was destroyed and joining another left wing party was out of the question. She fled to France shortly after the civil war broke out, but not without first witnessing and testifying to the lies of the leftist government and the lack of order, discipline and honor of the leftist militias who. Who often confronted and murdered their own officers. So there's Frumpy Claudia who realized that it was all in vain.

[Pete]

You know, we just really have to thank leftists for murdering their own officers. It just does the work. Yeah, that's just work that doesn't have to be done.

[Carl Dahl]

A nice compounding effect all right, okay, so the newborns. Second Spanish Republic of 1931 was one of the most progressive governments in Europe regarding women's rights in certain aspects. The Constitution recognized women as eligible for public service and as well as election to Parliament. And in 1932, both civil union laws and a divorce law were passed that said, quote, unquote. Liberation was still a long road ahead as women faced severe disadvantages in the labor market, such as explicit codified wage discrimination, a lack of unemployment benefits and the unavailability of medical insurance. This, coupled with the spirit of the time, led many single working women, whether widows, mothers or not, to form the bulk of women supporting the left. The Spanish leftist political parties of the time fit broadly into three groups. The Anarchists of the cnt, the Spanish Communist Party, or pce, and the Socialist General Workers Union, the ugt. During the electoral era of the Republic, these three organizations didn't attract a great number of female members, with their numbers barely breaking 500 at best. When the civil war broke out, these organizations saw an immense surge in female membership, with the CNT gaining a peak of 30,000 female members in 1938, or about 80% of female militants participating in the civil war, with about 16% of female militants in the PCE, the Communists and the remaining 4% in the UGT, the Socialist General Workers Union. Despite female enthusiasm for anarchism, the Communists controlled about 40% of all left wing committees and the Soviets had a lock on arms distribution and leadership within the Republican army and militias, which meant that all organizations would effectively fall into the hands of the Communists. As the civil war dragged on, their claws sank in deeper. The most prominent and influential left wing female organization during both the Republic and the war was the Union de Mujeres Antifascistas, or Anti Fascist women's union, the UMA. Created in 1933 by the communist international GASP. This organization was outlawed in Spain in 1934 after the October Revolution or the Asturian revolution, Asturian uprising, etc. But it was rebranded as Pro Infantia Obrera or or Working Mothers Support. An organization which supported leftist militants affected by or actively involved in the revolt of 1934 after the victory of the Left, quote unquote. Side note, stolen victory in 1936 elections, the PIO was once again renamed the Anti Fascist Women's Union, or uma, which received enormous support from the government. Again, this is a communist organ. When the civil war began, the UMA was officially incorporated into the government as the Commission de Ogilio Feminino. The Female Aid Commission, an organization directly under the control of the Ministry of War and in charge of organizing and distributing Spanish women within the war industry. When the war began, the UMA had around 50,000 members and it promoted the liberation of women through the workers struggle in order to transform society. This organization saw a sharp decline in membership, however, when many women realized that their duties were limited to support and manufacturing. There was a similar trend among the PCE and the ugt, who firmly believed that women should only engage in support roles aiding male soldiers. Meanwhile, the Workers Party of Marxist Unification, or pom, which was Orwell's militia, advocated for allowing women to join the fight on the front as staff and drill sergeants, as well as engaging in logistics and serving as quartermasters. This firm position on their role in the war by the communists and socialists is likely the main reason 80% of leftist women flocked to the anarchists, women who yearned to take the fight to their purported enemies to be truly equal with men. Or perhaps they were attracted by the extremely high wage of 10 pesetas which the anarchists paid the members of their militias. Interesting. And so I note here, this is perhaps the most famous image of Spanish Civil War Girl Power, translator and Cutie pie. Marina Gistena, member of the Unified Socialist Youth Org of the Spanish Communist Party and assistant to Mikhail Koltsov, Pravda correspondent here. She poses with a Mauser in Barcelona in July 1936. Tee Hee. Women were also.

[Pete]

It's amazing how many women can get taken in by thinking that like, I mean, her clothes are brand new,

[Ryan Seacrest]

she

[Carl Dahl]

never held a rifle again for the rest of the war. For the record, it was strictly propaganda.

[Pete]

Yeah, I mean it was. And it was. Oh, she, she did this. And she. And she was executed because she was such a. She was such a powerful soldier. Okay. Yeah, okay.

[Carl Dahl]

She actually ran to France very quickly, so. But people couldn't find her until she came forward in like the 90s or something, right before she passed away. So she had never seen the picture, interestingly. Or she claimed that she had never seen the picture. So hilarious. Communist propaganda again. Pravda. Pravda people. Women were also prominent within the short lived Frente popular government of 1936, a government characterized by radical and detrimental left wing policies. Most know of famed communist Dolores Iberuri, who controlled most left wing parties in the Cortes on behalf of the Soviets. While the second most prominent Spanish female leftists was Frederica Monstani, the first female minister in the cabinet of Largo Caballero. Her noteworthy achievements as Minister of Healthcare and social issues for Barcelona were to decriminalize abortion and to aid those who sought it, as well as to legalize prostitution as part of her campaign.

[Pete]

I mean, that's just. That's just helping in the war effort. I mean, come on, It's.

[Carl Dahl]

It's wild.

[Pete]

It's just. I mean, it's. It's just. I mean, it's exactly what you would think. It's. I mean, it's another version of every single time.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, yeah, oh, yeah. As part of her campaign to establish libertarian communism, she pressured the Republic to finance brothels, which soon led Barcelona, the most important city within Republican territory, to become a den of vice. And then, here is the execrable, frumpy, disgusting Dolores Ibarui, who shouted to Jose Calvo Sotelo the day he was executed, this is your last speech in the Cortez. Once the civil war began. Pardon me. The Frente Popular government quickly mobilized their organizations and members against the nationalist uprising, distributing weapons to the populace mainly through the labor unions and incorporating the many leftist militias into their squalid army. The mobilization received overwhelming support from these organizations, with enormous participation by female combatants. During the summer of 1936, the image of the female fighter became a staple in the Republic. These women were motivated to join the fight for an array of stated motives. Leftist ideology, defending the rights they had gained during the Republic. Revenge for a dead relative or friend. Many joined up with their husbands, boyfriends, and some even with their children. Most women were initially assigned support duties in the army, but an immense number saw armed combat in one way or another. The most surprising trend was the average age of the female combatants. 16 years old and the most common lifestyle these women came from, which later caused both serious and even hilarious problems. So here is a classic example of a CNT militia poster with a female holding the flag, leading the men who kneel before her because she's so cool.

[Pete]

A black and red flag.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, a black and red flag. A squad of simps for every woman. The ultimate dream. The inclusion of women at the front lines was heavily supported by several female figures of the Left, Dolores Ibarui, the most ardent among them, with others, such as the aforementioned anarchist Federica Monsigny, calling every woman of the Left to join the fight against fascism. This call was soon picked up by the Republican government as a powerful propaganda tool to boost their recruitment among the civilian population. The image of the fighting woman in uniform and armed against the fascist became its main hook for recruitment drives in order to push men to fight on the front lines. In the early months of the civil war, the Republic constantly showed the image of the militia woman, enshrined her as the heroine of the nation, and lauded the women who moved with quote, unquote, manly demeanor to push men to join their female comrades on the front and take the fight to the enemy. As we know now, this is not a winning strategy.

[Pete]

It's just, I, I'm. I got nothing.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. So here's an example. Catalan flag, black and red anarchist flag and a red communist flag with a woman saying that the. Basically that the militants need. The women who joined the fight initially enjoyed special privileges in combat. In addition to a gleaming reputation and public support, women were incorporated into the militias without specific orders. But within the first few weeks they gained privileges above their prestige, such as being quickly promoted or being capable of disregarding orders from their superiors without consequence. By the end of August 1936, there were two female only battalions within the Republic. Can you imagine? One in Mallorca and the other in Asturias. Despite their prestige and the initial ease of duty, the first cracks in this illusion began to appear both on the front lines and in the rear. Many women filled the vacuum left by men joining the war, by men joining the war to work in steel mills, foundries and the many factories whose workers were now in the army or militias. The sudden influx of women in these activities caused a clash between them and the men who stayed in the rear, who often saw them as unfit or unqualified to perform those jobs, as well as an invasion of the workplace in fields which until then had been only performed by men. And the women demanded the same wages and better working conditions. Keep in mind this is a very militarized labor universe. So these are very assertive people. If you've ever worked in a union shop and you've seen scabs come in, this is exactly what is taking place here. That's the, that's the perception. So despite their alleged ideological affinities, the men and women at the factories began to butt heads with the men defending their territory, which for so long had been theirs alone. And the women bringing a battering ram to attempt to demolish. Barriers to entry. The most striking. Sorry, go ahead.

[Pete]

There's a war going on. Let's. Let's turn it into a labor issue.

[Carl Dahl]

Well, I mean, yeah, exactly. And, and if we see this now where like leftist labor unions are, you know, pushing diversity in which breaks up cohesion and allows for, you know, cuts in wages and everything like that, and it's just this, this conflict that just has no Choice but to explode right there on the surface. And like you said, there's a war going on. So imagine this insane. The most striking and extreme problems between men and women happened on the front lines. Initially, the gleaming reputation of the militia women held. But the propaganda primarily attracted more women than men. And the women were as concerned with breaking the old and tested gender roles as they were with joining the fight. What a surprise. Several women became legendary Republican war heroes such as Lena Odena.

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[Carl Dahl]

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[Carl Dahl]

Casilda Mendez and Margarita Perez But a radical paradigm shift began In October of 1936, barely three months into the Civil War, when radical socialist Francisco Largo Caballero became head of the government and sought to directly manage the war. His approach to the war was not ideological, but very pragmatic. So he surrounded himself with career officers and generals who strengthened the position of professional military officers in the field. This was the beginning of the end for the militia women. As at the time, a number of glaring problems with women on the front lines arose, which ultimately led to the Largo Caballero government barring them completely from combat roles. The greatest challenge was that many men saw the militia women as unfit, unprepared and unqualified as combatants, particularly the Republican officer corps, who had been military professionals before the Civil War broke out. This created a wide rift between the military command and ideologically driven militia members who sided with their female peers. A second issue stemmed from the reputation militia women developed, as many of them were held in higher esteem among the militias than the professional officers. And thus the militias followed their orders rather than those of their superiors.

[Pete]

Oh my God.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, what a surprise. This led many units to clash directly with their officers and sometimes even murder their superiors, which led some career officers who had remained loyal to the Republic to defect to the Nationalists rather than lead troops who might kill them over a disagreement. And I think it's also like they realized what was going on. This trend, on top of how unprepared the average militia member was for actual combat. Whether a man or a woman led to an extreme combat ineffectiveness in the early months of the year, only mitigated by their sheer numbers. So here is a Catalan propaganda poster after the pivot to reality. No more girl power. It's anti fascist women. Get sewing and taking care of sick kids and our wounded soldiers.

[Pete]

Maybe, maybe get to those brothels and make yourself useful.

[Carl Dahl]

That will pop up again here in just a moment, as a matter of fact. Ultimately, these issues and the lack of manpower in critical industry and support roles ended the fantasy of plucky militia women fighting both the nationalists and gender norms. As noted previously. This is so funny that I just can't help but laugh while I'm reading it. As noted previously, many women supported the war effort on the factory production lines, but not enough. And without properly functioning factories, the Republic would run dry of weapons, munitions, supplies and food very quickly. Understanding the severity of this problem, Largo Caballero gave the order to withdraw all women from the front lines and that they be assigned to work in support roles at hospitals and field kitchens. This decision was accepted by all of the parties, political parties, which supported the Republic and was spun to appease women so that they didn't feel they'd abandoned the front. Dolores Ibarui spoke of women as motherly heroes and hoped they would mobilize to the factories and hospitals to fight there for a better future for their husbands and children. Even anarchist organizations, those who had promoted putting women on the front lines, the most, began to speak about the true femininity of women, possessed of a delicate softness unique to female psychology, and that they should oppose violence in every way and support the soldiers with, quote, unquote, motherly care. This radical shift was seen as a terrible betrayal by countless women men, particularly the anarchists, who remained outspoken about their quote unquote rights to be in the front, to be on the front alongside their male peers. Despite the Republic's orders, or perhaps because of them, the anarchists refused to withdraw women from the front lines. I should say some did, which caused big problems.

[Pete]

Who would think that, like anarchists, would be against taking orders? Imagine being being led. That's. I'm shocked.

[Carl Dahl]

It's delightful. The anarchist versus Republic struggles are the funniest imaginable because of the sheer volume of dead anarchists who resulted. All right. The final, lesser known reasons for withdrawal of women from the front lines are definitely the most interesting and perhaps hilarious. As explained previously, a certain type of woman joined the anarchist militias in droves shortly after the war broke out. Women from a particular and not very wholesome way of life, a plurality of leftist female recruits. Around 45% of the women who joined the fight were prostitutes. This was narrated by the aforementioned Clara Campo Amor in her book La Revolucion Espanola vista por una Spanish Revolution witnessed by a Republican woman. She wrote, in the beginning, more dire events took place. Ready to take advantage of this situation, all women of quote, unquote, joyful life Prostitutes. Yes. Which was heavily promoted by these feminist heroes. And my. My theory is like, if you look at the sows that promote this stuff, they're just like, imagining, like men coming to them and which just would not happen because they're gross. Oh, sorry. Sorry for the diversion. Okay. Joyful life, whom war doomed to a life of unemployment, disappeared from the cities and joined along many others who fought in the militia with respectable feelings and sincere faith. I can imagine, as a consequence, the frenzy which took hold of the front lines and how many soldiers had to be hospitalized. This revelation became the main weapon to destroy the reputation of the women fighting with the militias, as the politicians soon had no qualms about saying that they were prostitutes and made public the fact that on certain fronts, men were sent to the sick bay more often for STDs than being shot.

[Pete]

Who could have. No one could have predicted this at all, right?

[Carl Dahl]

Most of the women who joined the military were outraged by this campaign that sought to shame them in the eyes of the public with the most vocal declaring it calumny from the, quote, horrific patriarchal leadership, unquote, of the Republic. Some politicians who participated in the campaign to drive compliance with the Republic's orders openly addressed the fact that certain camps on the front lines had become little more than whorehouses for soldiers. The most prominent was the psychologist and politician Felix Marti Ibanez, who made great guitars and who claimed that most of the women in the militia used their time on the front lines to, quote, mercantilize their bodies, unquote, violating male chastity for their own gain and, quote, robbing men of their magnificent energy reserves.

[Pete]

This is like. This is like something literally out of, like, if you were doing, like, parody, incel.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, my God, like literature. And it's because it's. It's. It's Bolshevik. It's Bolshevik talking points. And this is that it's not detailed here. It's heavily detailed in everything about this period and the pivot from that kind of free for all, like, purist dream state, you know, socialist, communist, anarchist propaganda, push at the very beginning. And then they had to pivot to actually focus on the war. And the way to focus on the war is to be serious and to follow military leadership which rolled everyone under the communists and. And the Catalonia and the anarchists didn't bend the Knee until, like, mid 1937, which is where you get like, Orwell talking about being hunted by the NKVD in Barcelona as they were cracking down on these militias that were resisting. And even the CNT leadership that the anarchist, the biggest anarchist party leadership, bent the knee. Their most fervent killers in like, the. The dirty column were pushing for this as well. Like, get serious. Stop being ideological until the war is won. And then we can settle it then, you know.

[Pete]

By this time in. In Russia, Stalin had taken care of most of the people who were talking like this, you know, like, who were doing the, the, oh, women's lib kind of stuff, you know, all this crap right here. Oh, Stalin was just pretty much just making sure that they disappeared and is actually one of the things that Trotsky's son complained about the most. Trotsky's son had bought into all this. And it's like, keep your head down, dude, because you saw what happened to your dad, right? What was this?

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, I forgot.

[Pete]

Leon set off. Yeah, that's right. Yeah. Had to look it up. Leon said, yeah, it's like he. He was. He was, yeah. Spewing that in the 30s, knowing that Stalin was already like, okay, if you start coming up with no, no. That's why I could just imagine what the. What the Soviet advisors were thinking when they were seeing all this.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, I. I mean, it's probably something they'd seen a million times,

[Pete]

but it's so. I mean, it was. It was disappearing quickly in Russia. I mean, Russia was already going on to their. Their empire footing at that point. So it was like they were. Everybody's like, oh, the purges and everything. You know, once you read Suvaroff and Hoffman, you realize the purges were getting rid of the revolutionaries. They just wanted soldiers. They wanted, like, you know, generals who weren't revolutionaries, generals who, you know, could go into battle. And these revolutionaries who were just lining people up and killing them, well, they sort of got their just recompense in many cases at that point.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, it's what. It's wild stuff. So, yeah. With this war became again a task only for men and women were sent back to the rear. Disobedience was treated with all martial severity. And by the middle of October, the presence of women on the Front lines began to steadily decline. By December 1936, the International Volunteers of the International Brigades were warned that women were barred from combat and from joining the brigades. By February 1937, women disappeared from the Republican Army. Many joined the.

[Pete]

Let's hold up here for a second. So basically, about three months into the war, Caballero starts to phase. We need to get women off the front line those first three months. The first six months, really. But the first three months, we're talking about the most brutal time, especially if, especially if you were a Catholic, especially if you were clergy or a seminarian or a layman or something like that. So, you know, you have to. I would assume that the women had a big part that was a big part of, oh, 100, 100.

[Carl Dahl]

It has to be, because it was the most extreme militants. And when you look at those pictures of destruction of churches and statues and like, you know, where they're basically going in and killing everybody. Women are. Female militants are very prominent in those, in those images. It's wild. Many joined. Many women joined the production lines in Barcelona and Valencia, an event which would later cause many calls for equality in the workplace, since they, despite the progressiveness of the Republic, suffered wage discrimination as well as hostility from their male peers. They also demanded permanent contracts in anticipation of the end of the war and the return of men to the factories so that they couldn't be fired or replaced. Can you believe that?

[Pete]

I mean, you know, Rosie the Riveter, I don't think. I wonder how many Rosies wanted to actually stay and keep, keep their jobs. Because it was, you know, at the end of the war, it was like, yeah, go home.

[Carl Dahl]

And how much of that was like. Yeah, exactly. How much of it was real and how much of it was like one loudmouth? Yeah, just making the demands and, and, you know, women being women, all going in and supporting it. Yeah, Good times. So wrapping up here, we got two more paragraphs. Note the stark difference between the women of the right and the left. By taking up critical support and administrative duties that men did not occupy, nationalist women made the army and the liberated regions work like a well oiled machine.

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[Carl Dahl]

Meanwhile, the women on the left in their pursuit of Personal and ideological goals often became a hindrance, which caused problems for the Republican war effort. When every person counts, those who antagonize their peers disrupt harmony and everyone's contributions to the struggle. This is clearly prevalent among leftist women both 100 years ago and today. We know them on site, the women who don't seek to work alongside men, but instead to cast them down, confident in their superiority. You know the type and you know they must be avoided. Like a nugget of pyrite. It is not worth a second look. So fool's gold. I began the now and then series in reaction to the murder of Charlie Kirk. As I'd seen parallels to the assassination of Calvo Sotello brought up quite a few times and I wanted to provide lesser known details regarding the murder and its aftermath. The more I revisit Spanish primary sources regarding the Civil War, I decided to continue researching and sharing my findings with those interested. One thing is certain, despite how much time has passed, how many well documented mistakes were made by the left in the intervening period and how things in our world seem to have changed. The left are still the same with the branding of Antifa as a terrorist organization in the US and the reaction to the murder of Kirk both in the intermediate aftermath and now immediate aftermath and now, rather we see ardent leftists openly mock his murder. Leftists who carry the same suit spirit found in the speeches of leftist figures of the Republic. The left of today carries the same bloodthirsty spirit seen since the beginning of the 20th century. I was nearly surprised by how the adage quote, the more things change, the more they stay the same, unquote still rings true. With this in mind, I will be writing a couple more articles about the most important leftist figures of the Spanish Republic so that you can understand their motives, their drives and most importantly their character. Because to invoke another adage, you must know your enemy to defeat him. El Fin

[Pete]

it is. You know, I want to go back up to this part right here. There is clearly prevalent, this is clearly prevalent amongst leftist women, both 100 years ago and today, we know them on site. Women who don't seek to work alongside men, but instead to cast. Now, how many times in quote unquote, I mean in like the right circles, even like right circles, do these women come in all based, all saying the right things. But eventually, you know what happens? Eventually the feminism comes out, eventually the leftism comes out, eventually the woman comes out. I mean, sorry, women should not be in leadership. Look at what, look at Nikki Haley and all These women on the right, Nancy Mace, I mean, in what world do you look at those women and go, yeah, I want them to lead? Is there a woman. Is there a woman you could think of that you're like, yeah, they should be leading men?

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, absolutely not. Like, it's. It's completely absurd because it's all about them. And then the most important, you know, especially in. Among conservators, the most important thing is conserving, like, ridiculous leftist victories. Like Nancy Mace, her claim to fame is that she was the first female allowed into vma. Her father was the commandant, and she basically, like, ruined that organization because it just was all about her. And every picture that she puts up is a, you know, basically a thirst trap from someone who doesn't, like, instill thirst, except among, like, boomers who watch Fox News. But it's. It's insane. And. And it's all about them and not about the mission.

[Pete]

And I mean, you know, when you. When you understand where we are. And we were talking about this. Yeah, I, I mentioned this before we, before we started recording that. As we were starting to record, Orin was live streaming, and he was just on fire, just going, the GOP does not want to win. They were always our enemies. They would rather talk about group chats than win elections.

[Carl Dahl]

Yep.

[Pete]

Why are you dealing with these people anymore? You know, they. They, sure, you're not going to win in New York, but at least you. In New York City, but at least have somebody who can put a message out there that would, you know, that's a counter to it. Instead of, I mean, Curtis Sliwa. I remember seeing this guy on the subway when I was growing up. I mean, he was just grifter. They used to fake events where he'd be like, oh, look what we did. And they would just fake events that, that he would save people from. And then. Chris Cuomo, or is it. Yeah, Chris Cuomo. Yeah, I mean, just. I mean, a degenerate loser.

[Ryan Seacrest]

And.

[Pete]

Or what about Virginia? You have basically a CIA agent who's running, and you put up a. A woman, a black woman who was born. Was born in another country, I think. I'm not really sure. But she's. I mean, she's not. She's not on the right. I mean, some of them at least fake being on the right. She's not on the right. And then you. You. You aren't able to counter anyone for the AG in Virginia who basically says, yeah, I mean, I will shoot white. I will shoot white children. I will kill white children. Because that's what we do. And you. You want to be taken, but you want to talk about Tucker, who Tucker Carlson has on his show and make a big deal out of that. And then you want to cancel the Heritage foundation, which, I mean, come on. When the last. When the last boomer stopped sending the money, no one else is going to. So basically at this point, at this point, they're just looting boomers because they know they're gone as soon as the last boomer is gone. And who else? Who else? Oh, you know, obviously the Jewish lobby, who is. I mean, just absolutely lost their minds.

[Carl Dahl]

Absolutely.

[Pete]

I mean, nothing they say makes any sense whatsoever. They clearly say that, yeah, if you want to be an American, you have to support Israel. If you don't support Israel, you're not an American. Who the are you?

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, and like, speaking of the Heritage foundation today, someone, you know, some, I don't know, some Galician lawyer type, was ranting and raving because they leaked audio of a call where a Catholic staffer at the Heritage foundation said basically, it's ridiculous to. To force. To compel us to go to these, like, Seder dinners, which is religious. Religious. A Jewish religious practice.

[Pete]

Oh, yeah, it was some Jewish. Some Jewish group, like, was laying out for Heritage how they could weed out all the anti Semites by setting up like a, Like a Shabbat dinner every week and see who comes to it.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, yeah.

[Pete]

Who doesn't come to it? You get rid of them or.

[Morgor]

Are you.

[Pete]

What, Are you kidding me?

[Carl Dahl]

Which is just like, okay, so you're literally just telling us that you, like, we control everything or you're not allowed to exist? I don't think so.

[Pete]

Yeah. If they're not bowing to Jews, then they're not right wing, basically. They're not conservative. Okay. I mean, I would say that if you're bowing to Jews, that's probably the most conservative value you can have now, because that's all they seem to do and have been doing.

[Carl Dahl]

That's why they exist. And, and that's that they're like, these are all people who are anti Trump and people. The vast majority of people who supported Trump in his third successful election are people who aren't Trump cultists. They're people who want the things that he promised, they want America first, they want to make america great again, etc. And these people are refusing to go along with it. And they're already gloating. They're. They're celebrating. They're focusing on, like, basically crashing and burning that ascendant movement. To steer us back to losing conservatartism, which has no appeal to anyone. Like who's going to be alive in 10 years? Like there's no appeal to that. It's, it's a joke. You know, other than like 2% of the population, only 2% of the population wants it. A very specific 2% of the population.

[Pete]

Anybody who's working at one of these basically shabboskoy organizations, they have to. If they don't realize that their days are just numbered because they're not Gen Z, who's, who's going to support them? Gen Z, Gen X. Gen X. I mean, millennials maybe. Probably not. Gen Z is not going to do it. They already fucked themselves. How much? Think about it. They're. They're relying upon money from the boomer generation. Which other generation has as much money as the boomer generation?

[Carl Dahl]

None. Not even. The rest combined don't even have a fraction.

[Pete]

They're fucked. They're fucked. They're, they are irrelevant at this point and they just don't know it. They're dead man walking and they don't know it. They don't have anything. The only thing that they could do is to embrace us, is to be like, okay, we see where this is going. I mean basically where we're going is we're going to far right and far left.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes.

[Pete]

And let's bring this back home. Which is why we're talking about the Spanish Civil War.

[Carl Dahl]

Ding ding. The. In 19. I posted about this today. In 1934, the Pyrrhic victory, the Pyrrhic electoral victory of 1934 by the right, the right coalition under say the. And some other parties did nothing for the right. The, the Republic illegally would not permit them to form a cabinet and take charge of the government in the fashion that was in, you know, specified by the Constitution. And so with that, the younger members of this political coalition, this right wing political coalition, left in droves for the most militant organizations, the Falang Hay and the Carlist racketes, and basically said the only thing left to do now is to fight. That's where all the best people and the best young leaders went. They went right into the fight and began preparing seriously for a post political world, a world outside of like the Cortez and the drama and the machinations of the, you know, parliamentary government. And this in, in America it's even worse because in Spain at the time, the right wing was actually like the, the right wing leadership and money people, you know, in these groups began to build up these groups because they realized that war was coming, that that was the only thing that was left because there was so much violence in the street in America. Like, look at, like, Mike Johnson and other dorks like that. Like, they should have no political power. The only reason Mike Johnson has any political power is because of people voting for Donald Trump because they want nationalism. And they're saying, you're not going to get nationalism. You're going to get sold down the river, you're going to be unemployable. You're going to owe all this money for having gone to college. You should have just been a plumber. While the left builds up their supporters, gets them jobs, gets them free money. Like the right basically says, you have to support us for ideological reasons. Oh, and by the way, those ideological reasons are that are, you know, lead to you getting. But you got to do it because Israel. Yeah. Otherwise you're Hitler. You know, when people were, when. When Oran was talking yesterday about

[Ryan Seacrest]

what

[Carl Dahl]

Fuentes was, what he actually was, what he is, many people who refuse to understand nuance were flipping out. You have groipers who are flipping out, but groipers don't really care about anything. They just worship Nick Fuentes. You have people on the right who I think mean well most of the time who like spicy things that Fuentes says about certain things, and they seem as very popular, so they don't want to talk against him. But Fuentes is a. Is an entertainer. That's what he is. He's not, you know, he's all over the place. And he's not like. Like the way. The way I look at it is the Tucker interview with him was a paternalistic show of, like, care, where Tucker brought him on and basically said, I'll let you talk, but I'm gonna point out things that I take issue with. But he did it in. In a way where he, you know, that he actually cares. He doesn't want to slander him, he doesn't want to attack him or his viewers or the people who listen to him. Like, most, most people who have a. Like a completely positive view of Nick Fuentes don't know a lot of his history, or they only see little clips of him here and there, and. And they're mostly concerned with, like, Israel and stuff like that, or they're just like Fuentes worshiping groipers. Right. Like, there's very little in between. Other people have nuanced views on him. And so when Oren's talking about, you have to understand what he is you know, the biggest reaction I saw against that wasn't from groipers or even, you know, like, people who have a nuanced or even distracted view of what he is. It was from these, you know, Jewish supremacists who are freaking out because they're like, no, you have to call him a Nazi and, like, you know, push him out and expel him from what you're doing. And it's like he's. What he's doing is he's intelligently explaining, like, what is taking place in front of us. And you can't do that. That's not allowed. You have to be a. You have to just, like, obey. You have to fall on your hands and knees and obey. It's really quite incredible.

[Pete]

What scares them the most is the fact that there are already so many of the young staffers and everything. Or agree with him.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, yeah.

[Pete]

Or basically gripers. And, you know, what he was saying on his show yesterday was, look, start hiding. Hide your power levels. Get offline. You know, do what you got to do. Get in government and just, you know, subvert these people.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, yeah.

[Pete]

You know, and once they, you know, these people just do not understand that they. Their days are numbered. Not. And not because. Not for any nefarious reason. It's because they're an anachron. They're an anachronism.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. Yeah.

[Pete]

They just. This isn't their world anymore. And nobody, you know, most people look at the. The average person looks at Israel and sees what they've been doing for the last few years, and they're like, don't we fight a war? Wasn't there, like this huge war to stop the stuff like this from happening now? Yeah, I mean, I'm not really one of the big fan of. Oh, you know, I'm not a fan at all of. Oh, they're. They're like Nazis and everything like that, but they are ethno nationalists and they. They basically. They're like, okay, well, you know, we have this group of people here that we, you know, are beneath us and we're going to kill them. And I mean, for what other? For what reason? Because they were there, their families were on the land there for forever. You have some kind of ethnic grievance because of what? I mean, I just don't get it. All I know is that I don't. They should. Their days are numbered.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, yeah.

[Pete]

And for no other reason. And I'm not saying, you know, it's like, because, oh, they're about to be overthrown. It's because they're gonna. They're gonna be crushed under their own weight.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. It's all humorous. Yeah. It has nothing to do. It has nothing to do with this. They always say. Or the. The most vocal retards among them will say that, like, anti. Semitism is inherent to the European genome. And it's like, what? That's. That's totally untrue. That's completely untrue. The opposite. The opposite is true. You get. You get too many chances and you hate us. Like, if based on their behavior, like all they had to do, they could have milked this forever, but instead, they had to. To crush. To crush us in America.

[Ryan Seacrest]

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[Carl Dahl]

And, like, just attempt to dispossess us and then gloat about it and say, we just got you to fight, you know, two decades for our purposes, and you have to do that forever. You're not allowed to say no. That has nothing to do with, you know, our people's response to that isn't inherent. It's a response to the conditions that you're imposing upon them. It's hilarious.

[Pete]

Yeah, it's. You know, when you. I was saying this. Dr. Johnson and I recorded episode 85 of 200 Years together that, you know, like, three hours ago, and we were talking about how, like, the Russians were like, okay, we've been pushed off our land, and now Jews have moved in.

[Carl Dahl]

Mm.

[Pete]

And the question is, is where's. Where's all this anti. Semitism coming from in the 1920s? And they're answering the question. He's answering the question in the text, and he's using. He's using Jewish sources to answer the yes, answer the question. And it's like, well, how is it any different now? You give him billions and billions and billions, and you're financing a war, and you're dropping bombs for it for Israel when people here can't afford a house.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes.

[Pete]

I mean, where people just. People need help here. Where you have. You know, some people are losing their jobs because of A.I. you know, I've talked to coders contact me all the time, and they're like. And I'm like, I'll try. I'll try, you know, try to help All I can and everything. But everyone's like, well, I mean, what takes them a day to do? I can do it, you know, in five minutes, you know, with a $20. With a $20 a month subscription.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah.

[Pete]

So it's like. And then you, you demand our loyalty. Yes. I mean you tell us, you tell us, oh, those who bless Israel will be. Where the fuck are the blessings, man? So they've been bowing down to you since, since 1948. Really? 1967, on call it 1973. We've been bowing down to you bending over backwards, doing everything possible that you

[Carl Dahl]

ask, did America get better?

[Pete]

When are we just not philo Semitic enough? We need to be more philosemitic. Then the blessings will start. The fuck are you talking about?

[Carl Dahl]

Really philosemitic. Until we're dead and our people are gone and Christianity is wiped off of the earth. That's when we'll be philosemitic enough for them.

[Pete]

I can't, I can't stand it, man. Well, I mean, and I can't say that it's not like, okay, this isn't affecting me personally, you know, I mean, if I search, maybe I can find some way. That's really fucking insulting. And it's, it's insulting for those of us who like this country is all we have. Yeah. We have nowhere else to go. They have somewhere else to go. They have somebody they built someplace they can escape to. But I mean the whole purpose of this is, you know, it's like a certain painter said and you know, Francis Parker Yaqui said, they're not going to go there. No, the Diaspora is what's most important. It's the Jewish billionaires in this country is what keeps them, is what you know. And all of the lobbying to steal money from us to send to them. That's it. That's the problem. It's not the problem that Israel exists. It's the diaspora exists. And of course it's not all Jews, but I mean, let's start with the billionaires. Let's start with the Bill Ackmans of the world. And let's start with. And I don't know that I don't think Josh Hammer is a billion billionaire, but the Josh Hammers of the world. World. And you know, the, the Larry Ellison's of the world. This is the problem.

[Carl Dahl]

That a Jewish woman complaining about the left becoming anti Semitic and saying the entire left is, was created by us. Like every ideology and the leader of every movement and everything was Jewish. And you're, you don't Appreciate us enough for that. It's like. Well, I. You said it.

[Pete]

Yeah, it's like, I mean, you know, what's that? Daily Forward or Daily Stormer?

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, exactly.

[Pete]

I mean, seriously, are you.

[Carl Dahl]

Exactly.

[Pete]

What are you trying to do here?

[Carl Dahl]

Cartoonish. Cartoonish.

[Pete]

Oh, man, it's so ridiculous. But anyway, I gotta get out of here.

[Carl Dahl]

Yep.

[Pete]

And I'm sure you probably do. You probably got. Got stuff to do too. But man, I really, I always appreciate these episodes because I think they're, they're probably. I think people can see and listen and make the correlations. It's not going to be exactly the same. Obviously, we're not a Catholic country. We're not. I mean, but you know, open your eyes and. Yeah, you know, you'll. You'll see it. You'll see it. Tell people where they find your stuff, man.

[Carl Dahl]

All right. Best place is substack where this article resides. Karldahl.substack.com that's k a r l d a h l.substack.com I have two books on Amazon, Faction and Faction with the Crusaders by Book. And I'm also on the Hellscape known as X, the platform stupidly renamed X. Happy to be here. Thanks again, Pete. See you very soon.

[Pete]

See you soon. Thank you.

[Carl Dahl]

Thanks.

[Pete]

I want to welcome everyone back to the Pinona Show. Carl Dahl's back and talk some more Spanish Civil War. Carl, how are you doing?

[Carl Dahl]

Doing great. Thanks for having me.

[Pete]

Why don't you introduce your friend? This is, this is a gentleman you've introduced me to and you've talked about in the past, so go right ahead.

[Carl Dahl]

Great. I will lead off and then hand it over. So my friend and correspondent Morgor, who is a writer and artist from Spain who I've been collaborating with on a series of articles on my sub stack, the now and Then series. Really great content that he's been providing and you know, a lot of it is the. A Spanish orientation that often doesn't show up in, you know, the English language material that comes up but is fairly well known in Spain, easily accessible. And so a lot of the material that I've been able to provide in the last, last, like, what is it, six, eight, you know, six to eight months or so on this topic has been with Morgor. So welcome and please introduce yourself as much as you want to.

[Morgor]

Well, hello. It is. Well, I can deny I'm a little bit nervous because I don't appear in. In podcasts that much, but I am Morgor. I'm from Spain. I draw I write, I have aspirations as an artist, but very humble. And this series of articles about the Spanish Civil War, initially it was kind of a niche interest because when I studied Spanish history in high school and later the Civil War and the period of the dictatorship was very glossed over. It was usually at the end of the academic year. So teachers wanted to get it done as quickly as possible. And essentially the general conception of the Spanish Civil War is that the legal, peaceful and righteous republic, elected left leaning government and some military people that were very evil decided to take them down. That is the general widespread idea that happened. But if you look deeper, if you go beyond the surface, you start noticing a lot of discrepancies, a lot of information, that there is evidence and retellings, not only of historians or like individuals that are obscure. That for example, a lot of evidence of the public disturbances that took place during 36 come from the president of the government, no, president of Parliament, Nicetolca Razamora. He literally said the left manipulated the elections and there is widespread banditry and riots in Spain. And it is amazing that a lot of people don't know about it. And to a certain degree, I think this is kind of a public service announcement, especially when so many people talk about civil war. There's going to be. This is the situation like the Spanish Civil War related into a lot of things that are happening right now.

[Pete]

Great.

[Carl Dahl]

All right, so thank you. What we're going to do here is for some of our.

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[Carl Dahl]

We're prohibited by law 21/ terms and conditions apply for some of our listeners. Just to be clear, we're going to be walking through this article in particular, as well as sprinkling in some additional commentary. It is now and then Anatomy of a Leftist Part 2, Francisco Largo Caballero the Radicalization of a Moderate Socialist. And that was kind of my own spin on the language based on the reading, you know, because I think it tells a clear story as to kind of how we get here. Some people might Characterize it slightly differently, be less charitable. But I think, you know, it may, it makes sense for this framing and understanding, you know, the conflagration in Spain. So, you know, folks who are just listening, we're not going to be lingering on, you know, images and the like too much. We'll focus on the text and commentary. So Morger introduced the piece that, that I edited down. Part of it was because there are, that there's, there's information that is pretty like obvious that you can state in a very direct way and move on in Spanish or I should say for a Spanish audience that I have to explain more for Americans and sometimes I'm like, I kind of know what that is, but I have to look it up.

[Morgor]

Yeah. So that if you need more, more information, context or whatever, just ask me. I would be glad to share.

[Carl Dahl]

Absolutely.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

And we're, we have another piece that'll be coming up which is about that, that Morgore wrote that I just started on, which is very good and I'm very excited to publish it. It's about the Servicio de Intelligencia Militar, the military intelligence service of the Republic, which almost immediately was co opted by the communists of the NKVD from control of the socialist government. It's very interesting. So Morgor likes to start with a quote, whether it's biblical or from literature. And in this piece, Anatomy of a leftist part 2, and the devil who deceived them was thrown into the lake of burning sulfur where the beast and the false prophet had been thrown. They will be tormented day and night forever and ever. And that's from Revelation 20:10. So the, I think the, the way to summarize Francisco Largo Caballero and feel free to jump in is that he was a, a fellow coming from circumstances that were very common in Spain. And one of the themes that can be a little challenging sometimes with an American audience that like our friend Thomas777 always talks about is that the conditions on the ground, like politically and economically for the working class in America were very different than that in Europe. And so the whole reason fascism is a thing or was a thing in Europe, but never was really. I mean, I can say at the time of the communist uprisings really necessary in America was because the conditions weren't ripe in America to require a, a counter, a counter movement to address a lot of the things that would appeal to, you know, the, the lower classes in Europe because we had means, you know, economic and political that were not necessarily as available. We, we were much more enfranchised. And again, it depends on where you're at in Spain, where people would feel less enfranchised versus more enfranchised.

[Morgor]

Yes, yes, yes. Because I think you said it in the talk you had with Astral. I listened to it. It was very good. Just a plug here. But the thing is that, of course, it's easily understandable for me, because I'm from Spain, I know my country better than you, and you know your country better than me. So you have to understand that at the time, a lot of people. I also have to explain the Latin industrialization model that, to summarize, is like people say that in Latin countries and Latin, I mean Spain, Portugal, Italy, the Mediterranean nations, industrialization is a much slower process and comes with a greater deal of challenges in order to achieve that level of proper industrialization. So the thing that happened is that at the time, Spain was still industrializing and there was a transition that was steady, but of course it led to a lot of conflict in factories and production areas, mainly in Basque country, where most foundries of Spain are, in Asturias, where most mining operations were not right now. But the greatest problem in Spain was in Andalucia. And it is because most of the land in Andalusia belonged back then, belonged to the nobility. They had huge, huge properties for vineyards or olive trees. And that meant that the people only worked during the harvest. There was a lot of work during the harvest. And the rest of the year, if you were a normal person, you had to scrape by with whatever you could have. So you have to understand that a lot of people in Andalusia were dispossessed completely. Nobody offered anything. And also the same in Catalonia, because I remember that you said that a lot of people were coming from the countryside. Something like that happened in Andalusia. They moved north. But in Catalonia, it was usually a tradition that if the father dies, the father of the family dies. The first son inherits everything and the others get nothing, so they have to strike out on their own. And that made a lot of people from the countryside slowly move to the cities. And it fed a lot into the workers movement. That is why in Andalusia the socialists and the anarchists were so big, why Catalonia is still to this day the main stronghold of the left in Spain.

[Carl Dahl]

Well put. And it's interesting with Largo Caballero, so he was born in Madrid. And one of the things that I've seen, and I'd be interested in your perspective on this, but it, you know, Madrid has. Has. Is Much more of a stronghold of like a social, like a state socialist vibe. And I think it's the fact that, you know, that's the seat of the national government. And my understanding and from conversations I've had with people is that it's not, it's not the same thing as other places. It was, it was created, it was instituted as the capital because it was in the middle of the country and, and it was less, it developed less organically than say, you know, the countryside anywhere else or, or towns elsewhere. And would you say that's a fair characterization, that drop that drove like state socialism versus anarchism in Madrid?

[Morgor]

To a certain degree, yes. Because historically the capital of Spain was Toledo. It was, it was the main city and Madrid is just a little bit further north from Toledo. Yeah, but the thing is that it's like you say, a lot of the development in Madrid is not organic. It is heavily promoted by the government because of course, the capital and the parliament and the royal palace, everything is in there. So of course the seat of power is going to try to grow as large as possible in order to provide for all of the people living there. The thing is that in terms of socialism and anarchism, back then, with the huge development and especially with the industry, it led to a lot of people, a lot of conflict with foremans and businessmen. Mainly the things that anarchism and socialism. I don't want to say that they specifically deviated that much because initially they worked together and it was after the radicalization that they split apart. So initially they had like a common front. They worked very well together. And it was later when they split apart, the socialists wanted to still negotiate. They still wanted to work with the government. And the anarchy said no, we, we have to kill them all.

[Carl Dahl]

Very, very well put. Thank. Yeah, that's, that's very good to explain. I try not to put my Putin hat on and go too far back, but do you, do you think that. My understanding is a lot of that split that in Spain, this, the non Marxist state socialists and the anarchists.

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[Carl Dahl]

of a, of a. Of a thread together with one another, despite what was going on in the second International. Would you, would you say that's a Fair characterization. From your understanding on the anarchist side,

[Morgor]

I'm not so sure. But on the socialist side, yes, because thing that happened, very peculiar, is that with the Second International, actually Largo Caballero distanced itself from the International.

[Carl Dahl]

That's right. That's right.

[Morgor]

Yeah. He moved aside. The problem is that as things developed later on, he saw, okay, I have been in politics for nearly 50 years and I have achieved very little. I have to do something like right now. And I think that is an important part that drove him towards the collaboration with the communists. But still, inside the Socialist Party, even to the end of the war, there was a sector that actively. Was actively anti Marxist, and it was led by Julian Besteiro. Really interesting guy as well.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, that's right. So there's so much to explore in this topic. I'll. I'll take my Putin hat off and hang. And hang it up. But keep it handy because this is great color. Thank you very much. So Largo Caballero was born, and as. As you pointed out, he was in politics for a very long time. How long? He was born in 1869 in Madrid. His parents divorced four years after his birth. So mother and son were on their own. They moved to Granada. His mother worked in an inn. Largo Caballero began to attend school, and then they were forced to return to Madrid and live with a relative a year later. So at age 7, Largo Caballero left school at age 7 and went to work, first as an apprentice in a cardboard factory and then as a rope maker. At the age of nine, he transitioned into working as a plasterer, which paid much better.

[Morgor]

Yeah, considerably. A lot better here as a salary of the time here on 15 pesetas compared to the average 2 pesetas.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, wow, that's a huge difference. But it was variable demand. So would you characterize it as seasonal work?

[Morgor]

Kind of, yeah. Because it depended on redevelopments, on houses, as well as expansions. Like, they get a theater and they need one, and it's essentially once the work is done, you never know when you're going to go back to work.

[Carl Dahl]

That's true.

[Morgor]

And that kind of irregularity in work demand forced Largo Caballero to take other works. Like he was a fruit salesman, he was a construction worker, he was a farmhand, a lot of things.

[Carl Dahl]

So the, the interesting thing is for. For those who, who participate or who listened to the shows that Pete and I did about kind of the 19th century leftist movements, this will make sense. So Largo Caballero was growing up in this era of, of opening in Spain or political loosening, where the, the Cortes is getting a little more powerful and there's more of a diversity of political movements. The left is growing as a movement.

[Morgor]

Yeah, but it grew immensely. And yes, it started right then.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, it was brand new and it had explosive growth. But the Cortez was essentially keeping a lid on a lot of the potential conflict through the Turno Pacifico, the kind of handing off in a regular, like metered fashion between the kind of institutionalized conservative and liberal parties.

[Morgor]

Yeah. And the thing is that it wasn't exactly handed down. It's because there was constant election manipulation. So to ensure. To ensure that the opposite one, in order to ensure that. Okay, I'm done here. Now it's your turn.

[Carl Dahl]

Amusing. Amazing.

[Morgor]

It is very funny.

[Carl Dahl]

So in 1890, Largo Caballero makes his first contact with the socialist movement. And this is really interesting because there's a. There's a current here where Largo Caballero is. He seems like instinctually, his socialism is instinctual more than it's like super ideological and based on like, thought, reading and being persuaded by, you know, raw ideas. Although of course it would appeal to him being a worker who's had this very tough, unsteady existence and just the unsuriety of, you know, how he grew up.

[Morgor]

And also consider that Largo Caballero didn't finish his studies because he left the school. He had to learn how to read and write later in life.

[Carl Dahl]

Excellent. So he encounters the political movement created by the politician Pablo Iglesias.

[Morgor]

I had to include his full name because if today you look for public lists in Google, you will get the picture of a guy that looks like a hippie with a ponytail.

[Carl Dahl]

Because he's a singer, right?

[Morgor]

No, it's the founder of another left wing party. Yeah, that happened like in 2012, 2010. Around that time he founded a new political party. And now he has gone the way of the dodo because his second in command kicked him out.

[Carl Dahl]

Oh, that's funny.

[Morgor]

Yeah, it's amusing.

[Carl Dahl]

So this party in 1890 that Largo Caballero encounters follows the pattern that's really important to understand in Spanish political parties is that there's a General Workers Union. Union General de Trabajadores. Ugt. Yes. And then the psoe, you can say it.

[Morgor]

Peso Partido Socialista Espanol, if you want to know, they are still in the elections and they are the current ruling party in Spain.

[Carl Dahl]

And that is the Spanish Workers Socialist Party.

[Morgor]

Yes.

[Carl Dahl]

And so the Labor Union has a corresponding political party and so you can be. So Largo Caballero joins the UGT General Union for Construction Workers. But then they have subunions based on your specialties. It's the. Oh my. The word is escaping me. It's a syndicalist model.

[Morgor]

Yes, yes. Because in Spain the unions are called syndicato, so it is essentially the same thing.

[Carl Dahl]

And then the. The syndicalista becomes like a code word for like the street fighters later in the. Once we get into the.

[Morgor]

Yeah, once.

[Carl Dahl]

Like the 20s. Yeah, the teens and 20s.

[Morgor]

Yeah, once that time comes. The syndicalistas were essentially the newly ascribed to the. So they were the new guys and they put them to the test.

[Carl Dahl]

Interesting. That's also the code word for a. Like a star 32 automatic from the era, because that was the main pistol that the syndicalist used for fighting.

[Morgor]

Damn. Yeah. Wow. That is. That is amazing.

[Carl Dahl]

So it's. It's interesting. Largo Caballero described this encounter. He attended a speech by Pablo Iglesias Posset, who explained the great advantage of worker unions and organizations. And Largo Caballero later described it as light piercing the darkness. So 1890, he joins the UGT. 1893, he formally joins the PSOE political party. So again, to reiterate, he had a distinct lack of a formal education, had to learn later on he'd only ever read the most basic Marxist texts. And my. I get the feeling that he would have like, dealt with like tracts and then news articles.

[Morgor]

Yes, his main source of kind of ideology, political leanings or, you know, the ideas that he wanted to defend and all that. He got it mainly through reading news articles. News articles that were written by. By other socialists, but mainly by Pablo Iglesias, who was a journalist, by the way.

[Carl Dahl]

Ah, okay, that makes sense because then the political parties would have their own newspapers as well.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Morgor]

It is amazing to know how many left wing people of the time were journalists.

[Carl Dahl]

Gasp.

[Morgor]

Like Dolores Ivarudi was a journalist. Santiago Rio was a journalist in the. Lesio Prieto was a journalist. Pablo Iglesias was a journalist.

[Carl Dahl]

It kind of makes sense. You know, you see the same thing with the thought leaders in the 19th century. They were writers and they would get jobs as journalists and get paid through the political parties that way. So, you know, nothing new under the sun. For the people who think that it's some new thing, that journalism has been recently corrupted. Not at all.

[Morgor]

Just remember, time moves forward, nothing changes.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, Worth repeating.

[Pete]

So

[Carl Dahl]

interestingly, in 1899, Largo Caballero was put in charge of the UGT's treasury in an unpaid position. He still worked as a plasterer, and then he was elected as a speaker in the national committee of the PSOE. In 1904, he becomes the UGT representative to the Social Reform Institute, which is, it's interesting, it's a, it was created by a conservative politician, Francisco Silvela, as a, as a joint operation between the government and workers organizations with the intent of improving working conditions for Spanish workers. This is something that is, it's so interesting that like, the conservatives were doing this and it gets back to the whole idea behind that, that fascist instinct, you know, scare words, fascism, but in reality, it's trying to address the social question. You know, it's, it's the duty of the system and the, and all the people in it to try to reconcile these things for people. Whereas the left, typically, like you, the radicals use these things to stoke revolution, but these kind of institutional socialists want to reform them in a, in a peaceful way or, or just to get the results that they want, to be honest.

[Morgor]

Yeah. And in this case, you could, you could kind of see it as, that the conservatives were starting to see the rise of the socialists and they said, okay, now we have to tackle this issue, this problem that we have in our hands, and we better give them the tools to do it or else the problem will get much worse on a lot of ways, because they were kind of, you have to see that they had the liberal and the conservative and suddenly this guy, this new guy appeared in their midst and they were, we have to be a little bit careful with it.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. So they would want, they would want to have, they would want to appease

[Morgor]

to them in order, so they don't grow too big.

[Carl Dahl]

Excellent. So it's interesting because in 1905, Largo Caballero, Pablo Iglesias and Rafael Garcia, who is another related fellow, successfully ran for positions in Madrid local elections as representatives of the socialist left. And this is when Largo Caballero is at this point, 36 years of age. Yes, in 1905. Right. So that marks the end of his career as a plasterer and laborer. And now he's a full time politician, which he will be until, you know, he, he's deposed.

[Morgor]

Yeah. Until he's removed.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. So he fully dedicates himself to politics. He's making 50 pesetas and getting this from the Socialist Party of Madrid. This elevates him, obviously, in life. And he starts getting involved in negotiating strikes and, and you Know working conditions with workers in the cities. In the city. And then he becomes the vice president of the UGT in 1908 and then in the following year he finds himself in jail for the first time related to a protest against essentially an escalation in Morocco.

[Morgor]

Yes, because there was, you could say there was also differences between the army at the time. The army is another question that would require another article, but I will keep it short, is that the army needed more effectives in Morocco. They needed more staff. So they were essentially sending the garrison from the peninsula. The problem is that the garrison of the peninsula usually earn considerably less than active on duty personnel in Morocco. And if they sent them, they would steal earn less than the active on duty personnel destined.

[Carl Dahl]

That's not a good plan.

[Morgor]

Yeah, that created a lot of content animosity and created two sides of the army, the Africanists and the reservists. Because the Africanists essentially saw their reservists as they were complacent that sitting in their barracks and just taking their money while the other Saudi Africanists as they got unfair positions, unfair merits and unfair salaries just because they went to war.

[Carl Dahl]

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[Carl Dahl]

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[Carl Dahl]

prohibited by law 21 terms and conditions apply. Which is a conflict that we saw for the following several decades.

[Morgor]

Yes, very much.

[Carl Dahl]

Excellent. So in 1910, Largo Caballero and Pablo Iglesias were elected to parliament with the aid of center left parties. So interestingly that the coalition, the coalition elections are incredibly important. And Pablo Iglesias had been, you know, against this previously, but we see a lot of this moving forward in. In Spanish elections.

[Morgor]

Yes, and one small thing about the. In 1910 is because the conservatives were taking. Were racing to rise into power, especially Maura. You know, the man that was in charge of regenerating Spain. He was the kind of the tutor of Calbo Sotello politically. And it is in this time in 1910 where Pablo Iglesias literally said that Maura should be killed in parliament. And 15 days later Maura would be gravely wounded by an anarchist gunman.

[Carl Dahl]

The beginning of a pattern. Very interesting.

[Morgor]

I mean, you have to consider that during, during the parliamentary monarchy the anarchists murdered like four presidents and they made an attempt on the life of the king at his wedding. Consider that. Let it sink.

[Carl Dahl]

And this is so important for people to understand because it contextualizes the reality of what the republic was and the politicians who were running it in the provisional government, you know, the bit unelected, you know, for the first several years. Right. And who they worked with and the kinds of things that they were up to. And instead we have to hand wave and say, oh well, it was a republic. And you know, some meanies decided to do a fascisms and overthrow.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Morgor]

In a lot of sense they just go, you know, the evil fascists just rose against the peaceful left and come on,

[Carl Dahl]

it's incredible. So in 1911, Largo Caballero is the head of the UGT. He declares a general strike in response to essentially the. The response of the government, the liberal government, against various workers movements. They declare martial law and Largo Caballero was rounded up with a bunch of other socialist leaders. And then at this point there's a consideration to ban the ugt and a great many members of the UGT abandon that, that council of the. Of the IRS that, that we mentioned previously. The social reform institutions. Yeah. So again, World War I erupts. Spain remains neutral. The economy booms because they can sell, you know, all kinds of materials to the belligerent parties on either side and, and ride, ride this out. So the UGT surges with the, you know, the growth of, of industry at this time and Largo Caballero standing goes up considerably. So then we start seeing more of these coordinated general strikes. The next one being 1917, which shuts the country down for five days. It was organized by the PS O as well as the anarchists of the CNT. Largo Caballero was a committee member and figurehead of the movement. And you know, the, the goal is to address, you know, workers conditions, the life of Spanish workers. The surge in the price of basic goods.

[Morgor]

Yes, because the end of World War I essentially tank the Spanish production and exports. And you also have to keep in mind that Spain at the time was suffering for huge inflation because foreign investors were speculating with the Pesetta at the time. And that was costing. Yeah, it was brutal.

[Carl Dahl]

Do we have surnames of those foreign speculators?

[Morgor]

Unfortunately.

[Pete]

Here we go.

[Morgor]

Unfortunately I don't have them. But don't worry, people that are like those speculators appear in the Civil War quite oftenly.

[Carl Dahl]

Interesting.

[Morgor]

Yeah, I did my homework.

[Carl Dahl]

Excellent, excellent. All right, so at this point, this strike, general strike, creates a crisis. Largo Caballero and his peers who are involved in the strike leadership in particular, as well as many other participants are rounded up, tried for treason, sentenced to life in prison. Interestingly, just a pattern that we see all the time. The response is so great that Largo Caballero is released in the following year. And every, you know, because these are people who are candidates for election in the following year and because they, he and several others win their elections and are appointed seats in parliament, this is essentially an amnesty that's given to them despite their previous, you know, convictions.

[Morgor]

Yeah, because I think that it. I didn't understood until I studied administrative law is that if you're a politician, unless you get caught red handed committing a crime, they cannot send you to jail, at least here in Spain. And I think the same happened in this regard because they couldn't completely ascertain or say that they were the materials. They could say they were involved, but not the material actor. So that's that plausible deniability is what allowed them to be released.

[Carl Dahl]

Excellent. All right, so the same year, Largo Caballero was formally named leader of the UGT and speaker of the PSOE as Pablo Iglesias moved to retire from political activities due to his health and old age. And so, interestingly, Largo Caballero actually worked very hard and was. Was very serious about his beliefs. He worked with that Institute for Social Reform and he was very vocal about workers organizing within the bounds of the law, working with institutions to achieve their goals, improve their lives, while still saying, yes, our goal is to enact socialism. And so the really interesting thing is that this is taking place at the, you know, against the backdrop of the communist revolution in Russia and the spread of Bolshevik influence. And so this success of these more radical strains reinforces the radicalization and buoys the radicals in Spain, whether anarchist, socialist, communist, etc. You know, a fair bit of this, frankly, is that a lot of resources were then able to be directed by the Soviet Union into these other, other parties. That because the P. PCE Wasn't born

[Morgor]

yet at this point, it still needed a couple more years. But the main, the main thing is that the socialists, a sector of the socialists, were steadily being radicalized and that eventually became the pce, the communists. In the case of the anarchists, they essentially broke apart from collaborating with the socialists. They said, okay, we have to kill people, we have to take buildings, we have to burn churches, all of that. They said, okay, we need results and we need them now. But Largo Caballero at that time was still a kind of staunch moderate, so he resisted very well, along along with others like Julian Besteiro, the advance of the, of the radical sector. And that is what made the radicals leave the socialists, while the socialists kept their core pretty much, pretty much untouched.

[Carl Dahl]

And so in 1922 is when that formal schism happened at the, at the party level, where the Communist Party of Spain was, was birthed in 1922, primarily from radicals who had split off from that PSOE party.

[Morgor]

The, the radicals of the, of the socialists of the Pessoa were, you could say, the leadership, because the PCE was formed from small communists, Communist parties and associations that were regional. They were very small, and then they all concentrated in the, in the Communist Party.

[Carl Dahl]

Great, excellent, well put. And so 1922, what happens in 1923? The coup d', etat, with General Primo de Rivera as figurehead, basically put politics on hold in Spain. At this point, you know, I. It's fair to say that the Cortez was essentially suspended and everything became top down. Calvo Sotello was appointed Minister of Revenue. And this, this became, this is why they hated him so much. Even though, like, on paper he was kind of a middle of the road conservative in a lot of ways when he was assassinated, although they saw him as a primary enemy because of his, his political stances under the dictatorship.

[Morgor]

Yeah. Even though, like it was said in the article of Carlo Sotel, a lot of people saw him kind of like a communist or a socialist. And it was in. Because of his work in the Ministry of Revenue, because he was trying to stabilize the value of the peseta, he was trying to stop the inflation, and he was introducing reforms that a lot of people didn't like. But he said, no, we need this. Stop complaining.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. And, and it's interesting because Largo Caballero worked with the dictatorship because again, the, the dictatorship reached out directly to them to collaborate within the Ministry of Labor in the Lazio Prieto, for example, who was younger, kind of new guard.

[Morgor]

Well, not exactly a new guard. He was already a member of parliament during the parliamentary monarchy. I could talk about one thing that he did that was absolutely scummy back then, but it has no relation with this.

[Carl Dahl]

Okay.

[Morgor]

The thing is that the collaboration is that Largo Caballero deciding to collaborate with the dictatorship almost caused another schism in the Pessoa because the young moderates of Prieto essentially said, no, we shouldn't do it, because doing this, we're reducing the prestige of the Socialists. We are actually selling out to this people that don't have our best interests in mind. They just want to draw us in. And Largo Caballero pretty much said, dictatorship or not, if, if they allow us to do our work, we will do it.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, classic. So interestingly that, you know, this is, this is another expression of this. There was another schism within the PSOE which took place soon. Pablo Iglesias passed away. In 1925, Largo Caballero becomes the formal leader of the PSOE and accepts an appointment by Primo de Rivera to Supreme Council of Labor, Trade and Industry, which again unites representatives of workers and businessmen from different trades across economic sectors to work with the government to resolve these things. And again, this is seen. You know, some people love it and it gets a lot of support because they're like, we can make real progress here. This also causes a lot of resentment and hatred because it's seen as collaboration with a dictatorship. All right? And so I think what really starts happening, interestingly, is that in 1927, the dictatorship declares that there's going to be a newly constituted parliament, but it's going to be appointed representatives and not elected. And so this really creates a huge problem with the socialist parties who want to collaborate. And they, even though they, in 1929, come to Largo Caballero and say, you can name five of the representatives and then we'll choose the rest. And the socialists refuse to participate and demanded elections. And then, interestingly, you know, it is Ryan Seacrest here.

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[Carl Dahl]

No PURCHASE NECESSARY VGW GROUP VOID where prohibited by law 21 terms and conditions apply. Primoto Rivera passes AWAY and by n. You know, 1930, Largo Caballero considered his efforts to collaborate like exhausted. But a lot of it was because of the pressure that he was getting from within the PSOE and other people in. In leadership.

[Morgor]

Yeah, essentially the more moderates like their Julian Pestato were telling him that no, we can still do our job, we can still achieve our goals within the bounds of the law, we can still do this without taking up arms like these lunatics that left our party did.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, yeah. Do you want to explain the Pact of san Sebastian of 1930? A little bit.

[Morgor]

Okay. The Pact of San Sebastian was essentially an agreement between, at the time, of course, there were no political parties, but there would be the leaders of the future Republican parties between Afghan, Diego Martinez Barrio, Santiago Casares Quiroga. They essentially wanted to put the Republic in place. But they did. They knew that by themselves, just by themselves, they didn't have enough support. Support. And that's why they came to the Socialists to tell them, okay, if we do this, if we achieve the Republic, if we do it with your help, you will be part of the government. And of course, the socialists agreed because it was a very, very tempting offer in that regard. And the pact of San Sebastian, the fact that Largo Caballero decided to collaborate, there it is kind of. It kind of washed away the guilt that he had in collaborating with the dictatorship, because now he was collaborating with the Republic.

[Carl Dahl]

Very well put. Thank you. So, you know, this is where we see this, this thing that is perplexing to a lot of people, which is that very quickly, as they start

[Pete]

moving

[Carl Dahl]

into this new period where the dictatorship and the Republic, I should say the dictatorship is essentially creating the conditions for the restoration of a constitutional monarchy and the Republic with the reinstitution of the Cortes. And, and there's this republican movement. And in. There's a plan for December 15, 1930, for an anti monarchist armed insurrection and general strike.

[Morgor]

Originally, originally the plan was for three days later. But the, the people in charge of this insurrection, the sublimation of Haka, they kind of got a little bit nervous that they were going to be found out and they decided to do it earlier. And that threw an enormous wrench on the plans of the, of the Republicans, because now they were very afraid that the, that Berenger was going to arrest them all too.

[Carl Dahl]

And so the. Basically a bunch of people flee the country or remain in hiding. But then the newly designated dictator, Osnar.

[Morgor]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

Decides, let's proceed with elections. I, I want to bring the temperature down. That's surely going to do it by, by appeasing them, you know, to a certain degree. Again, this is what the Republican, you know, the Republican parties, or what became the Republic, the parties that were pro Republic, framed these local elections as a moratorium on the plan. Yeah, the monarchy in general. And so they, they went for it essentially and declared their, you know, pretty decent performance in the elections to basically have to say well, obviously, because we got elected, you know, that, that no one wants the monarchy. And so like the king and many members of the dictatorship flee Spain.

[Morgor]

At this point, I think that you have to. It is usually not said, but it's very important is that at the time the king lost the support of the army, he had no one behind him because with the destitution of Miguel Primo de Rivera, the dictator, he essentially pissed off the entire army. Primo de Rivera was a very condecorated general, very prestigious, a war hero nobleman. He was kind of the man that everyone in the army looked up to. And the king essentially told him, no, I, I don't like what you did. Piss off. You have to consider, okay. Because when the elections were won, a detachment of the army and the police were sent to arrest the leaders of the Republican parties. And the person in charge, which was Jose Sanjurjo, important name, essentially said, hail the Republic, Hail the new President. And they just let them go.

[Carl Dahl]

That is incredibly interesting. You know, Pete, I don't think that that's something that is very clearly explained. The loss of the support because of essentially what's seen as like an insulting or betrayal of the army. That's not really well explained in most of the English language histories as the cause of that.

[Pete]

No, I don't know that I ever read. I've read that in anyone's book even, even Pains.

[Carl Dahl]

And it's so important because that's something that we see all the time in modern politics is people are like, no, you have to keep voting for the guy who's like continuously insulting you.

[Morgor]

For me, it's very surprising that not a lot of people say that because a thing important is that the King had, at this time in 1930, he had no one. He pissed off the army and the politicians were against him.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible.

[Morgor]

Because in 1921 he did a speech in which he pretty much and he verbatim, very, very brief, he said, you politicians are a bunch of useless idiots. You do nothing, you become obstacles for progress. I should have power. He was a little bit drunk, I admit.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, that's so. That's incredible.

[Morgor]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

Well, that's a good lesson for everyone.

[Morgor]

Yeah. With that speech, long time ago, he pissed off all the politicians and by dismissing Primo de Rivera, he pissed off the army.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible.

[Pete]

It should, I mean, it really goes to show, not that it was done this way purposely, but by causing the military, you know, forcing biolenism upon the military. Exactly what, you know, what Obama and the Obama administrator. Well, the regime under Obama and the regime under Biden, exactly what they were doing.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, absolutely incredible. That's, that's, that's wonderful. I'm so glad, I'm so glad that we're doing this. This is great. So the, the period of the Republic. I feel like we've talked about it a lot and I kind of want to skim some of the details at this point in time. But, but I think what the real important takeaways here for like Lager Cabrillero, he becomes an integral part of the provisional government. Again, this isn't a elected government that there were these local elections, but the provisional government is just put together by, by this socialist coalition, by this quote unquote Republican coalition. Largo Caballero is at the helm of the Ministry of Labor. He presents numerous labor reforms such as the. The 40 hour work week, the law of contracts, which I don't know a ton about. And then the creation of the mixed juries which would be the. Basically these, these boards that would solve disputes between workers and, and business owners. What's the law of contracts?

[Morgor]

Mor law of contracts is essentially that if you start a work relationship with someone, meaning that you get hired by someone, that person has to formalize that working relationship through written document that is a contract in order to establish that yes, you work for them and that they cannot essentially what is called in Spain an undue firing that he can dismiss you just like that. Because by that contract you essentially have a certain set of privileges that you can demand that person. Like for example, you have been working for five years. If your contract is terminated, you can get how much was it was. You get 20 days of wage for every year you have worked as compensation for firing.

[Carl Dahl]

So codified severance packages?

[Morgor]

Yeah, pretty much. It's kind of that. It's both to ensure things for the worker and for the employer.

[Carl Dahl]

Okay, that makes sense. Interesting.

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[Carl Dahl]

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[Carl Dahl]

Okay. So essentially what, what happens though is that, you know, this is stuff that seems fairly moderate to us, but it's also, they were very, you know, the characterization is that they were blatantly biased in favor of workers and not necessarily as balanced as they could be, you know, according to certain business interests. So that said, Largo Caballero starts wanting to institute more radical socialist policies. And the, the Republic is, is in this position as well. In general. They, they, you know, they have the religious laws, they have their new constitution, which is really interesting in that, you know, there are constraints upon the government in the new constitution. There's also like real assertions of power that the, that the state had never had previously in the same constitution.

[Morgor]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

So like, no one's happy, essentially.

[Morgor]

And also you have to keep in mind that there are, there are two very important laws that were enacted in, in this period in, in 31. And one of them much later would become very effective. They say it's a very effective tool of oppression of the Franco regime or whatever. And that was the. It has a very, very funny name for me is late De Vagos Simalantes, or Law of Vagrants and Hoodlums, which essentially started the construction of prison camps in Spain, by the way. But by 1932, important. And the other law was the law of citizen protection. That law was enacted through most of the government in 36. And to summarize it in brief, extremely brief, it's a law that allows the government to suspend its constitution.

[Carl Dahl]

Very important because the, that, that essentially it's, that's essentially the state of emergency that they're in, that this government is in, so that they can essentially favor the oppression of the right, for example, and say that it's legally justifiable. So that this is the, the, the state that, you know, it's codified. That they're essentially allowed to ignore their own constitution, you know, is the characterization that people make.

[Morgor]

They only, they only they didn't do it only for that because in sure, in April there would be local elections also in Spain. And the thing is that Athana, which was the president then center left, by the way, he knew that if the elections run its course legally, the left would most likely lose. And so he enacted this law to suspend the elections indefinitely.

[Carl Dahl]

That's right. And then when they had the 33, you know, 33, 34 period, say the Catholic right wing coalition wins, but the republic essentially doesn't allow them to form a government.

[Morgor]

That is because Jose Maria Gil Robles, he was called an Accidentalist. His main objective, his main political objective was to destroy the Republic. And he almost achieved it if it wasn't for obviously all the people that prevented him. But the thing is that he was allowed. The Theta was allowed into the government. If no one from Theta was part of the government. Yes, no ministries and also no president. That is why the president was Alejandro Laroux, which was a center right politician, more or less, he supported the right wing causes. The thing is that in August of 34 was when Theta said, okay, we have done a good deal of things, but there is a government crisis and now if you want our support, you have to allow us to take ministries. And that was something that a lot of people really, really, really didn't like. Like, as you well know.

[Carl Dahl]

And the most amusing thing is that they, they gave them the military.

[Morgor]

Yeah. Jose Maria Robles was the, was the, was the Defense Minister, which was pretty amusing.

[Carl Dahl]

Which is essentially what allowed the military conspiracy as well as the, to a degree, the organization of the. The Carlist recites in particular, as well as the Falange training and militarization and equipment gathering. Although the, the financing for that came from the party's own coffers, that wasn't coming from the military. But it did, it did reduce a certain level of oversight that they would have gotten from Republican officials who still nonetheless tried their best to control the military as much as possible, particularly identifying who was a Republican and who was.

[Morgor]

The thing is that there was, ever since the monarchy, politicians in Spain had this huge interest on making the military submit to their authority. And obviously the military didn't like that. The thing is that during the Republic they tried it even harder. And that pissed off a lot of old military, old people in the military, officers especially. And the thing like you said, the fact that Gil Robles was a Minister of War allowed a lot of things to happen during his role. Still, the main bulk of the conspiracy was in 36. Just seven months.

[Carl Dahl]

Seven months, yeah.

[Morgor]

But a lot of work was done during this time. And it is also during this time when in 34, after the October Revolution is put down, that the UME, the Union Militaire Spaniel, or Spanish Military Union is born, which is right wing military association within the army. They are more or less underground and their first publication is really amazing. I read parts of it, I couldn't find the full text, but it was impassioned, to say the least. And shortly after, left wing military union is also born to counteract. Yes, silent war is brewing within the army. And that is why the new courts of the army, like the air force, they remain mainly loyal to the Republic, while the army sublimated almost completely.

[Carl Dahl]

And also. So not only is this military conspiracy taking place and in the right wing parties, as I pointed out, the the among the Carlists and the Falange on the left, the CNT and the and their FAI subdivision in particular are all in on. On getting ready for revolution. Largo Caballero and you know, other socialists and communists also begin to do the same thing. They start sending some of their trusted people to the, to the Soviet Union for training in the military.

[Morgor]

A lot of them, a lot of them mainly from the pce, but also from the socialists and the cnt. For example, Juan Negrin, which was a communist, he went to Russia and he became the joint between the socialist and the Russian agents in Spain. Also Enrique Lister, who received military training in Moscow and he also worked in the construction of Moscow subway because he was a stone cutter, but he received training and also political like political lessons in Moscow. A lot, well, a lot of the Spanish that went there were mainly from the political branch and they learned Russian so they could serve later as a liaison to communicate with Russian agents in Spain,

[Carl Dahl]

which is incredibly important. And it illustrates how the Soviet Union was able to essentially take over the the Republic so quickly when, when the civil war actually began and essentially own the army almost out of the gate like within what, a month and a half.

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[Carl Dahl]

Group Board prohibited by laws conditions 21/plus is 23 months more or less be very dominant. They, they essentially got to rebrand it and then when the Soviet supplies were coming in and all of a sudden they have these new uniforms with red rank insignia and red stars and commissars.

[Morgor]

And because. Because remember that the Republic after the sublimation took place, they had the marvelous idea of disbanding the army.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, that's right. And be militias only.

[Morgor]

And the problem is that because Athena tells it in a book is that absolutely everyone in Spain that remained loyal to the Republic wanted to do politics. They wanted to do the revolution. They wanted to do absolutely everything except making an army.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible.

[Morgor]

That is why the communists took such a preponderant role in the Republic. Because they were the main force that Built the army.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible. It's like. It's like drinking your own Kool Aid. Is the. Is the American term, of course, that being a reference to Jim Jones and their suicide cult.

[Morgor]

I mean, I think so. I think in England they say to hoist your own petard or something.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, yes, they do.

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[Carl Dahl]

We use that as well. So one of the really interesting things that. That happened among the. The socialists is that they got a lot of. So they began amassing their own weapons and munitions. The. The amassing of like dynamite stockpiles and blasting charges from the miners is really important. Yeah, the. The Asturian miners, although they had a huge anarchist bent, they were still incredibly important in the Republican military as sappers and like shock troops because of their familiarity with explosives.

[Morgor]

True. Because just during the revolution of October. Figures. I have it here. Figures said that they destroyed 57 bridges just in one month.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Morgor]

And for those that that might said. Oh, but they were like an Affenberger. They had an army that was 20,000 strong and they were planning on moving on Madrid. And because everyone in Madrid was afraid of them, they just sent the army to just rip them up. Yeah, because they said, okay, they might move on Madrid, but we don't know it. And they say, we will move on Madrid.

[Carl Dahl]

So the interesting thing is this was a. This was a mess. And this is on the tail end of the. Basically Prieto being pursued because he was the front man for a big order of weapons that were brought in from overseas. So he had to flee to France.

[Morgor]

Yeah, he's. His flight is funny. I will say. Very, very funny.

[Carl Dahl]

He waddles to the border.

[Morgor]

No, they essentially, at first he was hiding in the. In the home of a friend. Then he went to the home of another friend because he was afraid they will find him there. And he calls for like sergeant on the air force to. And tell him, okay, I have to flee the country. You have to help me. And the guy arrives, they chuck him in the back of his car, but he doesn't want to get in the. In the. God damn it, I forgot the word. The trunk of the car.

[Pete]

Oh.

[Morgor]

Because it is too hard. So they have to bring like the cushions of a sofa for him to be comfortable. And they drive to the border and because the driver is the sergeant of the air force, they just let him through and he flees to Paris.

[Carl Dahl]

Interesting.

[Morgor]

Yeah, it's interesting because he. At the first sign of trouble, he just dipped out. While Largo Caballero, knowing that he handed orders, he did a lot of speeches and all that he remained in Spain.

[Carl Dahl]

Huh. Interesting. So a lot is happening in this period. There's a law of amnesty that is signed in the summer of 1934. And the original intent supposedly was to pardon the people who were involved in the San jur Hada, the 1932 basically coup attempt the General San Jurjo tried to spearhead. But then it evolved into sweeping pardons for all kinds of political agitators.

[Morgor]

Yeah, it essentially evolved into that because it had. It was a law with retractive effect that said that political activities and agitation, proclamations and insurrections were essentially null and void from this date backwards.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, everything.

[Morgor]

So it was not specific. It was everything.

[Carl Dahl]

And then as you had pointed out, this is when, you know, this is right on the tail of this is when say, the demands to have some positions, even though the left was totally opposed to allowing them into any government organs.

[Morgor]

Not only the left, but also the center, the republicans, the people of the center, except the center right were opposed because they said, how are we going to let an enemy of the Republic within it?

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. So that triggers the Revolution of October 1934, which you pointed out. The, the Asturians going ham, the army goes in and Largo Caballero is involved in leadership of the socialist uprising, is arrested by the the Republic. In November there, there were again mass arrests. More than 20,000 people were arrested in relation to this, to this uprising. Again, this is among the socialist communists and anarchists. And the Republic is like, we can't really tolerate this. But the government doesn't really have substantial material evidence against the leaders of these parties. And Largo Caballero's trial is brought to the Supreme Court. The High Prosecutor of the Republic, Marcelino Valentin Gamazo, calls for Largo Caballero to be, you know, serve a term of life in prison. There's a long trial and then interestingly, he's cleared of all charges thanks to that law of amnesty of 1934, because all of his well documented demands for war and violence had become legally inadmissible in court because of that law of amnesty. We have a. We can touch on the. The speech that he gave in 1933, which was frankly the clearest explanation of his. His intent or like his willingness to. To where he could take things.

[Morgor]

I mean, I have here a quote he gave in 1931, by the way, it is important that he said this attempt of dissolving the Cortes for lack of majority would be assigned the pesoi and the UGT would take as a provocation to start a new revolutionary movement. I cannot accept that possibility. It would be like challenging the party and forcing us to start a Civil War in 1931.

[Pete]

Yeah,

[Carl Dahl]

and he echoes those terms in his 33 speech as well. So again, that's legally inadmissible because of this law of amnesty. So he's released from jail in December of 1935. The High Prosecutor resigns in disgust. But he is not forgotten by the socialists. So this is right when that center right coalition government is about to collapse.

[Morgor]

Yes. What, what happened is that Alejandro Laroux was involved in two corruption scandals, like very quickly, in just a month. And that caused a huge crisis within the party. And seeing that essentially Hill Robles said, okay, if this guy cannot be the president, I'll be the president. And Niceto Alcalazamora, which was the president of Parliament, said no. So he dissolved the Cortes and called for new elections. That was what happened.

[Carl Dahl]

And that brings us into these spring elections of 1936.

[Morgor]

Yes, very quickly.

[Carl Dahl]

Which is what triggers, you know, this. Everything is just accelerating at this point. And so Largo Caballero in his campaigns, his campaign speeches is. He's essentially saying we need to utterly remove the right from having any power and getting a little more aggressive. Like we have to crush the bourgeoisie. How do you pronounce bourgeoisie in. In Spanish?

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[Carl Dahl]

Chumba Casino Oh, Borges. Okay, that makes sense.

[Morgor]

Regarding the election, I have very, very short quote here. He said in the 23rd, 23rd of January for us to not repeat again the events of 14 of April where the people showed their enthusiasm, but not their justice. It is necessary for the people on the right to know firsthand what popular justice is and to be punished for their inexorable failures.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible. And he essentially said, we won't accept an electoral defeat of the left that would result in a civil war.

[Morgor]

Again he said several times.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, totally like, he's totally saying, like, even if they are legally elected, we won't accept it, it's unacceptable to us, and we will go to war. Yet the official framing this is from. He becomes the president of the Prime Minister, rather of the Republic. And you know, but again, it's this right wing extremists who are the. The ones that Are that are out of line.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

So they win in a Popular Front election, which is essentially a vast coalition of left wingers where everyone agrees you're going to vote for the Popular Front candidate. There's a great deal of violence, coercion, destruction of property, and very obvious electoral fraud in many places. The. Let's see. So, interestingly so, Azanya enacts a state of emergency to halt local elections that are planned for April. He suspends the Constitution. And I characterize this as creating a state of anarcho tyranny where the left is permitted to run rampant while the right was essentially legally helpless. The. The. The declaration of. Of Largo Caballero that like they're delegitimizing and crushing the. The left, or excuse me, crushing the right is. Is actually taking place under the illusion of it being a legitimate government activity to do this.

[Morgor]

But you have to consider that Athena did not do it because he wanted to crush the right wing or he wanted to aid the socialists. He just did it because he didn't want to lose his seat. It's essentially that. Because if the right one, again, the Republic was done.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, he.

[Morgor]

And he didn't want that to happen. So he would rather have the left run rampant in Spain than to let his vanity project be destroyed. And he knew that if he acted against the acts of the left, the coalition would be destroyed, new elections, the right would win, and they would eventually destroy the Republic.

[Carl Dahl]

Which is a fair point. The right was completely opposed to the Republic at this point in time. Like, they felt that it was, you know, illegitimate from the start. And I think we've shown how illegitimate it was, you know, through, you know, many other podcasts, but this one in particular, the. The way that the left behaves at this point is they say we don't care. Like any right wing election is illegitimate because we say it is.

[Morgor]

Yeah, happens too often.

[Carl Dahl]

So it's interesting because in the spring of 1936, Largo Caballero, basically there's a rift between him and more moderate people within the psoe. Although Largo Caballero retains the support of their power base, really, he's still very popular. He's this very seasoned senior leader within the party. He proclaims a desire to formally join the Communist International, as well as to formally establish a relationship with the Soviet regime. Again, this is before the military uprising and then during his speeches and political events in this period. He displays portraits of Stalin, communist flags, and he closes every event by singing the International. Again, this is just a left Wing elected Republic. He had become the de facto PS O E party leader. And the more moderate socialists are sidelined completely.

[Morgor]

Yeah, mainly Julian Bastardo. He was the main preponderant who, by the way, I forgot to point this is in. In response to the revolution of October, he said, and I quote verbatim, let it be known that the fascist threat is not represented by Theta, but by Largo Caballero and his supporters that nurture it.

[Carl Dahl]

Interesting.

[Morgor]

Yeah. Besteiro was since the beginning opposed to the communists. And he was relegated to complete irrelevancy very quickly.

[Carl Dahl]

So the military uprising happened July 17, 1936. Largo Caballero was made the leader of the Republic In September of 1936, at the age of 19. At the age of 67. Excuse me.

[Morgor]

Yes. Before. Before he took. He took possession. There was the two other presidents, by the way, when the uprising took place, Casares Kiroga essentially resigned and Diego Martinez Barrio took the presidency. He tried to negotiate with the sublimated generals. He failed and he resigned. And the new one, Jose Giral, was the guy that disbanded the army and handed weapons to the population. When he saw that the country, the Republic, was in complete anarchy, he also resigned. Oops. Yeah. I mean, a lot of the republicans were expecting that by disbanding the army, the sublimated would like stop.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. That the uprising would just disappear because they had declared the army disbanded.

[Morgor]

Yeah. But in what it did is that a lot of in the sized officers and soldiers defects. Because I have no more obligation to you. Bye.

[Pete]

Bye.

[Carl Dahl]

And it's really important to understand that right at the time of the uprising, the deals that the Anglophone world, the British and Americans, the business deals that they had with Spain and the military in particular, as it related to like trucks and fuel and tires and things of that nature, immediately British and all the British and American companies said, we recognize the. The Spanish nationalist, the military uprising, the rebel forces as the people that we have the deal with. And so we will provide this to them on credit. So there was no. There was no tether between the republican government and the military and their kind of key sources of these supplies from outside of the country. It was over like right at the jump. And so there was nothing they could do about that. At this point. Largo Caballero was only the leader of the Republic for eight months. He would stay in power until May 1937. But the interesting thing is that he. He essentially attempted direct control of the entire army. But the. The records of this are very unclear there. There's A, there's a distinct lack of documentation. Probably burned long ago, you know, at some point at this, that or period

[Morgor]

that or essentially there are multiple sources that said that he did this. Another one said oh, he didn't do it, but he knew it. Another said oh he didn't do it and he didn't know about it, but he was informed later. It's a lot of confusion and at the end of the day you really don't know exactly what happened like with the gold of Moscow or the execution of Primo de Rivera, because there is multiple people that say that oh, he authorized it or he didn't do it.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. And it's, and this is where the breakdown of like the people who attempt to own the narrative or direct the narrative on the subject of the Spanish Civil War, it always falls apart because during this period the, you know, there was a very strong like Republican government narrative that kind of shifted as soon as the, the Soviet control of it was so obvious. And so they started retconning that, you know, all these kind of state socialist parties and more moderate, you know, people were, it was, it was taken over. That's kind of a, an Orwell orientation or like the anarchy, you know, they scapegoat the anarchists. And then in the 60s, later 60s, you know, they, you know, especially when the, the left and the hard left turned against the Soviet Union, they started attempting to resuscitate the anarchists. And then in the 90s and aughts like you have Anthony Beaver who is a, you know, he's essentially playing choose your own Spanish civil war and you know, saying well really like ideologically the anarchists and like there were these subset of like cool anarchists that were, that were really kind of just libertarians and, and, and hippies and like they were the really good guys, but just all these bad people and extremists were the problem. It's, it's totally ridiculous.

[Morgor]

Well, the way you said it, it explains why there was a resurgence in terrorist activity in the 60s in Spain.

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[Morgor]

A lot of anarchist groups started to just sprout around here. It was also the time when ETA was born.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, that's right, that's right. So Largo Caballero, again, as you pointed out, the army was essentially disbanded. There were all these militias and random political parties and, and people who were armed. You know, the workers were armed. Right. They just opened up the arsenals to them. They had no idea what they were doing. So Largo Caballero attempted to centralize the army command and then put professional soldiers in charge of the leftist militias and like incorporate them into the army, which really, it took some time for that to happen, but they really started, you know, having success in that area in the spring, which is around the same time that the, that the Right did the same thing where they, where they unified. Yeah, yeah, with all the militias under the, under the central command of the army.

[Morgor]

Yeah, with the decree of unification.

[Carl Dahl]

Indeed. And then, but to back up a little bit, the Soviet Union did, as we pointed out, that there was not only a proclaimed relationship directly between the Spanish Republican government and the Soviet Union, but the Soviet Union. Their policy was that, like this, the Republic would fall without the aid of the Soviets. So by mid September 1936, the first shipment of military material and personnel, quote, unquote, advisors, but literally, like first round, you know, equipment operators, armored cars, tanks, aircraft, and then a hodgepodge of some good weapons and some, like a lot of crap, frankly, flowed as well as the implementation. The institution of the International Brigades, managed by the Communist International were flowing and

[Morgor]

talking about the Communist International. The General Secretary of the International, Gregory Dimitrov, sent the 23 July instructions to the Communist Party of Spain. And I read exactly at the present, we should not undertake the task of creating Soviets and establishing a proletariat dictatorship in Spain. That would be a fatal mistake. Thus we proclaim that we must act under the guise of defending the Republic.

[Carl Dahl]

Indeed. And this balancing act is really well explained, or a contradiction, I should say, is really well explained by some other material that we have in here. There's, there's testimony from Alexander Orlov, who was the leader of the NKVD in Spain. And then the Soviet ambassador, Rosenberg was serving as a political liaison. There's all kinds of really interesting confessions that Orlov made after he defected to the us. He provided testimony to the Eastland Senate Judiciary Committee. In 1957 that are like, very good records of what Stalin's secret police were doing in Spain. And, you know, essentially reinforcing, you know, the testimony about what was going on in Spain under the NKVD and the, the sim, you know, what the, the communist political parties were doing in Spain to, to everyone. And what I want to do is jump down past, you know, the, the gold that went to Moscow, like when all of the, the precious metal reserves were sent out of Spain. 72.6% to Moscow, the remainder going to France for arms purchases. Total joke. And just the. The NKVD going wild and just killing all kinds of people that, if you'll recall the, the prosecutor who had led the prosecution of Largo Caballero in 1935, Marcelino Valentin, was executed, you know, in a very like, haphazard way. Judges who didn't play ball to the degree and a lot of times it was just revenge, not even trying to get them to do anything. But there was a big cleanup. 128 judiciary magistrates were murdered. Two members of the Supreme Court were murdered. And sometimes it was done very haphazardly by just death squads. Other times they were, like, arrested and then executed.

[Morgor]

Yeah, a lot of the early executions were just impromptu. The militia arrives, they take you to a desolate place and they just shoot you. As the war dragged on, they became more subtle about it.

[Carl Dahl]

And so here's where I wanted to reinforce the point you made about the official Soviet position. And this is a letter from Stalin, December 1936, as to, like, what Largo Caballero's job was and where their framing came from. I'm just going to quote here and read for a bit. We consider that it is our duty within our capabilities to aid the Spanish government. You lead the fight of all workers and the forces of democracy against the military fascist army that are nothing more than a tool of the international fascist forces. Remember at this point, the. The Germans had provided airlift, and the Germans and Italians had provided airlift, and there was. This was just the very beginning of, you know, military aid and forces from Germany and Italy going into. Into Spain as well. Just very beginning of it. The Spanish Revolution is taking a much different path than ours. The vastly different social, historical and geographical conditions determine it. The international climate is vastly different than the one in the Russian Revolution. It is quite possible that the parliamentary way is a far more efficient revolutionary process in Spain than it was in Russia. Although Largo Caballero disagreed, I'll point out you should pay special attention to peasants due to the significance they have in a country like Spain. It would be advisable to issue decrees relative to agrarian patterns and to taxation in order to protect the interests of these workers. It would also be advisable to draw these peasants toward the armed forces and build with them a guerrilla army to fight in the rear of the fascist army. Army as well. It would be convenient to draw towards the government the petty and middle bourgeoisie from the cities, or if possible, allow them to remain neutral as long as they favor the government and protect them against confiscations by ensuring within your means, free trade and commerce. You must not reject the leaders of the republican parties. On the contrary, you should draw them in and associate them with the common efforts of the government. You need to avoid being seen as a communist republic by the enemies of Spain to dismantle their declared intervention. Fueling their rightful claims would be the worst danger for the Spanish Republic. You must seek the chance to declare through all means available to the government that you will not tolerate the violation of rights against the property or legitimate interests of foreigners in Spain. So this is Stalin telling Largo Caballero, you know how his revolution is going to be. That you know, you can't, you can't do this now. You can, you can. What you need to do is put on the facade that this is a functional democratic government, because we need other European countries to come to the rescue of the Republic via military aid or direct intervention. Then after the war is won, you can implement your, your revolution. You can implement your communist regime or socialist regime. So interestingly, Largo Caballero formally replies in January of 1937 and essentially says, I agree with your recommended strategies. And then he says, quote, whatever may be the future of the parliamentary form, it does not possess among us or even among the Republicans, enthusiastic defenders. So at this point, the Republic and the republicans saw the republican model of government as a failure.

[Morgor]

In fact, most center and center right politicians started to support, support the uprising, started to support the nationals.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. And so I'm going to skim a little more here. Largo Caballero agreed with, like the PCE and, and the, the Soviets that yes, I'll displace the anarchists. But then he realized by the end of January 1937 already, and along with members of his cabinet, the communists were leveraging his cooperation to destroy the power of all the non communist leftist parties as well as to suppress their influence among the public by incarcerating and murdering their leaders. So that you know, Stalin's, Stalin's forces as well as their, their Spanish allies in the Spanish Communist Party are essentially violating the terms of what they said that they were doing on the ground at the low level, but they're keeping a handful of figureheads up at the top while wasting everyone who goes against them. And the crazy thing is in the militias and in the military, in the army, out in the field, this was incredibly violent. It was incredibly violent and continued to be so. Largo Carbillero recognized that despite all this framing, that the PCE and Rosenberg, the Soviet ambassador, were just hammering him, just do what we say. Just do what we say. Just do what we say. Just do what we say. And so, you know, it's really interesting that he realized that he was nothing but a puppet at this point. And interestingly, he decided to resist by expelling Rosenberg from Spain and sending him back to. To the Soviet Union.

[Pete]

The

[Carl Dahl]

in rather than a direct confrontation with him and his party and the government, the response from the Soviets and the PCE is to go after, you know, the quote, unquote, Trotskyite P. The Marxist Unification Workers Party, which was the party that Orwell was, you know, associated with just because of his international connections. And Largo Caballero refused to move against them because he saw them as an integral part of that leftist coalition in Catalonia where they were just barely hanging on by a thread, keeping them working with the central government.

[Morgor]

Yeah, because a thing that not a lot of people know is that in Catalonia it was because the anarchists were the main ruling force there. They installated kind of a system of like libertarian anarcho communism. It's hard, it's hard to define, like they abolish private property, money. If you needed something, you could demand it from the government. It was all over the place. And it was at the beginning it was enforced mainly by Durutti and the Durutti column as they advanced to Aragon. But in Catalonia it was mainly enforced by the agents of the cnt. And the poem were also an integral part of the government in Catalonia.

[Carl Dahl]

And the, the need to hold this coalition together. This, you know, this Catalonia was already on the, the verge of.

[Morgor]

Yeah. Breaking another civil war was brewing up.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, exactly, exactly. So the, the Soviets and communists claimed that the POUM were in contact with Franco's spies and were essentially, you know, Francoist collaborators, if not fascist, you know, secret fascists themselves, which is obviously ridiculous. But the whole, the whole idea here is that they're whittling away this, this coalition and, and the authority that Largo Caballero held. And so in the events of May when they basically. There was a civil war in Barcelona when they went after the. The CNT and the P.O. um, the, you know, this, this really did it. And the, the anarchists fought against the Communists more than the PO um did in terms of like sheer numbers. Again, a lot of it being ideologically driven as well as understanding what the Soviets were and what the communists were and always having been opposed to them for. For decades, frankly, in, in their, in their ideology. And so this was used by the communists to really be an excuse to go after even more people who are their enemies in the party. They. They took care of the poum. They essentially liquidated the leadership in, in horrific ways.

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[Morgor]

Yeah, he was arrested. They moved. They moved him to Madrid for interrogation and then they proceed to. To torture him. And he died during the torture.

[Carl Dahl]

And this was really the way that they operated with all of their enemies. A totally illegitimate system. So Largo Caballero, like he knew the gig was up. He. But he was pressured to and ultimately ended up resigning in May 1937 to May 16.

[Morgor]

Important, important to note that Largo Caballero, his resignation, The key component to his resignation was in Dale Prieto who stabbed him in the back in order to get rid of him. He was a key because the moderates in the Socialist Party went against Largo Caballero.

[Carl Dahl]

It's very interesting, but it's so strange because they're essentially, it's a reaction to a situation that the moderates themselves aren't going to be able to keep control, keep under control either. Right?

[Morgor]

Yeah, but the thing is that the moderates actually thought, okay, if we get rid of Largo Caballero, who is a radical, and he's driving us into this, maybe we can fix it with a moderate candidate. They proposed Prieto, but he was rejected. And they chose Juan Negrin, who was arguably worse than Largo Caballero because he collaborated with the communists willingly,

[Carl Dahl]

like enthusiastically even.

[Morgor]

Yeah, to a certain degree he did. And he also did the thing. He crushed the Catalonian independence government and he jailed absolutely everyone involved with it as well. So he, he was harsh. He was harsh and he did everything he could to keep the communists behind him.

[Carl Dahl]

So the interesting thing is Largo Caballero is removed from the government and his leadership position in the psoe. He was still a member of the UGT labor union at this point. And my understanding is that he ended up going to Catalonia because it was safer for him, essentially. Is that correct?

[Morgor]

Yes, he was. He went to Barcelona, essentially.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. And so he became a vocal opponent of the communists and was calling out what was taking place

[Pete]

in.

[Carl Dahl]

Not long later, in the autumn of 1937, he was expelled from the UGT labor union. They claimed that he was not paying his party dues. Then he was arrested, put under house arrest. All of his funds, documents and properties that he had earned, you know, while working in the UGT. Again, remember, he had been a politician for what, 35 years?

[Morgor]

About between 30 and 40 years.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah. And so they took everything and he was essentially penniless. The UGT was essentially disbanded at this point or dismantled, and he was just stuck there, you know, unable to really do anything. So of course this is, you know, it isn't long until the nationalists were advancing on Catalonia. So in January 1939, after the, the Battle of the Ebro broke the, the military around Catalonia, he and many, many other people fled Barcelona for the French border. And he just had nothing at this point. And so he was, you know, dependent on the goodwill of wealthy friends and people, you know, keeping his head above water. He did not steal with the huge, you know, he didn't steal away with a big fortune seized from, you know, illicit activities.

[Morgor]

Unlike two other people that I know about.

[Carl Dahl]

Prieto was one and Nigrin was the other, and Niggering was the other.

[Morgor]

Create essentially stole like $50 million from Negrine because Niggering sent a yacht with stolen goods to, to Mexico. And they were in transit when the Republic fell and the crew didn't knew what, what to do with everything. So Prieto took the advantage and seized the money.

[Carl Dahl]

Wild.

[Morgor]

Yeah. And essentially after the war, each one had their own organization and they were, they were like, I have letters that they sent each other and you can, you can feel that seething resentment they have for each other reading those letters. It is insane.

[Carl Dahl]

That's hilarious. So at this point, you know, Largo Caballero is stuck in France. There are people advocating that he, you know, relocate to South America, like so many people in the Spanish Republic did. The anarchists did. A lot of them went to Mexico. And one, on the one hand, he like, really couldn't afford to do it, but he also didn't want to be that far away from Spain. So, you know, Germany invades France. Largo Caballero was apprehended by French authorities. A lot of other high profile, you know, Republican political figures were also imprisoned, interestingly. So the, the Franco regime demanded a return of all of their, you know, political opponents so they could be tried for their crimes against the nation. But the French authorities did not do so.

[Morgor]

But the thing is that the French authorities extradited some.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah, that's a good point.

[Morgor]

Like Luis Companis, which was the president of the Catalonian. Of the Catalonian independent regime. And they just hand him over with little fanfare. But they didn't do it with Largo Caballero or Frederica Monseni and also other anarchists and socialists that were living in France. It's, it's very peculiar

[Carl Dahl]

and it's one of those things where we don't seem to have good explanations as to why. Why the one and not the other.

[Morgor]

Well, I understand regarding companies, I have a theory. It's a little bit her reign and it is essentially because the French really don't like the Catalonian independentists because they have pretensions to land in France.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, yes. Because of historical patterns from hundreds of years ago.

[Morgor]

Yeah.

[Carl Dahl]

If not.

[Morgor]

And I think they handed him over kind of because of that.

[Carl Dahl]

That makes sense. That makes sense. Yeah. There's what. It's about a 40 kilometer wide strip of the Mediterranean and northwards. That is the old Catalonian kingdom.

[Morgor]

That's not kingdom. Catalonia was never a kingdom, it was a county that were vassals to all of them.

[Carl Dahl]

That's right, that's right, that's right.

[Morgor]

But yeah, it is essentially that they have pretensions to that land in France and also to the south in Valencia. It is, I mean, complicated.

[Carl Dahl]

I never told you this, but when I was in Spain, you know, many moons ago, I was on a bus from Barcelona headed down to. Because I was going to go to Khedive and. Yeah, and so it was really, it was really funny because there was a very loud Catalan woman on, on the bus and she started arguing with a bunch. She was talking very loudly about how the Catalans invented everything. And so people are laughing and the, the funniest thing was that she claimed that they invented opera. And everyone's laughing and they're like, that's so ridiculous. And then she started singing opera and she had a beautiful voice and she like immediately captivated everyone and within like 20 seconds everyone was applauding. It was, it was absolutely hilarious. It was absolutely hilarious.

[Morgor]

I mean, with that attitude, it's kind of a general attitude that Some Catalonians have. And it's a reason why a lot of people in Spain don't like them.

[Pete]

Yeah.

[Morgor]

Even because. Well, a little bit of sidetrack. A lot of people right now in Spain hate Catalonians a lot because of something the government is doing. Yes. I won't go into details because it's very long topic.

[Carl Dahl]

Maybe another time.

[Morgor]

Yes.

[Carl Dahl]

So, okay, so at this point, Largo Caballero is not sent to Spain. However, he is handed over to the Gestapo and is imprisoned eventually in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp at age 71 and in poor health. And he spends the next several years in the prison hospital until he's liberated by the Red army in 1944. At this point, he is just like broken, completely jaded. Yes. He. He dies of kidney failure in January 1940, or, excuse me, in March 1946 while renal colic, and is utterly. He's been utterly impoverished and living in just horrible conditions for, you know, about six years, five or six years at this point. And he was buried in Paris, but in 1978, in the post Franco pact of forgetting era, he's reinterred in Madrid.

[Morgor]

A lot of exiles, Spanish exiles, it happened that with them, they, they died in South America or they died in France and they asked to later be interred in Spain. It happened with way too many of them.

[Carl Dahl]

And I, and I think the, you know, you made, you made some interesting observations to wrap this up about, you know, he was no Dolores Ibarui, who was just a loathsome psycho. Yeah, he was. You can see, you can see how he got radicalized. You can, and you can be a little more sympathetic given, you know, the way that he grew up, you know, his hard life, the conditions that he just had to like, deal with on a regular basis, and frankly, his very seemingly earnest attempts to like, work with the system peacefully. And, you know, he had some small, some small successes, but they were very small successes. And he just became bitter and more radical and jaded as time went by. But it's. It. The interesting, the most interesting thing to me is I just get this impression from everything that he almost thought it was a waste, like. And, and he never wrote memoirs. He never, you know, he wasn't. You know, we have, we have memoirs from pretty much the entire leadership of the cnt and they're really interesting. But like Largo Caballero, only biographers can take him on because we have his speeches and we have the testimony of other people, but he just seems like he became a very different man over time.

[Morgor]

Yeah, you can see that change essentially with the, with the dictatorship, with his refusal to work with the government. That is kind of, it's kind of like he saw that whenever he tried, whenever he tried to concede to aid or to collaborate with the government, someone would put a roadblock in front of him. It's the impression that he gives me that no matter what he proposed, even if it was good or maybe others considered misguided or something like that, he saw that there was always someone out to prevent him from achieving his goals. And it's probably a good part of what drove him towards being more radical in general.

[Carl Dahl]

And I think we can wrap this up by quoting from his 1933 speech and his infamous November 1933 speech in Badajos, where this is, remember this is in the campaign season. He was a member of the provisional government. He was the head of the Ministry of Labor. And that. But they also saw this looming like right wing victory that would destroy not only the republic, but their aspirations to implement a socialist regime. And so the really interesting thing here is that I'm trying to find the best spot to jump off on. Yeah, okay, here it is. So this is where we see a lot of the, the kind of bitterness in this speech. So I'm going to jump ahead and explain his position here from this speech quoting. He says the Spanish people have seen that rather than be thankful for their peaceful ways, the enemy comes back to enslave them. Do not be surprised that history repeats itself and we must return to a revolutionary movement, a violent one, and the blame will be upon them. The Socialist Party joined the provisional government as a minority with a duty to fulfill. We have accomplished all of our objectives.

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[Carl Dahl]

Terms and Conditions 21 plus funny even more. We allowed some of our political fellows to not fulfill theirs and for all the sake of the Republic, so it wouldn't fall like the first one from the 19th century, I should say. Back then we thought that we were the backbone of the Republic and it was our duty to consolidate it. And that is why we accepted this, the decision the provisional government would immediately reconvene the Cortes. That was the second mistake of the Spanish Republic. In other words, here's this republic we're going to put in Place Republican, you know, principles and a republican form of government. So he's, you know, talking out both sides of his mouth right here. We prematurely joined the Cortez before carrying out our revolution, only to be cast out by the Parliament. Nobody will be surprised if in similar circumstances, the people join a premature call to Parliament only to be cast out once more. So he's essentially saying in this election period, like we're wasting our time by voting for parliamentarians and working with a parliamentarian government. Protests against this were only levied when we began to implement social laws. Laws or social reforms. Did they think that we were in the government to defend partisan interests? Wasn't our duty, first and foremost to triumph for the working class? That is what we did. But our legislation wasn't enforced, and yet we tolerated it. And then we tolerated the obstruction of our reforms in Parliament later on. We tolerated all this, convinced that the Republic was necessary for the working class class to go above and beyond. And that's when the campaign of lies and slander began. A campaign carried out by those who very soon will come begging us for help to defend the Republic. And I will ask them, why are you attacking us if you will soon beg us for help? Think about it. Don't you see that they represent nothing in Spain? You do not represent anything because you aren't backed by the conscious working masses. Think. Because I will say that the Republic will not stand without the Socialists, and he cannot rule without the Socialists. You made the mistake of rushing into elections because you thought that the votes in our favor were from the Republicans. But as soon as Parliament was dissolved, you realized this was false, that the working class is with the Socialists more than ever. And if you could, you would not hold elections because you know that the Socialists would gain even more seat in Parliament. Parliament. So how interesting is it that he's complaining not about the right wing, but he's talking about the left Republicans stymieing and being the chief opposition to the Socialists. We have a similar talking points on the right that. That the enemy of, like our thinking is conservatives. It's incredible. An incredibly interesting parallel. He's not even talking about the real enemies. He's talking about being backstabbed by the moderate Republicans.

[Pete]

That just sounds way too familiar.

[Morgor]

Way too familiar.

[Pete]

I mean, it's a. History doesn't repeat itself, but it's a script. If the script works, do it over and over again.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, exactly. And so this is really interesting. As he closes it, I'm going to skip ahead a tiny little bit that he's essentially saying, he says, therein lies the mistake of the Republicans. They believe that the political struggle is separate from the economic struggle and that the worker cannot even collaborate with his boss in political activity. Now in these elections, they will realize a mistake that will cost them dearly. That sounds pretty familiar right now. And then he says, the candidates of the anti Marxist front is composed of fascists, monarchists, conservatives and radical republicans. And I ask you, is there a difference between any of them? None. Even worse, these last ones are the worst because the radicals are the ones are who facilitating the return of the monarchy. You don't have to look further than who defended March in the Cortes.

[Morgor]

March being a banker, businessman and a smuggler.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes. Who was a huge financier of the. Of the uprising.

[Morgor]

Even though during the Republic, he played on both sides. But it was when the socialists went after him that he said, oh, I got to. I got to save myself from these people.

[Carl Dahl]

March isn't a Spanish surname, is it?

[Morgor]

He is from Baleares.

[Carl Dahl]

That's right. Yes.

[Morgor]

And important to know. He was originally a pig farmer. It is incredible that he got to the top of the Spanish economy just as a pig farmer.

[Carl Dahl]

Amazing. So there's all this stuff about the radicals collaborating.

[Morgor]

And by the way, the radicals here, it doesn't mean radicals, it means the center right.

[Carl Dahl]

The Larue.

[Morgor]

Yes.

[Carl Dahl]

Yeah.

[Morgor]

Because a lot of people think, oh, well, the radicals, they are radical, but no, it's just the center right.

[Carl Dahl]

But it's interesting because I had read some of his speeches from like 30 years prior, and he was very radical. He was talking about like raping nuns and like burning the country to the ground and stuff like that. Totally wild how as soon as. As soon he became a, like a real serious political operator and manipulator.

[Morgor]

Yeah. I mean, Leroux was a journalist, so it shouldn't surprise you,

[Carl Dahl]

all journalists, like

[Morgor]

I told you, almost everyone in. In the Second Republic was a journalist. Almost everyone, except on the right wing. Everyone were. Where? All of them were lawyers.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, absolutely. That's. That's a really good point.

[Morgor]

Calvo Sotello was a lawyer. Hill Robles was a lawyer. Primo de Rivera was a lawyer. Manuel Falconde was a lawyer. The Count of Rodezno was a lawyer. Everyone was a lawyer.

[Carl Dahl]

Incredible.

[Morgor]

Yeah, surprising.

[Carl Dahl]

Well, let's bring this home. I will go through some of the spiciest parts of this speech. And he says, here we go. At that moment, everyone will unite against us. But we will tell them if you do not allow workers to obtain their demands, Through Parliament, you are casting us out from the law. You're proving that the democratic institutions are unfit to achieve our goals. Because the working class will not be content with mere laws. From now on, we will fight to take over political power. Don't let our enemies twist our words. Since I will speak frankly, we are going for all political power in making these statements. We are not content with just having two socialist ministers and the government benches. That is not enough to govern. And this comes from a man who has been a minister for two and a half years. You don't rule just by being a minister. You need more tools. Every single minister must be socialist. We must take over the judiciary, which is in the hands of the bourgeois. Every single enforcement agency of the state, but not the current tools created by the monarchy, but the ones created by our socialist regime. So he's essentially saying that the Republic inherited, you know, tools of the monarchy that are still run by the bourgeoisie and their collaborators. For a proper socialist regime, we must have every agency and every tool within our grasp. And some will say that is nothing more than the dictatorship of the proletariat. But do we live in a democracy today? Don't we live in a bourgeois dictatorship who owns the army, law enforcement, and all other government institutions? But the bourgeois even more. The bourgeois own the machines, the lands, the means of production. And when they see the working class rebel against their oppression, they have the tools to doom us to starvation and poverty. That is why we declare we are not willing to continue this situation. We want to hold all political power, much like the bourgeois have done until now. And don't anyone dare say that the working class doesn't know how to rule. So it is incredible. It is absolutely incredible that he. That he comes right out. And then he goes on to say, we are attacked because we want to abolish private property. And they are right. We do not hide our intentions. We will destroy the regime of private property. We are attacked. Attacked because we are the enemies of the family. And we answer, they are the enemies of the family. They destroy working families by forcing women and children to work long hours, exploiting their fathers and husbands and dooming them to starvation. We, as socialists, wish families could be as we believe they should be, free from economic burden. Pretty appealing.

[Morgor]

Yeah, very much.

[Carl Dahl]

Pretty. Pretty appealing. And so, you know, as you go through this, you know, he really. He really says that everyone here is basically saying, if we're barred from parliament, we will turn against it. He says, our enemies have already begun this war. Their voice, Gil Robles, Says that if they are barred from Parliament, they will turn against it. So be it. We respond. We are moving legally towards the evolution of society. But if you wish so, we will make the revolution violently. This, our enemies will say, is inciting civil war. But let's be honest, we are already in a civil war. What else is the constant war between employers and workers which takes place every day? We are in the midst of a civil war. Let's not be blind to it. So, you know, despite everything else that he says where he's like, we just need to prepare and this is we what, how we need to think about things, etc. But really what he's saying, what I think is most important is that he's saying we don't believe in the Republic, our enemies don't believe in the Republic. The only people who believe in the Republic don't really believe in the Republic and are just using it to, you know, to manipulate us.

[Morgor]

Or like I said in the case of Athena, is a vanity project.

[Carl Dahl]

Yes, yes. So, like, none of these people, none of these people believed in the Republic. I, I just don't, I don't see a compelling case that there's like there were real ideological true believers who were willing to compromise at this point. I mean, who were promoting the Republic.

[Morgor]

I mean, at the beginning, the, the army was willing to give the Republic a shot, but because the Republican politicians didn't trust the generals and officers from the monarchy and tried to make them bend to their will, they ended up pissing them off since the very start. Because, remember, the Republic got instituted because the army sided with them. Just remember they were willing to give it a shot and they were essentially stabbed in the back.

[Carl Dahl]

None of these people working in good faith with one another. That's like the biggest thing that jumps out to me.

[Morgor]

Yes. Because, I mean, I could talk at length about what happened, because there is a lot a huge web of intrigues between the politicians and the army during the Republic. And one thing is, of course, you wonder, okay, why did the man that essentially swore obedience to the presence of the Republic proclaim a coup d' etat two years after he essentially said hail the Republic? You gotta think, because Sanjurjo, essentially, at first, he was obedient to the Republic, but the Republicans didn't trust him and started closing his military academies. They, they discharged him. They discharged him. They set him to reserve. They stripped him of Frank. And I mean, you see that happening and. Are you not going to be angry?

[Carl Dahl]

Exactly. It's, it's, it's Amazing.

[Morgor]

And they did the same with essentially almost all of the sublimated generals. They did the same to them. Then you wonder, okay, they had it coming because they, they pissed off the people that they shouldn't.

[Carl Dahl]

It's, It's. They couldn't help themselves. Is. It's like everyone thought it was the all patriots go moment, you know, and. And all the different factions were competing with one another.

[Morgor]

But you got. You got to think that at first, the army just came out of that period where they were at odds with the king, and they said, okay, we're gonna give a shot to these guys if they don't mess with us too much. Because politicians before were messing a lot with the army. We're going to give it a shot. And they discovered, unfortunately, that the politicians of the Republic were even worse than the ones before, because between the religious laws, they also forced them to. To swear allegiance to the Republic. They foreclosed military academies. They also raised the. The requirements to access certain ranks in the army. Like, you needed to have a college degree to reach certain ranks. It was huge. And of course, they didn't like this. And also, that is not counting all the new people that the Republic and also the socialist and communists were shoveling in the army.

[Carl Dahl]

That makes sense. Yeah.

[Pete]

I really hope that people, you know, we're two hours, 15 minutes into this. Carl and I have done hours on this subject, and I hope that people. If people haven't figured it out by now, I hope they can, you know, or at least figuring it out now, why this is a subject we're talking about. Because, you know, I'm sitting here and listening to you guys have a conversation to guys who know a lot more about the subject than I do. And I'm just going, well, that's. That's today. That's today.

[Carl Dahl]

Exactly.

[Pete]

That's relevant to today. That's relevant to today. Okay. So, you know, I guess the question comes down to is, you have this information, it's happened before, you get an idea of where this can lead to. Well, what do you do about it? And, you know, that's probably not something we want to talk about on a podcast, but, you know, it's something that people have to start thinking about.

[Morgor]

I mean, that is why I think this is. The articles that I've been doing are a public service announcement. You know, it is absolutely. It is an interesting period of time, but you have to know. You have to know, and then you will see.

[Carl Dahl]

Absolutely. Well, thank you again for not only writing these pieces, doing all the work that you do to find the material through Spanish sources, which we're just constantly, you know, reading everything that we can find about this topic, but we're constantly finding new stuff. Just has never been in English or if it is, it's incredibly obscure and out of print.

[Morgor]

I mean, in some cases even in the Spanish is obscure. And I sometimes can only find part of the text and not the full text. Like I've been trying to find the instructiones reservadas, the private instructions which were the letter with the fundamentals for the sublimation. I was trying to get them translated, but I only can find parts of it, not the full text. It's. It's a shame.

[Carl Dahl]

Very, very interesting.

[Pete]

Well, it's still a valuable. What you're doing here is valuable and you know, we, we appreciate it. You know, you can. You can only machine translate so much. You know, you have to be able to. The idiom. Idioms are the hardest thing to figure out when you're translating, which is why like German is one of those languages. It's almost impossible to translate into English.

[Morgor]

But yeah, and I'm thankful that it's. It's appreciated. Really motivates me to keep going.

[Pete]

Awesome. Awesome. Well, head on over to Carl's substack. It's got it open somewhere right here. What the hell is it called again? Carl? I thought I had it.

[Carl Dahl]

Karlahl.substack.com yeah k r l d a h l.substack.com and if morgor is the author of an article, I always lead with that. But it's generally the now and then series. Is. Is his series. We have another one coming up that I'll put up this week.

[Morgor]

Yeah, that also took me a while to make because I had to sift through quite a few things while doing it. In some cases I had to hunt for the news articles because I knew there were some of them and I wanted to get them there.

[Carl Dahl]

Well, it's great that we have the Internet and not only can we meet each other that way, but we can find this incredibly important historical material. So yeah, thanks again for your collaboration. Appreciate your time here. Well done by the way. Thanks so much and I look forward to working with you more.

[Morgor]

It will be my pleasure.

[Pete]

All right, gentlemen, thank you very much.

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