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Scott Galloway
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Ian Bremmer
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Scott Galloway
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Ian Bremmer
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Scott Galloway
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Ian Bremmer
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Scott Galloway
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Ian Bremmer
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Scott Galloway
That's better. Go, go, go.
Ian Bremmer
Welcome to the 354th episode of the Prop G Pod. What's happening? I am back in London after being in the south of France for a week. My favorite conference by far, Cannes, Lyons. But anyways, what else is going on? So we have bombed Iran. I think the three pillars of power or political energy if you will. Raw kinetic power. It just helps to have more tanks and more planes. That's the reality of the world. The world is shaped by economic policy and military might anyways. One, kinetic power, two alliances and three competence. So if you look at the parties here, Israel, Iran and the US The US has the most kinetic power. Israel has the most confidence. What they've been able to do with their army and a population that is 1/9 the size of Iran's, a smaller economy and you know, 1/40 of the of the landmass is they have been able essentially to assert their power across not only Iran, but all of their proxies in terms of alliances. This is where things really break down. And that is while the US has the most kinetic power, as demonstrated by our B2 bombers, and we are the only ones that have that ordinance of a bunker buster. And I do think that's a flexibility. I'm a believer that if you're going to spend more money on the military than the other 10 nations combined, that unless you're going to get off your heels and onto your toes and be more offensive and proactive about asserting that power and protecting your interests abroad, I get the argument that we shouldn't be going and bombing other nations. Fine. Then if we're not going to, on a regular basis, assert and flex our power across the world. And some people would argue we do that with 700 military bases overseas, basically saying, don't fuck with us, and nine air care strike forces, that we do that as a deterrence. I believe that if you, in fact, are going to have this isolationist complexion, as the far right has, then let's cut military spending to 200 billion and spend that 600 billion on many of our other domestic worthwhile needs. So I'm a believer in flexing our power on a regular basis. And if that makes me a war hawk, that makes me a war hawk. And I do believe that you can threaten Israel with extinction, you can maybe even try and move towards enriching uranium, but you can't do both and not expect to be attacked. So here we are, demonstration of unbelievable kinetic power. The problem is around alliances and confidence when it comes to the US and that is typically after an attack like this. The next morning, Germany, France, Britain would weigh in with either support or thinly veiled support to show that we represent the West. And in this instance, the only countries that have weighed in on this so far are Russia mocking us, saying that in fact, we did not diminish the capabilities, the nuclear capabilities that we're claiming. And two, China putting out press releases basically saying that this is an administration you can't trust, and increasing this terrible brand association we've developed since Trump came into office of toxic uncertainty. And I think that's important, whether it's sharing intelligence, whether it's giving you the sense that, okay, if Iran strikes back, they will have to deal with several nuclear powers or several armies or several nations. Also, the biggest mistake I think you can make in strategy is assuming that you're boxing against a speed bag. And I've told this story several times, but that won't stop me from telling it again. When I first moved to New York I was bored and I was lonely and I was looking for some sort of outlet. So I worked out a lot and one of the things I did was I started boxing and I hired a trainer and he convinced me, mostly because I was paying him, that I was really good, that I had good hand speed and good reach and convinced me to enter into this, you know, this just little tournament at this gym I worked out at, are trained at. And so I'm 6 to 190 pounds. So I went into the 190 pound weight class and my first opponent was 5 7, 192 and it ends up to 5' 7, 192 is basically Mike Tyson. And I remember the bell ringing and that's the last thing I remember. And then the next thing I remember or the first thing I remember after the bell ringing was bright lights. And specifically I was on my back looking upwards of bright lights. And if you're watching this on YouTube, oftentimes I sit like this or stand like this or face like this because my nose goes to the right and by the way, that's a lot to go to the right. Daddy has a real nose. I remember When I was 13 my nose grew and the rest of my body didn't and I used to cry to my mom, my nose was so big and she'd be like, no sweetheart, you have a strong nose. Anyways, love you mom. But my nose goes to the right because I was hit so hard and it hasn't gone back. And one of the biggest mistakes you can make in geopolitical strategy is to believe that you are boxing against someone you're paying or a speed bag that won't hit back. And there is no doubt about it, an 86 year old theocrat Ayatollah Khomeini, who is the supreme leader of Iran. This is really frightening. And also the IRGC distinctive Israel's incredible competence and what has been so far, us just literally running over them not once but twice, basically taking down their air defenses and overwhelming them. To think that they're not going to hit back in some fashion is just to wake up and realize your nose still bends to the right. So in terms of kinetic power, absolutely incredible demonstration of strength here. I think it was the right move. Given the scenario we find ourselves in. I think there's a decent argument that maybe we shouldn't be in this scenario, that if we'd stuck with the jcpoa, there's a decent argument we wouldn't be in this situation. But the context given where we were in this moment, I think it was the right thing to do. The question is, are we going to create a lot of soft spots, a lot of weak tissue, and perhaps this situation won't turn out as well. We're more vulnerable now because we don't have the same alliances, and quite frankly, we don't have the same competence. We don't have the same level of intelligence. We don't have all of our most powerful people on message with each other. It sounds like they're not even communicating with each other. And nobody, including our allies or even our enemies, knows what the fuck to believe that comes out of the White House because they're contradicting each other. And we have people running the military and making these decisions. When you have Tulsi Gabbard and Pete Hexseth in a room making these decisions, we should all be worried. So the gross incompetence demonstrated so far around tariffs, around trying to address our immigration policy, to believe that that doesn't seep into our military policy is somewhat. Our geopolitical and defense strategy is somewhat naive. So where do we sit? We sit in awe of our incredible military and what they were able to pull off. But at the same time, I think this is a time to be concerned that we're not boxing against a speed bag and we are poorly advised and we have demonstrated incompetence the likes of which we haven't registered since the end of World War II. And to believe that that does not make us less safe is naive. Well, that was cheery. All right. Anyways, with this, we have our conversation with Ian Bremmer. The escalating conflict involving Iran is our topic and what could come next on the global stage? A quick note. We recorded this conversation with Ian on Tuesday, so if any major headlines have broken since then, they may not be covered here, or we'll try and ping back in. Anyways, here's our conversation with Ian. Ian, where does this podcast find you?
Scott Galloway
Briefly, I am in Barcelona, which is a lovely place to be and doesn't seem everyone's kind of on vacation today.
Ian Bremmer
So what should we talk about? Here we are. It looks as if we had. Actually, you know what? I'd like to back up and just have you give us your sense of the state of play here around this military operation, attack, bombing, how you would frame it, what you think we might be missing in the lead up to this, and if you were to go very meta, what inspired this US Action, and then we'll get into some of the ramifications and how it was carried out?
Scott Galloway
Well, I guess the big backdrop, there's the Iran backdrop and there's the Trump backdrop. And they're different. Right. The Trump backdrop is he came in as president really, really wanting to make peace between Russia and Ukraine. He got the Ukrainians to the table by strong arming them. Thought he was gonna sweet talk the Russians completely failed on the latter front and so couldn't do it. And then really thought that he was going to hit China and the world hard on tariffs and that they were all going to want to do deals with him. It's taken a hell of a lot longer to get to. Yes. And particularly with the Chinese, it did not go in any way the way he expected to. Xi Jinping was not suddenly, oh, I've got to talk to this guy, I've got to engage, I got to fix this. Not at all. They gave back as hard as they got. So the context is that Trump, the dealmaker, wasn't getting the deals done. In fact, even, you know, a few days ago, India, Prime Minister Modi, you know, in a ceasefire agreement that the Americans did play a constructive role in, though at the margins, came out and publicly embarrassed Trump and said, no, actually, you did nothing at all. Which is, you know, kind of a shocking thing for Modi, who has a reasonably good relationship with Trump to do for. For domestic political reasons, but still. So the backdrop on Trump is he's not gotten his deals done. He's really itching to make something happen. He wants to show that he can win on the international stage. And Iran suddenly was where he was putting a lot of time, a lot of effort, a lot of attention. So that's the background for him. The backdrop of Iran among countries that have heft on the geopolitical stage, is that they have lost more influence both regionally and globally than pretty much anybody over the last year. And they're close to friendless. Right? I mean, they engaged with the Russians and they sell oil to a bunch of countries, but nobody's out there willing to stand up for them. And the proxies that they had in the region that provided some deterrence and scared their enemies from taking steps against them have been blown up, principally by Israel, also a little bit by the United States in the case of the Houthis over the course of the last year and a half. Hezbollah, of course, most spectacularly. And then you have Bashar Assad also aligned with Iran, overthrown by his own people, with help from Turkey. So Iran, which has been a formidable adversary of the United States globally and has been trying to develop nuclear capabilities which unacceptable to the US and pretty much everyone on the global stage, but in a far, far weaker position and with an 85 year old ailing supreme leader. So they looked like they would be more willing to cut a deal, but they also looked much more vulnerable to military strikes. And that was the state of play for, let's say a week ago before the Israelis attacked. That's the context that I think we need to know before we think about what's gonna happen on the ground when the Israelis start striking, when the Americans then join in, and then when the Iranians respond and do virtually nothing.
Ian Bremmer
So this is an outsider's viewpoint. You study this, you're much closer to it, you have much deeper sources. So very open to being wrong here. My impression of what led up to this was very base. And it was Trump deciding he wanted some of that macho, he wanted to bask in some of that macho light. And he was inspired by the success of the IDF taking ad air defenses and taking out much of the senior command of the IRGC's military personnel and thought, I want some of this, and was inspired to kind of come in and jump on the metal podium and flex his muscles. Is that too reductive an analysis here?
Scott Galloway
Scott, you're completely right, but you're taking the baton from the time frame that I left it off. We have to keep in mind the broader context, which is that Trump, when he met with Netanyahu, the Israeli Prime Minister, in the White House, the day after Liberation Day, so it was the first foreign leader he welcomed to the White House. He said during that meeting that he was going to start engaging directly with Iran, directly Iran negotiations, which, you know, obviously the Israeli government was very disturbed by, but it's not like they can stop Trump. And then there were a series of five direct negotiations facilitated by the Omanis, between Witkoff and others, and the Iranian leadership on the nuclear file. And there was a really sincere effort by Trump to get to yes. And you know, they could have had not just a redux of the old Iranian nuclear deal. People say that actually there wouldn't have been a sunset clause. The Obama deal, 10 years later, it's done, it's over. If the Iranians at that point wanna develop nuclear weapons capabilities, they're no longer in any way constrained by the deal. And meanwhile, they've benefited from the sanctions being off. They've taken all of their hundreds of billions of assets that are unfrozen. All of this stuff the deal that they were going to cut with Trump would have been that JCPOA without a sunset clause. So it would've been a permanent deal. And further, there was a willingness of the Iranians to really reduce the amount of enrichment that they would be doing. They weren't willing to bring it to zero. That's what Trump was frustrated with. There were many in the administration that said that there can be no enrichment at all. The enrichment has to be done by a consortium outside of Iran. That will be determined. And maybe in an interim period, it can still happen in Iran, but the deal will require, eventually, there's zero. The Iranians hadn't been willing to accept that. And that was when the Israelis start striking. And Trump does give them a green light because he's frustrated that it's not moving fast enough. But what's really interesting here is Trump and Netanyahu had at least two conversations, direct conversations, between when the Israelis struck and when the Americans do. They might have had more. I'm just not aware of them. But in those conversations, they were quite contentious. And Trump was pretty agitated because Bibi wanted him to cut off negotiations with Iran. And Trump said, absolutely not. The whole point, you're going to war now, that's gonna sort of loosen these guys up. The Supreme Leader. I wanna now talk to the Supreme Leader and give him another chance to do this deal. Now that he shows that we've actually got a fist in our glove, I wanna get to yes, I want a negotiation. So even up until the end, Trump was still trying to get the Supreme Leader directly involved and to get to yes. And it was after that didn't happen. And in part, it didn't happen because the Supreme Leader is in hiding. The Iranians have wisely shut down their Internet because it allows the Israelis to engage in surveillance and better target them and the rest. And that's when Trump decided, for exactly the reasons that you suggest, because Israel is getting all of this benefit from showing that they're winning against this major adversary and the US is doing none of it. And that's when you saw Trump start to post online. You know, we've got control of the airspace. No, it was the Israelis. We know where the Supreme Leader is and we can take them out. But there was never an intention of the Americans to assassinate the Supreme Leader. That wasn't the plan. But you could then see over the weekend that Trump is like, no, no, no, this can't just be the Israelis. I get credit for this. I get credit for this. And so then you have the spectacular military strikes with the B2s flying 36 hours back and forth. No American casualties from the attacks, no American casualties from the Iranian response. So then Trump gets his big win. And it is a big win. Absolutely. In fact, it's a bigger win from my perspective than when Trump ordered the assassination of Qasem Soleimani, the head of the Iranian Defense Forces, towards the end of his first term. And the Iranians did virtually nothing in response. This guy was a massive war hero for the Iranian people. You'd think that this would potentially lead to all out war. Not at all. And now you've got a very similar situation with a lot more at stake with the Americans doing their best to take out these critical Iranian nuclear facilities.
Ian Bremmer
So it appears to me that just a matter of 24 months, it's gone from. I think most people, or a lot of people would say that the superpower in the Middle east was Iran, to the superpower it feels today is clearly Israel. All of their proxies have had their hands cut off. When I say all of their, I mean Iran's proxies, their air defense defenses have been totally neutered. And it appears that anyone on an order from Tel Aviv can be killed. That the Mossad has totally penetrated the security apparatus at the highest levels of the Iranian regime. What do you think are the prospects of the Islamic Republic falling in the near term?
Scott Galloway
In the near term, very low. You can't bring about regime change from an air campaign militarily. It would require a major ground war, which the Israelis are not gonna do and probably incapable of. They'd be overstretched at this point and it would be politically disastrous at home. And the Americans certainly want no part of that. Right? I mean, Trump said he was gonna end wars. He's fine with a short term bombing campaign, but he absolutely doesn't want a Ken Burns style war with American men and women on the ground fighting and coming back in body bags. Absolutely not. And so a regime change would then have to come from the 90 million plus Iranian citizens who don't support the Iranian regime. I'd say only about 20% of Iranian citizens are kind of hard line, hardened supporters of the military and theocratic dictatorship, led more by the military than the theocracy, frankly these days. But the Iranian government has enormous capacity to repress far more than Assad did in Syria. These are well trained forces, they are well resourced forces and the government is absolutely willing and capable. And we don't yet see any internal signs of major demonstrations or Uprising, despite the fact that that over 30 Iranian military leaders have been targeted and killed in the Israeli operations to date over the past week.
Ian Bremmer
One of the things that struck me was the lack of support from allies that we traditionally hear from after this type of attack incursion. Whether it was Bush expelling Hussein from Kuwait, the next Bush going into Iraq, typically the next day we get statements of support from our allies. And this time the only things I saw were China saying they're at it again, destabilizing the world. Russia claiming that we are vastly exaggerating the effect on us of these attacks. Did that strike you as unusual and disappointing that we don't have. We don't appear to be either garnering or even seeking the support of our allies when we do something like this.
Scott Galloway
Well, first of all, you and I are now talking. I'm in Europe right now when the NATO summit is just starting and Trump's a part of it and NATO is looking stronger than it has before because there's a lot more money going in from the Europeans, a lot bigger commitments. And frankly, almost all of the Europeans came out publicly in favor of the Israelis to defend themselves and critical of the Iranian regime and their nuclear program. The Finns, I think, were the only Europeans, at least the only in the EU that came out and condemned the Israeli strikes. Most notably the French, the Brits, the Germans, the core military allies all were supportive. And I guess I take on board the fact that it wasn't as full throated in support of the US and the US wasn't really seeking that. It was more unilateralist and the Japanese condemned it, for example. But I was looking at the contrast between the response to Israel and then the US striking Iran with the war in Gaza over the last year and a half now, plus, and there, I mean, the Americans are mostly by themselves since supporting Israel. And as you and I have discussed before, the vast majority of the world's governments and population believes that Israel is now conducting an unjust military intervention and occupation that amounts to ethnic cleansing with lots of war crimes. That is absolutely radically different from the response to what Israel did in and to Iran. Iran, of course, you were targeting. It was military targets, overwhelmingly. And I mean, there was a civilian energy target, for example, but overwhelmingly it was military targets. The regime is seen as actively supporting terrorism. It is widely understood that the vast majority of the Iranian people oppose the regime. Not to say that the majority support Israeli strikes. There are some that would want anything to happen that could remove the regime. But I wouldn't call that a majority, but the rest of the world either were supportive of Israel and the US or they had condemnations that didn't matter, that didn't amount to anything, that no one was prepared to stand up for Iran here. So for me, that was kind of the shock was how different it was, despite the fact that Israel has taken so much criticism globally for the continuing war in Gaza, that Iran is a very, very different story.
Ian Bremmer
We'll be right back after a quick break. Break. Support for the show comes from Panerai. Oh my God, I love Panerai. A lot of people just rely on their phones to keep track of time, but for those of us who are interested in something more timeless and luxurious, you can't go wrong with a gorgeous mechanic timepiece from a legacy watchmaker like Panerai. Giovanni Panerai opened his first first boutique in Florence in 1860 and since then the brand has been perfecting its watchmaking expertise. The result is a collection of timepieces that are as stunning as they are reliable. And now their new Luminor Marina collection elevates the collection's functionality for modern collectors while also maintaining the timeless appeal that Panerai is known for. An enduring emblem, the Luminor Marina is among Panerai's most celebrated models, distinguished by its contemporary sporty style, style and deep rooted history. I have seven watches, one brand, guess which one? That's right Daddy. One word. Pan Arrai. You can shop the luminor collection@panerai.com or make an appointment at the boutique nearest you. Discover the world of Panerai at P A N e r a I.com.
Scott Galloway
Foreign.
Ian Bremmer
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Scott Galloway
I think it is a factor, Scott. I wouldn't say it was dispositive. The Israelis have been talking up the threat as existential from Iran's growing nuclear capabilities for decades now, and so has Bibi directly. And he did it famously at the United nations when he brought that graphic of the bomb that he was showing. And he's done it with investor meetings and I've seen him do it live. I mean, all sorts of times, right? And now that the Iranians have gotten weaker and that Israel's had so much success in going after Iran's proxies, they were clearly beating the drum for we should do more against them. And I saw that in the Biden administration. I'm seeing that in the Trump administration. Now. The timing here, though, did play a role in that. The far right members of Bibi's coalition had declared a vote of no confidence they were going to leave the government over a separate issue. It was over this longstanding issue in Israel of whether or not the religious right would receive exemptions from serving in the military. And of course, they are some of the people. So the demographics that are arguing most about Israeli expansion of settlements in the west bank and Gaza and all of this stuff, and yet they don't serve in the military. And that has been a real cause of anger for a lot of the Israeli population, including Likud voters, which is, of course, Netanyahu's party. And he was increasingly trying to, like, find a way to square the circle and, you know, kept stalling on it, stalling on it. Finally, there was gonna be this legislation passed that was going to, you know, put significant fines, penalties, or on those that didn't serve, and the right wing parties were going to bolt as a consequence. That would have brought the government down. It would have led to another election months away. And if Bibi had lost that election and decent chance he would have, then he'd be out and he'd be facing jail time now, once the war with Iran was on the table. And he brought that to Trump, and Trump gave him at least the flashing yellow light, if not probably a direct green, to go ahead and attack. And towards the end, it was certainly a green that then brought the far right parties to vote in favor of Bibi continuing to head the government. So the vote of no confidence didn't pass through and he's up in charge again. So, yes, I think the timing of the war starting was linked to the likelihood that otherwise his government would have fallen. But I would not call that the principal driver of Iran's vulnerability to and Israel's decision to attack the nuclear program and the military leadership. I mean, I know that's a little nuanced, but I hope you see the, you know, kind of the difference there.
Ian Bremmer
It feels as if so far, the Iranian response has been similar to the response to the attacks on Hezbollah, has been somewhat performative. And that is, I need, I, being Khomeini, need to show that I still have my mojo, but I do not want to risk escalation and that it's mostly, and it looks the oil markets have yawned, the stock market doesn't care. It believes that the market, and it gets it wrong, believes that, okay, they've had their, their weak flex attacking or sending missiles into US Installations in Qatar and Iraq, but they're not meaningful enough to escalate. Is that your sense of what's going on right now?
Scott Galloway
That is not my sense of how the Iranians responded to Israel. Right. Lots and lots of drone strikes, none of which got through. And missile strikes, many of which got through about probably 5% of their missile strikes. And, you know, their hope was that they were going to deplete Israeli interceptors to a degree that they'd be able to hit Israel harder. So they were trying to kill a lot of Israelis and they wanted to hit military targets, but I mean, they were also aiming for anything they could hit. Right. I mean, they were going for urban centers, too, and they just didn't have the capabilities. But this was not, I mean, they were. The Israelis are, you know, assassinating their leaders. They assassinated also the lead nuclear negotiator. They were hitting so much military capability, including lots of the ballistic missile launchers that are critical to Iran's own deterrence. They hit the nuclear program above ground, all of those things. So Iran was not, in my view, restrained in how they hit Israel back, but Iran was restrained in every other way. They certainly have the ability to block the Straits of Hormuz for a period of weeks if they wanted to. Now the US Has a massive amount of naval and air power that they've redirected to the Gulf, in fact, more right now than at any point since the war in Iraq. And so it wouldn't be. You'd be able to escort some tankers pretty quickly and, and you'd be able to get the straits cleared probably within a month. But they didn't do any of that. And they didn't launch any attacks against Gulf energy production, nor did they authorize or order their proxies to do so. They didn't go after US Bases in the region until after the Americans were involved, nor did they try major cyber attacks or assassinations against non Israelis. So, I mean, all of this, you know, sleeper cells, people talk about potential terrorism. Nothing. Nothing. And then, then when the Americans are directly involved and launch attacks, including against Fordeau, which is, you know, the crown jewel of Iran's nuclear capabilities, Iran's response, as you suggest, is Purely performative. It is purely for their own domestic popular consumption. And they launch a whole bunch of missiles at the Al Udeid base in Qatar, which is the most well defended US Base in the entire region. Thaad missile defense, Patriot missile defense, Qatari defensive capabilities and U.S. air Defense Destroyer capabilities right off the coast. And they tell the Americans through the Qataris in advance. So it is very obvious that they are intending to do everything possible not to further escalate, not to risk American casualties. This is frankly, given the briefings that Trump had received over the course of the week as he was thinking about these strikes and how vulnerable US Servicemen and women in Iraq were to Shia militias attacking how vulnerable American servicemen and women in the base in Djibouti would be to the Houthis launching short range missiles just across the Red Sea channel. Trump was actually given a fair amount of pause about ordering these strikes because he was worried about Americans getting killed and didn't want a broader war. He was also concerned that he might not be able to fully take out Fordeau. That was the other thing that made him wait and gave him some concerns. Maybe I don't wanna do this because, I mean, there was a lot of back and forth internally with Trump and with his broad suite of advisors on whether or not he wanted to do this. But the Iranians, again, to be clear, Scott, the Iranian response was as restrained as humanly imaginable given what the United States and Israel over the course of the week had done in terms of.
Ian Bremmer
Options on the table for Khamenei and his government. One, respond or create chaos in the Straits of Hormuz to overt aggressive acts against the United States, whether it's going after military installations in the region or illuminating terrorist cells, what have you, or three, continuing to attack Israel. It strikes me that if they shut down the Straits of Hormuz, they're alienating the wrong people, they're being heavy handed with the wrong people. That, that would mostly hurt China and India. We don't, the US doesn't get that much oil through the Straits of Hormuz. Now if it spiked oil, obviously we would feel that at the pump, but it feels to me they'd be, they would be being heavy handed with the wrong people. Two, it seems as if they're not looking to gin up or escalate with the United States. So isn't, isn't it likely that 90 plus percent of the IRO response will be focused on one place and one group of people, and that's Isra?
Scott Galloway
I don't think of it exactly that way. I mean, first, I agree that it's very, very unlikely that they're going to hit the Straits or the Americans going forward. And of course, if oil prices go up, I mean, yes, the Chinese are buying the oil, but I mean, oil is a global market and that could potentially bring the world into a 1/4 recession, which is a problem. Right? And certainly Trump, as you know, you've seen Trump saying, don't you dare, right? All caps like, you know, don't fall into our enemy's hands, don't do that stuff. I mean, he's angry about that potential, just as he was angry about the Israelis subverting the ceasefire earlier today. You know, the reason I don't think of it quite the way you framed it is because I'm not convinced that Iran will continue to have the same capacity to formulate thoughtful, restrained policy over the next 612 months that they have over the last month. Right. I mean, you know, if Iran starts getting desperate again, if they can't communicate, well, we saw with Hezbollah, the Israelis took out their ability to communicate. They scared the leadership, they decapitated the leadership. And so, I mean, Hezbollah was no longer able to, to formulate sort of strategic policy for the organization as a whole. What happens if that's true with Iran? I mean, if they kill the Supreme Leader, which some Israelis in leadership have said they are inclined to do, though Trump would be very angry about it, at least as long as a ceasefire is in place. But beyond that, you know, with all the military leaders getting killed, you know, and not being able to effectively communicate, what happens if the command and control structure in Iran starts to break down? What happens if we start to see rogue actions from smaller numbers of Iranian leaders? You know, that's a very different situation. That makes it much easier to pay off some Shia in Iraq to take potshots on American bases and kill 10, 20, 50American servicemen and women, right? That makes it much easier to pay off and support a suicide bomber or 5 or 10 in the middle east or in Europe or maybe even the United States. That makes it much easier to harass tankers to blow up a couple that would cause a spike in oil prices. I mean, all of those things, I think become more plausible as the Iranians get weaker and more vulnerable. And even though I don't see the Iranian regime collapsing, there's a very big distance between the regime is gone to the Supreme Leader together with a coherent military leadership for the irgc, are able to sit down and figure out, okay, here's what we want to do to respond to Israel and the rest. That's my worry. It's more of a like prigozhin kind of worry. Like what happens if some group inside Iran decides we got nothing to lose Cuz desperation leads to very different kinds of decisions. Right now the Iranian leadership doesn't feel adequately desperate for me to be that worried about it, for the markets to be that worried about it. I'm not confident that that will continue to be the case in three months time.
Ian Bremmer
We'll be right back. Support for the show comes from Indeed. Hiring is hard and slow, but Indeed helps make the process easy and fast. With Indeed Sponsored Jobs, you can stand out from the crowd and connect with the right person in record time. With Sponsored Jobs, your post jumps to the top of the page for your relevant candidates so you can reach the people you want faster. And when you look at the numbers, they say it makes a big difference. According to Indeed data, Sponsored Jobs posted directly on indeed have 45% more applications than non sponsored jobs. Their data also says that in the past minute alone, 23 hires were made made on Indeed worldwide. There's no need to wait any longer. You can speed up your hiring right now with Indeed and listeners of the show will get a $75 sponsored job credit. To get your jobs more visibility@ Indeed.com propg just go to Indeed.com Prof. G right now and support our show by saying you heard about Indeed on this podcast. Indeed.com profg terms and conditions apply. Hiring Indeed Indeed is all you need. Support for the show comes from SoFi Small business lending if you run a small business, you're probably dealing with cash flow, trying to find capital for new opportunities, or thinking about other ways to expand. SoFi's small business lending Marketplace is your new best friend. No more chasing bankers or wasting time at a branch. SoFi's marketplace offers a fast digital solution in one single simple search. SoFi matches you with vetted providers for your business in just minutes. Search for quotes that meet your specific needs and you can find an option that works for you. You may receive funds as soon as the same day you're approved. Say it's working capital you need, or a line of credit or an SBA loan or equipment financing. SoFi's marketplace can help you find all of the above. It's already helped thousands of small businesses find the funding they need. SoFi also offers business owners curated to tools, vetted business bank accounts, business credit card recommendations, and a ton of resources to help you scale your Business like a boss SoFi now helping you get your business right. Visit sofi.com prop G pod and see your options in minutes. Fox Creative this is advertiser content from Adobe.
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Ian Bremmer
We'Re back with more from Ian Bremmer. A little bit about the Trump administration and their approach to this our intelligence community. It strikes me as inconsistent, sclerotic, and they can't even support one another's. They can't even get on the same page in terms of messaging. Tulsi Gabbard comes out and says we have no evidence that they're enriching uranium. Trump says she's wrong. Secretaries Hexseth and Rubio claim we're not interested in regime change. And then he starts tweeting what feels like supportive tweets regarding regime change. I just want to acknowledge up front I have a bias here. I'm not an enormous fan of the president, but it strikes me that we come across as inconsistent and that our intelligence community comes across as just very unprofessional. And in the eyes of the world, while our military continues to be, in my estimation, the most impressive, competent organization in history, that our intelligence service and the way that the Trump administration acquits itself around communications here, that it comes across, quite frankly, as amateurish.
Scott Galloway
Your thoughts in the tweets? I mean, you know, maybe if he knows he's not going to get a Nobel Peace Prize, he wants a Nobel for Literature, I don't know. But it obviously doesn't go over well internationally. It seems childish. It seems Anti diplomatic. So, I mean, some of it is style as opposed to decisions and results. Some of it is the way he antagonizes individual allies. I think those things are important. I think you've got a great friend like Canada, you shouldn't be antagonizing them the way Trump has, even though he's done a better job with Carney than he did with Trudeau. Ditto the Nordics. I mean, Denmark, the Greenland thing. Our top friends in the world, in NATO, I mean, do everything we ask them to do. I mean, you know, Afghanistan, more people per capita, they said, than the Americans. And, you know, this is the way we treat them. Completely wrong. Right. So that undermines us. And a lot of the way that he handles the decisions around Iran, even if you agree with the decision, is. Is problematic. But, you know, I will say a couple things that should give you at least some comfort. So Trump doesn't like to read, right? He doesn't like reading, like, long policy memos. But he's been receiving the President's daily brief consistently and frequently. Much more than Biden did in his last year. Much more. He likes his briefers. He feels like they're giving him good information that make him smarter. When he's talking to foreign leaders, he brings his briefers on Air Force One. Biden didn't do that. That's kind of interesting. He doesn't have a great relationship with Tulsi, but Tulsi's talking to Marco Rubio all the time, like, I mean, every day and sometimes more than that. And that has been helpful to ensure that sort of the intelligence is largely on the same page with the conversations that Trump is having with principals. Whether or not Tulsi's always in the room, I think that's been helpful. So it's not like Trump is rolling in without any understanding of what the better minds with access to all of these military intelligence resources know and have. The problem is that Trump is so driven by id. He's so driven by personal grievance. He's so driven by his own confidence that his instincts are right and he's not thinking about the second and third order consequences. And he doesn't have a lot of the policy experience or interest to get those things as right as he should. And he has some quite competent people around him. He has some that clearly aren't competent at all. And he's not relying on them enough to make decisions because he doesn't have sort of favored individual advisors in that way. He has a constellation. He has a chorus of voices on every issue, which include advisors, and it includes the Mar a Lago crowd. It includes former personal employees and people that text them, some of whom gave a lot of money to the campaign. And one of the amazing things about Trump is that so many people have direct access to him. One of the most concerning things about Trump is that so many people have direct access to him. And some of those people, like Laura Loomer, making policy decisions for who should and shouldn't be fired in the National Security Council. That's insane, right? So there are real problems with having Trump making decisions the way he makes them, that are consequential for life and death, that are consequential for the global economy, that are consequential for the future of the American democracy. I think there are huge problems that you and I share in that regard now. I mean, I do my damnedest. I have my personal views, but I also recognize because my, my career is about understanding global politics. I understand that everyone has an opinion. It's not a big deal. But nobody cares really about what I like or what my bias is. What they care about is, on the basis of my experience, what my analysis is. And so in that regard, I probably come across a lot as more even handed and certainly much more willing to praise a Trump decision that I think is successful, even if I'm not particularly inclined to like the guy. Because what I like, who cares what I like? I mean, it just doesn't. It doesn't really matter at the end of the day.
Ian Bremmer
Well, you're trying to be a critical thinker. You advise big corporations and investors. Try and bring this down to a very tactical level. If you're talking to, if a large multinational corporation contacts Eurasia Group and says, okay, how should we be thinking about the world and the winners and losers differently this week than last week? To the extent you can, recognizing you don't have a crystal ball, how do you think this plays out? Who are the winners and losers to you politically? And are there firms or economies or shifts in the landscape that you see coming that weren't visible or apparent seven days ago?
Scott Galloway
There's the Iran question. There's the global question, the Iran question. There are very clear winners and losers. Israel, very clear winner. The Gulf states very clear winners. And Trump gets a clear win here. And I think those things matter. Globally, we are still in a position of extraordinary uncertainty. And so much of that uncertainty is being driven by the most powerful country and by the president of the most powerful country. And markets hate uncertainty. They like good Policy, they can deal with bad policy. They hate uncertainty. And there is so much uncertainty on so many, many issues. There's fundamental uncertainty on how the Americans are going to handle illegal immigration in the US that has major consequences for lots of multinational corporations. There's fundamental uncertainty as to the nature of globalization and US trade policy with tariffs that are now at 1940s levels and that with massive pushback from the courts that's gonna last for months and months until the Supreme Court finally rules. And this is a very, very hard environment for companies to operate in. There's massive uncertainty around the relationship between the US and China, not just on trade, but also export controls and technology and critical minerals. I mean, these are huge macro issues that affect almost every company in almost every sector. And they are dealing with greater macro uncertainty politically for their business than they have at any point since they've been running their businesses professionally. That's the problem. So we've taken a significant amount of uncertainty out because of what's happened in the last seven days in Iran. I think that people can have a fair amount of confidence that oil is gonna be trading in a band between, broadly speaking, 45 and 75 for the coming year because the market's gonna be largely oversuppl with comparatively low demand. And that was absolutely not ex ante the presumption of a lot of major players until the last week. So that's a big deal. That's a big deal. But none of the other uncertainty is off. And in fact, in some way, you could even make the argument that Trump now with this win, is gonna feel more confident that he can do more in other areas. I wouldn't go that far. I think that these things are separate. And I think he thinks of trade separ than how he thinks of Iran. And Lord knows he thinks of Russia separately than how he thinks of Iran. He can learn as he has successes and failures in different areas, but the uncertainty globally is still extraordinarily high.
Ian Bremmer
But implicit in that statement, Ian, is that you think this was a good move. Because if you believe that the world is less risky today than it was seven days ago, that implies this was a good move. And when you use that band of 45 to 75, you believe that actually oil prices are going to come down, because what are they at now? 70, 72?
Scott Galloway
So, yeah, I do.
Ian Bremmer
It sounds to me like you feel this was a win, that the world is a safer place.
Scott Galloway
Well, it was a win, and I think it was. On balance, we were in a better environment than we were a Week ago. That does not mean that I think it was the optimal move. Remember, I think the tail risks of Iran's leadership being desperate and therefore doing catastrophic things have gone up. They were probably 2% before, now they're 5 or 10. I don't like that. I think you could have gotten to this outcome with these oil price ranges. If the Americans, after the Israelis had struck, had actually, instead of jumping on board and taken out or tried to take out the three nuclear facilities, if they had leaned into negotiations, I think that was a more optimal outcome with less tail risk and with a better long term trajectory. But I ain't drunk and he's ultimately the guy making the decision. And some of those decisions are being made for very personal reasons that I don't think are particularly appropriate in the President of the United States.
Ian Bremmer
So last question before we let you go, Ian. And I can't imagine how busy you are this week. So very much appreciate you coming on.
Scott Galloway
I know, but you know, I love having our conversation, Scott. So, you know, likewise, brother.
Ian Bremmer
By the way, 12th time you've been on the show. So is it really? It is the 12th time, yes. So we've all been very focused on this over the last week. And my belief is that it's always the shit you're not focused on that gets you. Is there anything in the world right now because our focus has been diverted away from because of what's happening in the Middle east that you think is a bigger deal and not getting the attention it warrants?
Scott Galloway
Oh, the China stuff is the bigger deal and it's not getting the attention. It's getting much less attention. U.S. china relations, enormous mistrust. And not Taiwan, that's not near term. But the Americans making it harder for the Chinese, making the Chinese feel like they're being contained in developing their technologies. The Chinese do everything possible to resist that, to find ways to skirt around it. Massive efforts to get more trade flows with other countries that have historically been more mistrustful of China than they are of the United States. That's playing out in Southeast Asia. It's playing out in India, it's playing out in South Korea, so particularly Asia, less so Europe, but Latin America too, and the global South. This stuff is very important. And the Chinese are so capable technologically. AI, they're much closer to the US than the Americans thought they were a year ago. The biotechnology and ability to develop new drugs and what they're doing with world class hospitals and testing. You always thought 10, 20 years ago you thought the Chinese were Like essentially at least a second world country, if not a third in some of those areas. Now they're first in competing with the United States critical minerals supply chain and post carbon energy. The Chinese are way ahead of the Americans. We see that playing out with the electric vehicle market, but it's happening everywhere. And so this is a really, really capable competitor at scale. And the United States is right now doing a lot of stuff that is not long term in terms of policy. And that worries me a lot. And it is not getting anywhere near the attention it should be getting.
Ian Bremmer
Ian Bremmer is the president and founder of Eurasia Group, the world's leading political risk research and consulting firm, and Gzero Media, a company dedicated to providing intelligent ending engaging coverage of international affairs. He's also the author of 11 books, including the New York Times bestsellers Us versus the Failure of Globalism and the Power of How Three Threats and Our Response Will Change the World. He joins us from Barcelona. And my producer just corrected me, Ian, this is your 13th appearance on the pod.
Scott Galloway
More appearances than books I have done and clearly that is the more important.
Ian Bremmer
There you go, there you go.
Scott Galloway
More important metric.
Ian Bremmer
Get on it. You need to write a few more books.
Scott Galloway
Oh, God, no. I need to do more Scott conversations.
Ian Bremmer
There you go.
Scott Galloway
What am I going to get more value from? What's going to make me happier?
Ian Bremmer
We're down with that. If I don't speak to you, I will hopefully will break bread and have a drink sometime this summer. But very much appreciate your time today. And I think this is a, this is how much when this thing broke out, one of the first thoughts I had was, oh my gosh, Ian must be writing so much right now and in so demand and talking. You must be working 19 hours a day right now.
Scott Galloway
Sunday was rough, man. Sunday was rough. There's no question. Today's a little bit easier, thank goodness. And I feel like I've caught my breath and pretty soon you and I will take some sun and we'll have some drinks and hopefully a lot of this will be in the rearview America.
Ian Bremmer
Let's hope so. All right, my brother, safe travels.
Scott Galloway
Biggest sec.
Ian Bremmer
Algebra of happiness. One of the things that really I'm working on because I really don't like it about myself is I have a tendency, I hate complaining. I think one of the things about trying to be a man is you absorb more complaints than you complain, right? I think that's a signal you're doing well, people trust you enough and they're comfortable enough to complain to you. But at the same time, you don't complain a lot. And I think that's one of the keys to being a man in a relationship. And that is, you know, why do people want to be in relationships? Why do people want to be in romantic relationships? Do they want to have a partner? Do they want to have procreate? Do they want to have affection, sex, economic security, all of those. But I think as much or more, they want someone to notice their lives. They want someone to witness their lives. It's like whenever I travel alone, I inevitably get upgraded to some fucking crazy suite in a hotel. But it's as if I didn't stay there, because if I don't have to share with someone, it just didn't happen. It doesn't matter. When I was younger and I didn't have a girlfriend or a serious relationship, I used to call my mom whenever anything good happened to me because I needed someone to witness my life. I needed someone. And now it still feels like it doesn't happen sometimes. But you need people to register. You need people to notice. You need people to witness your life. And so I think to absorb complaints and witness people's lives means you're meaningful in their life. I oftentimes, I don't like this about myself. Feel sorry for myself. I manage to think, oh, my God, I can't believe how many fucking podcasts I have to do. And I have to ramp up and be engaging and smart and try to be funny, and none of these people know how hard it is. And da, da, da. And then I'm like, what the fuck am I doing complaining to myself like this or complaining to other people? And I have this complaint volcano, this complaint inoculation, this complaint destroyer, whatever you want to call it. And it's a photograph, and it's a photo. I only own two pieces of art. One is a Grayson Perry called Map of the Politician. And this other piece, I call it art because I spent a shit ton of money on it. But it's a photograph. And it's a photograph of Otto Frank. And Otto Frank is the father of Anne Frank. He hid with his family in a attic in Amsterdam. And there's this photo of him when he returned to the attic where they were hiding out. And it's this picture of this man in a suit, this older sort of nondescript man in what is clearly an attic. And it's this black and white photograph. And literally all I need to do, literally all I need to do when I'm feeling sorry for myself is I go to the stairway on my second floor where this photograph is and I force myself to look at that photo for 60 seconds and I realize I have no fucking problems. I just realize how petty and stupid and quite frankly unforgivable my self wallowing complaints are. And I think everybody needs something that they can count on to give them perspective such that they don't fall into the downward spiral of feeling sorry for themselves. And to recognize that if you live in America, if you have people in your life that love you, if you have a job, if you have healthcare, if you're not under threat of persecution, if there's very unlikely you're going to be rounded up and separated from your family, that you are in the top 1% of people who lived in this planet in terms of your blessings and that might be staring at your children when they're sleeping. I used to get a lot of comfort and gratitude and perspective when I would just walk into my boy's room and see them asleep when they were little. It might be spending time with someone else, it might be reading history, whatever it is. Try and identify the things that give you perspective or a thing and then force yourself to think about that thing. Look at that thing because you want out of that spiral. You want to recognize constantly how fortunate you are. What is that one thing? What is your photo of Otto Frank? This episode was produced by Jennifer Jennifer Sanchez. Joe Burrows is our Technical Director. Thank you for listening to the Prophecy Pod from the Vox Media Podcast Network. Support for this show comes from Pure Leaf Iced Tea. When you find yourself in the afternoon slump, you need the right thing to make you bounce back.
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Podcast Summary: "Winners and Losers in the Israel-Iran Conflict" with Ian Bremmer
Podcast Information:
In Episode 354 of The Prof G Pod, Scott Galloway engages in a profound discussion with Ian Bremmer, a renowned political scientist and expert on global political risk. The episode delves into the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran, exploring the geopolitical dynamics, the roles of key players, and the broader implications for global stability.
Scott Galloway opens the conversation by highlighting his recent travels, noting his presence in London after attending a conference in Cannes, France. This provides a backdrop for understanding the global perspective on the Israel-Iran conflict.
Quote:
"So what should we talk about? Here we are. It looks as if we had..." (09:56)
Ian Bremmer emphasizes the importance of contextualizing the conflict within the broader geopolitical framework, particularly focusing on the Trump administration's foreign policy and its impact on Iran's global standing.
Bremmer outlines the Trump administration's ambitions to broker peace between Russia and Ukraine and its attempts to engage China through aggressive tariffs. However, these efforts have largely fallen short, especially in relation to China, where expectations of rapprochement have not materialized.
Quote:
"But Xi Jinping was not suddenly, oh, I've got to talk to this guy, I've got to engage, I got to fix this." (10:26)
He explains that Trump's inability to secure substantial deals has shifted his focus toward Iran, seeking to demonstrate American strength and resolve in the Middle East.
Bremmer paints a picture of Iran's waning influence both regionally and globally. Once a formidable adversary with significant proxies, Iran's strategic positions have been undermined by Israeli and U.S. military actions targeting key groups like Hezbollah and the IRGC.
Quote:
"Iran, which has been a formidable adversary of the United States globally... is now in a far, far weaker position." (14:11)
He underscores Iran's internal vulnerabilities, including the aging and ailing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini, which contribute to the current instability.
Scott Galloway discusses Israel's enhanced military capabilities despite its smaller size and economy compared to Iran. Israel's strategic prowess has allowed it to assert significant power across the region, particularly against Iranian proxies.
Quote:
"The US has the most kinetic power... Israel has the most confidence." (14:11)
Galloway highlights the successful Israeli operations that have decimated Iranian military capabilities, increasing Israel's regional dominance.
The conversation shifts to the U.S.'s military response to Iran's actions. Bremmer critiques the current administration's strategy, arguing for a more proactive and offensive approach to maintaining global stability. He contends that excessive military spending without strategic assertiveness leads to ineffectiveness.
Quote:
"I'm a believer in flexing our power on a regular basis. And if that makes me a war hawk, that makes me a war hawk." (18:00)
Galloway supports the notion of demonstrating military strength but expresses concern over the potential for strategic missteps under the current administration.
A critical point of discussion is the surprising lack of robust international support following recent military engagements. Unlike previous conflicts where allies quickly rallied in support, recent Israeli strikes on Iran have elicited minimal and tepid responses from traditional U.S. allies.
Quote:
"In the last year and a half... Americans are mostly by themselves since supporting Israel." (23:53)
Bremmer notes the disparity in global reactions, with countries like Russia and China offering ambiguous or critical stances, contrasting sharply with the muted support for the U.S. and Israel.
Galloway explores the internal political pressures within Israel, particularly focusing on Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu's precarious position. He suggests that Netanyahu may be leveraging military actions to bolster his political standing amidst potential votes of no confidence.
Quote:
"The timing of the war starting was linked to the likelihood that otherwise his government would have fallen." (31:21)
Bremmer agrees, indicating that Netanyahu's decision to escalate conflict with Iran was influenced by domestic political calculations to maintain his leadership amidst declining support from right-wing factions.
Contrary to expectations, Iran's retaliatory measures following Israeli strikes have been notably restrained. Galloway attributes this to both strategic calculations and the effectiveness of Israeli targeting, which has weakened Iran's military retaliation capabilities.
Quote:
"Iran was not, in my view, restrained in how they hit Israel back, but Iran was restrained in every other way." (35:51)
Bremmer concurs, emphasizing that Iran's limited response is both a tactical move to avoid further escalation and a reflection of its compromised position.
Looking ahead, Bremmer expresses concerns about the long-term implications of the current conflict. Specifically, he warns of the increased risk of unintended escalations if Iran's leadership becomes desperate, potentially leading to chaotic and unpredictable actions that could destabilize the region further.
Quote:
"If the Iranian leadership starts to break down, it makes it much easier to pay off some Shia in Iraq to take potshots on American bases." (40:33)
Galloway adds that while the immediate outcomes may seem favorable, the underlying tensions and weakened state of Iran could sow the seeds for future conflicts.
The episode also touches upon the impact of the conflict on global markets, particularly oil prices. Bremmer notes that the recent developments have provided some stability to oil markets, predicting a trading range of $45 to $75 per barrel over the next year.
Quote:
"I think that people can have a fair amount of confidence that oil is gonna be trading in a band between 45 and 75." (58:38)
However, he cautions that other areas of global uncertainty, such as U.S.-China relations and domestic policy issues, continue to pose significant risks for multinational corporations and global economies.
In the concluding segment, Galloway shifts focus to China, arguing that the global attention on the Israel-Iran conflict has overshadowed more pressing issues related to U.S.-China relations. He highlights China's advancements in technology, AI, biotechnology, and critical minerals supply chains, asserting that the U.S. is lagging in addressing these long-term strategic challenges.
Quote:
"The Chinese are way ahead of the Americans. We see that playing out with the electric vehicle market, but it's happening everywhere." (60:57)
Bremmer echoes these sentiments, emphasizing the urgency for the U.S. to recalibrate its strategies to effectively compete with China's rising influence and capabilities.
The episode wraps up with Bremmer underscoring the critical need for the U.S. to address its strategic uncertainties and refocus on long-term geopolitical challenges, particularly the rise of China. He urges multinational corporations to navigate the complexities of the current global landscape with a clear understanding of the shifting power dynamics.
Quote:
"The uncertainty globally is still extraordinarily high." (55:38)
Galloway agrees, highlighting that while the recent Israel-Iran conflict has provided some clarity in the Middle East, the overarching uncertainties in global politics demand sustained attention and strategic planning.
Israel's Strategic Dominance: Despite its smaller size, Israel has effectively neutralized key Iranian military capabilities, enhancing its regional dominance.
U.S. Military Strategy: There is a need for a more proactive and strategic military approach to maintain global stability, as current tactics may lead to increased vulnerabilities.
International Alliances: Recent conflicts have exposed inconsistencies in international support for U.S. actions, highlighting the need for stronger alliance management.
Internal Political Pressures: Leaders like Netanyahu may use military actions to bolster their political standing amidst domestic challenges.
Future Risks: The current weakening of Iran's leadership poses risks of future escalations and unpredictable actions that could destabilize the region further.
Overlooked Global Challenges: The rise of China presents more significant long-term challenges than the immediate Israel-Iran conflict, necessitating urgent strategic recalibration by the U.S.
Scott Galloway (14:11): "The US has the most kinetic power... Israel has the most confidence."
Ian Bremmer (14:56): "If you're going to spend more money on the military than the other 10 nations combined... let's cut military spending to 200 billion and spend that 600 billion on many of our other domestic worthwhile needs."
Scott Galloway (23:53): "The Finns... were the only Europeans... most of the world's governments... did not stand up for Iran."
Scott Galloway (31:21): "The timing of the war starting was linked to the likelihood that otherwise his government would have fallen."
Ian Bremmer (35:51): "Options on the table for Khamenei... respond or create chaos in the Straits of Hormuz..."
Scott Galloway (58:59): "The Iranian response was as restrained as humanly imaginable."
Conclusion
This episode of The Prof G Pod offers an incisive analysis of the Israel-Iran conflict, highlighting the intricate interplay of military strategy, political maneuvering, and global alliances. Ian Bremmer and Scott Galloway provide listeners with a comprehensive understanding of the current dynamics and the potential future trajectories in one of the world's most volatile regions.