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Rund Abdelfattah
You're listening to Throughline from NPR. I'm Rund Abdelfattah.
Ramtin Arablouei
And I'm Ramtin Arablouei. For years, the Chinese government has been detaining and imprisoning hundreds of thousands of ethnic Uyghurs and other Muslim groups in the Xinjiang region of China.
Rund Abdelfattah
The US and some European countries are calling it a, quote, cultural genocide. And in 2021, NPR's China correspondent Emily Fang started following one Uyghur family, the Kuchar family, whose lives were torn apart by this crackdown.
Ramtin Arablouei
Three years later, she's still reporting on them. What she found became the Black Gate, a three part series on NPR's Embedded podcast.
Rund Abdelfattah
Today we're sharing the first part of that series with you, and you can find the rest right now over in the Embedded feed. Embedded is NPR's home for serialized documentary storytelling. Here's NPR's Emily Feng. To take it away.
Ramtin Arablouei
Three years ago, I had a long conversation with a man named Abdulatif Kuchar, and his story was unlike any that I'd ever heard. He's Uyghur, a Turkic ethnic minority in western China that mostly practices Islam. And he told me that for almost two years he lost all contact with his wife and children. Abdul Latif told me it all started one December evening in 2017. This is how he remembers it. He'd been chatting with his wife Maryam on the phone. He was in Istanbul, and she was back in China at their home in Xinjiang, a region in western China where most Uyghurs live. Marianne was exhausted and on edge because Chinese government minders, they call themselves relatives, had been keeping a close eye on her. Every day.
Abdulatif Kuchar
The relatives would come and live with us. Sometimes they would even sleep there at night and have breakfast with us in the morning.
Ramtin Arablouei
So it was only in the evenings, right before bedtime, when Maryam usually had some privacy.
Abdulatif Kuchar
She would watch the kids and then she would call me.
Ramtin Arablouei
But as they chatted, Maryam heard a knock on the door. It was 10pm Abdulati felt a surge of fear.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They don't arrest people during the day. They only arrest them at night.
Ramtin Arablouei
And on the other end of the line, he could also hear Maryam's fear.
Abdulatif Kuchar
She was so scared, but she told me she had to open the door. So she put the cell phone away. I heard some noises, the sound of something breaking.
Ramtin Arablouei
After that silence, Abdulatif tried calling Maryam back. Nothing. So he frantically called family, Maryam's cousins and sisters who live nearby in Xinjiang. They got to his home early the next morning.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They found my apartment was a mess, everything was upside down and our two kids were in shock by themselves at home. Our relatives went to the police station. They knew Maryam was there, but they were not allowed to meet her.
Ramtin Arablouei
The police told them that Maryam had been arrested. So Abdulatif's cousins decided to take in the Kuchar's young children, their son Lutfala, who was just four years old, and daughter Aissou, who was six.
Abdulatif Kuchar
My cousins took care of our children, but then the cousins got arrested so my sister in law took our children and then she too was arrested.
Ramtin Arablouei
After that, Abdulatif lost all contact with his family. He had no idea where Maryam and the children were or what had happened to them. Years later, I reached out to the police in Xinjiang about Maryam, but got no answers. And at the time, China still had strict Covid restrictions which made reporting in the region basically impossible. I've been reporting on the arrests and detentions in Xinjiang since 2018, and I've heard from literally dozens of Uyghurs who are desperately searching for family there. China has been methodically attempting to dismantle their culture by imprisoning the adults and putting children in state schools. That's what Abdulati feared had happened to his family, so he decided to try to save them against all odds. We'll be right back.
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Ramtin Arablouei
Abdulatif Kuchar now lives full time in Istanbul, Turkey. Still, it took him time and courage before he could tell his story. It's a traumatic experience for him because the Chinese state actively intimidates Uyghurs, even those outside of China. At first, Abdul Latif didn't want to talk to me. He was worried that talking could risk the safety of those he loves in China. And at least one powerful person you'll hear from in our final episode even tried to convince him not to speak out. Those challenges are why reporting in Xinjiang is so hard. There's an enduring and secretive Chinese police state that even reaches into other countries. But ultimately, Abdul Latif decided that speaking out could garner attention and maybe pressure China to help his family. In the second part of the story, we'll hear just what Abdul Latif went through to try to free his wife and kids. But first it's important to understand how things got to that point. In 1949, Chinese troops marched into Xinjiang and declared it part of the new Communist China.
Abdulatif Kuchar
They promised autonomy for the Uyghur, the same pledge made to the Tibetans in.
Ramtin Arablouei
The 1930s and 40s. Uyghurs and other ethnic groups had resisted Chinese occupation. They wanted their own nation state. Abdul Latif Kuchar's grandparents were part of that independence movement.
Abdulatif Kuchar
My grandfather joined the war and was even the right hand man of Coja.
Ramtin Arablouei
Niaz Hoxa Niaz, a famous Uyghur leader. But after Communist China took control, the Kuchar family history of resistance became a political stain. Abdul Batif's father wasn't allowed to attend university until he joined the Communist Party and gave up Islam.
Abdulatif Kuchar
But after my father finished his education in China, he started to drink alcohol and he didn't let my mother pray. Because of these differences between my father and mother's families, they were fighting almost all the time.
Ramtin Arablouei
Abdulatif remembers constant conflict at home between his parents. Finally, his father sued his mother for a divorce.
Abdulatif Kuchar
He was forced to appear against his wife in court.
Ramtin Arablouei
It was a horrible public affair. During the proceedings, Abdulatif's father turned over his mother's prayer rug as evidence of restrict Muslim faith. Later, he abandoned the family. Abdulatif's mother decided to leave China permanently. In 1986. She took Abdul Latif and his older brother Abdur chief, and moved to Turkey. The boys became Turkish citizens. There are now an estimated 50,000 Uyghurs living in Turkey because the language and culture are so similar. But the Kutra brothers couldn't leave China behind completely. They still had family and friends in Xinjiang, and even from afar, they could see the economy was slowly taking off. In 1990, when they were in their early 20s, the brothers opened up some restaurants in Xinjiang and later a textile export firm. China was still enforcing religious and political controls over Uyghurs, but as Abdurraji put it, it did not happen all at once. The oppression of Uyghurs was going on.
Abdulatif Kuchar
For many years, but the Chinese authorities did not target everyone in one day. Maybe I was too young or ignorant, but at the time I did not notice.
Ramtin Arablouei
Throughout the 90s, as their businesses grew, the brothers began to feel hopeful. Maybe China was changing. Maybe this could be home again. And there was another reason for Abdul Latif's optimism. He met Maryam Ahmet. She was from his hometown.
Abdulatif Kuchar
We are both from the city of Kucha, but we met at a party.
Ramtin Arablouei
In Urumqi, Abdul Ateef says. They'd hang out at his restaurant in Urumqi, Xinjiang's capital. It was a place where transplants from Kucha like to go and eat. Abdulatif and Maryam were married in 1998. After their marriage, Abdulatif says he tried to convince Maryam to move to Turkey with him and trade in her Chinese passport for a Turkish one. But she said, no, I was born here and my home is in China.
Abdulatif Kuchar
She always loved her country, so she didn't want to leave it. She didn't want to leave behind her Chinese nationality.
Ramtin Arablouei
So Abdul Latif tried splitting his time between Turkey and China. A few months in Istanbul, then half a year in Xinjiang with Maryam. Which worked because China was trying to grow the economy and it wasn't very strict about businessmen coming in and out. But that brief window of openness in the 1990s quickly ended after September 11, 2001. It's 8:52 here in New York. I'm Bryant Gumbel. We understand that there has been a place plane crash on the southern tip of Manhattan. You're looking at the on nine. Eleven terrorists struck the World Trade center and the Pentagon. The attacks changed the world. And although Maryam and Abdul Ative didn't know it at the time, the attacks kicked off a series of dramatic changes in China that would eventually lead to Maryam's arrest. It began with Chinese authorities interrogating Abdul Latif. Every time he arrived from Turkey, they.
Abdulatif Kuchar
Would ask, what are you doing? Who are you talking to in Turkey? How are you making money? I met basically every police officer in Urimchi. When I got to Kucha, my hometown, they even asked me, what is my older brother doing in Turkey, how many children he has and what his children are doing.
Ramtin Arablouei
The US war on terror had given China an opportunity to suggest that perhaps it did too had a terrorism problem on its hands. Part of the issue was what was happening in Xinjiang. Despite Chinese controls, Uyghur culture and Islam were having a resurgence. Ornate mosques were replacing old shabby ones. Bookstands started selling DVDs about the meaning of Islam. And many people began to pray five times a day. China does not like this. It begins to publicly blame historical ethnic tensions on Islamic extremism. In 2002, Chinese authorities claimed that Uyghur militants had been behind more than 200 terrorist attacks between 1990 and 2001. And it begins cracking down on Uyghurs who openly practice their faith. Kalbennor, a young Uyghur mother, she asked that I not use her last name, was living in the Xinjiang city of Kashgar. As the crackdowns intensified, Kashgar was known for its Uyghur culture and religious expression. Kalbenor told me how authorities be to harass her family.
Kalbenor
Our family was clearly religious. My husband prayed five times a day so officials would control us. They would visit us at night regularly and find any excuse to punish us. Every time anything happened in Kashgar city or neighboring cities, like a minor uprising or protest, even if it was far away, the local police station would call us and the other religious families pick us up and bring us to the police station where we would be interrogated or just kept there for up to five days for propaganda lessons. The police knew we had nothing to do with this, but they would interrogate us anyways.
Ramtin Arablouei
Uyghurs said this kind of treatment was widespread. Uyghurs said they were passed over for state jobs and paid less than their Han Chinese counterparts. China's majority ethnic group. Chinese officials say Uyghurs have more economic opportunity under Communist rule. Still, I remember when I first moved to China, I was shocked to see Uyghur acquaintances turned away by hotels and taxis who just wouldn't take Uyghurs. And as more Chinese state companies and Han Chinese people moved into Xinjiang, many Uyghurs lost their land. In July 2009, all that growing resentment finally exploded, with deadly consequences. In Xinjiang's capital, Urumqi, it's been three days since bloody riots broke out, pitting ethnic Uyghur Muslims against the dominant Han Chinese. The spark?
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Two Uyghur factory workers died in a.
Ramtin Arablouei
Brawl with the Han.
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Now 156 people have been killed and.
Ramtin Arablouei
More than 1,000 injured, making it the.
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Worst ethnic violence this country has seen in decades.
Ramtin Arablouei
After the riots, China rounds up arrests. At least a thousand and perhaps far more young Uyghur men. Abdulatif and Maryam were in Turkey at the time, and they watched the events with alarm. But like many Uyghurs, they hoped the violence and the state repression would pass. They continued to build their lives. In 2011, their daughter, Isu, was born, and in 2013, their son, Lutville. But things were not getting better. Things were getting worse. The same year Lutfula was born, several Uyghurs rammed a car into Beijing's Tiananmen Square, wounding dozens of people and killing two pedestrians.
Abdulatif Kuchar
Chinese authorities investigating the car crash in Tiananmen Square on Monday have named two suspects.
Ramtin Arablouei
China immediately declared it a premeditated terrorist attack orchestrated by Uyghurs with ties to international extremist groups. The Chinese government blamed Uyghur militants for other attacks, too, including one in 2014, where 31 people were stabbed to death in a train station. Media reports there say several attackers boarded a train at the Kunming railway station. There is evidence that several thousand Uyghurs snuck abroad to try to train with militant groups. Some have joined Al Qaeda and isis, and Uyghurs have been responsible for some attacks in China during the 2000s. But there was no sign extremism among Uyghurs is widespread or that they managed to set up cells in China. Still, China's response is swift, and it is brutal. In 2014, China launched the People's War on Terror. China is waging a war on terror. After a series of deadly attacks, many of them in Xinjiang, the government quadrupled police funding for the Xinjiang region. Soon there was a police station on nearly every city block. Authorities also cracked down on international travel. Maryam's Chinese passport was confiscated like most other Chinese Uyghurs by the end of 2016. She's not allowed to travel without permission from the government. Abdulatif says he and the children also had their Turkish passports confiscated in China, trapping them in Xinjiang. Abdul Ateef says after that, he mainly stayed in the apartment.
Abdulatif Kuchar
If you wanted to go outside, you had to pass through a security check, and without an ID card, you couldn't even go into your own home. We were a bit lucky because we had a special letter from the local government. Sometimes you had to explain what the letter was to officials or wait two or three hours to get through security checks since it was not an official ID card. Sometimes we got angry. Sometimes we could only laugh at our situation.
Ramtin Arablouei
In part because Abdulatif and his family don't speak English. As I was reporting the story, I relied on a Uyghur activist and translator for help. You can hear him asking Abdul Atif questions. His name is Abdoulaye Ayoop, and he too has his own story about China's crackdown. So tell me a little bit about yourself. How do you want to be introduced?
Abdoulaye Ayup
Language rights activist and the writer and.
Ramtin Arablouei
Former political prisoners like Abdul Latif and Maryam Abdoulaye also lived in Urumqi, Xinjiang's capital, working as a Uyghur language teacher and writer. But his dream was to start a string of Uyghur language kindergartens in Xinjiang so his own young daughter and other children could learn their mother tongue and keep the Uyghur language alive.
Abdoulaye Ayup
This is our last point. This is our last front to stand. We will not compromise this. We shouldn't lose our language.
Ramtin Arablouei
Abdoulaye launched a popular website about preserving the Uyghur language. But as China geared up for the People's War on Terror, authorities turned on him.
Abdoulaye Ayup
So, yeah, but at the end, yeah, unfortunately, everything changed.
Ramtin Arablouei
In August 2013, Abdoulaye was arrested and interrogated. Teaching Uyghur preserving Uyghur culture was now seen as treason, an act of challenging party rule of Xinjiang.
Abdoulaye Ayup
I was questioned like, you are a separatist. You are going to build the country and it's your goal. I said, no. I had never thought about it. It's very hard at that time to explain that I'm not the one who are interested in politics, who are interested in religious movement or any kind of mother language movement. But I failed to explain at the end.
Ramtin Arablouei
You'll be hearing more of Abdueli later in the story, but he spent the next 15 months in a Xinjiang prison. In August 2016, Abdul Latif and his family have been trapped in Xinjiang for nearly a year. Abdul Latif decides to do one thing that's still allowed. He takes his family on a road trip through Xinjiang, driving from Urumqi in the north, through Korla to the famous Uyghur city of Houthin in the southwest. What they see shocks.
Abdulatif Kuchar
We set off from Murumchi and drove into Korla. On the way we saw such a huge number of tanks. I said to myself, what a horrible thing this is. No one dared to ask why there were so many tanks.
Ramtin Arablouei
Unbeknownst to him, Chinese authorities were preparing for something top secret. It would be even bigger than the People's War on Terror. We'll be right back.
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Ramtin Arablouei
More@drexel.edu Back in Beijing, I was hearing whispers about something Uyghurs called the Black Gate. People said more and more Uyghurs were being sent in, but they didn't come out. So I started digging and people spoke to me despite despite the danger in doing so. Leaked documents, internal speeches, China's own state media reports, and investigative work from journalists have since illuminated the militarization of the region and a vast network of detention camps. The Black Gates that China built to inter hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. These detainees can be seen in this video tied, their heads shaved, shepherded into trains. Well, it's probably the largest internment of an ethnic or religious minority since the Holocaust.
Emily Fang
How this happens is outlined in meticulous detail in these secret documents, including at.
Ramtin Arablouei
First China denied these camps existed, but later, under international scrutiny, authorities switched tactics and started calling them vocational education and employment training centers. In this Chinese state press conference, Xinjiang regional government spokesperson Xu Guixiang defends the camps, saying, quote, the Xinjiang issue is not at all a democracy, human rights or religious issue, but is rather an issue of opposing terrorism, extremism, separatism and interference. The vocational training centers are to eradicate terrorism and religious extremism at its roots. The idea is to identify any Uyghur who's exhibited what the Chinese consider worrying signs or sympathetic extremism and send them to be educated in Communist Party ideology and Mandarin Chinese so they can be more Chinese. The scale of these detentions appears to have shrunk in recent years. But from 2017 to 2021, the State Department estimates more than 1 million historically Muslim minority adults were detained. Leaked government documents highlight how arbitrary such detentions were from this period. For example, officials in southern Karakax county in Xinjiang detained people for reasons including men having long beards, women who wore a veil, and Uyghurs who'd applied for a passport. Cal Benor, the young mother you heard earlier, whose family is openly religious, says that by 2013, daily life became nearly impossible.
Kalbenor
People began disappearing. There were a lot of soldiers patrolling around. Some ladies started to take their head coverings off. Many isolated at home instead of going out without coverings for fear of police. I was one of them. My life became very isolated.
Ramtin Arablouei
Anyone seen as a religious or intellectual figure in the Uyghur community was taken away. Abdoulaye, the translator and Uyghur language teacher, had many friends who were sent to detention, or worse, to prison around this time. Many had served the Chinese government as professors or public servants. But now they were seen as traitors.
Abdoulaye Ayup
I think the main reason is they are a pillar of Uyghur culture. They are producer of cultural products, they produced historical novels, they produce songs, and they produce, like something related to Uyghur and something for Uyghur. They can unite, they can organize people. I think because of those reasons, because of their influence among the Uyghur population.
Ramtin Arablouei
Abdul Ateef and his family were still in Xinjiang as the first wave of detention started unfolding. But then a curious thing happened. Authorities gave Abdul Latif back his Turkish passport. Abdulatif says he was deported and told not to come back to China. However, Maryam and the children Aisu and Mutfala, couldn't go with him. Before he goes, Abdulativ tells his family he'll see them soon. He prays the get their passports back and they can reunite in Istanbul.
Abdulatif Kuchar
In the last moments before I had to leave, Lotfula went to the front door and suddenly burst into tears. He had never cried like that before. When I said I was leaving, he ignored me. But after I got into the car, he sobbed and fell down on the floor.
Ramtin Arablouei
Once he is back in Istanbul, Abdul Latif is helpless to stop what happens next. Maryam's arrest and her disappearance into China's detention system. The children are gone too. Abdulatif has no idea what's happened to them or how he'll ever get them back, but he decides to try anyway. That journey Next week on Embedded. If you want to hear the next episode right now and before everyone else, go sign up for Embedded plus. Embedded is the home for ambitious storytelling at npr, and subscribing to Embedded plus is a great way to support that work. Embedded plus listeners will get to hear each episode of the Blackgate early, and they'll get to listen sponsor free too. Go to plus.NPR.org or find the Embedded channel in Apple to find out more. And a big thanks to everyone who has already signed up.
Emily Fang
Next week we will continue the story of Abdul Latif Kuchar and the search for his missing family. The music you're hearing is a folk song called Nazogum by Uyghur musician Abdrayim Haidt. He was arrested by Chinese authorities in 2017, reportedly in connection with a Uyghur language song he had performed in 2019. After rumors of his death, the government released a video of the musician where he said he was in good health and under investigation for allegedly violating national laws. We should say it is currently impossible to verify Haight's well being and whether he made the statements in the video under duress. Haight has not been heard from since The Black Gate is a collaboration with NPR's International Desk. If you'd like to hear more about the history of the Uyghur people, check out the episode Five Fingers Crushed the Land from our friends at the Throughline podcast. We've linked to it in our episode description. The Black Gate was reported by Emily Fang. Phoebe Wang produced the episode with help from Adelina Lancian Hees. It was edited by Jenny Schmidt. Katie Simon is our Supervising editor. Our supervising Senior Producer is Liana Simstrom. Our Executive producer is Irene Noguchi. Special thanks to Dee Dee Schenke and vincent knee of NPR's international desk. Fact Checking by Naomi Sharp with help from William Chase, mastering by Gilly Moon, music by Ramtin Arablouei. Abdoulaye Ayup provided help with translation and interpretation. Additional translation by Qasem Abdurrahim Kashkar Mametchan, Jimeh Muqaddas and Qasim Abdurahm. Kashgar did our voiceovers. Thanks also to Lee Hale, Shirley Henry, Arianna Garib, Lee Gregory Warner, Duri Buscarin, Vanessa Castillo and the Kuchar family for sharing their story.
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Throughline Podcast Summary: "Embedded: The Black Gate"
Release Date: December 24, 2024
Host: Rund Abdelfattah and Ramtin Arablouei
Series: Embedded (NPR)
In the inaugural episode of the three-part series "The Black Gate" from NPR's Embedded podcast, hosted by Rund Abdelfattah and Ramtin Arablouei, listeners are transported into the harrowing reality faced by the Uyghur Muslim minority in China’s Xinjiang region. The episode delves deep into the systematic oppression, cultural eradication, and the personal tragedies endured by families like the Kuchars.
The narrative centers around Abdulatif Kuchar, a Uyghur man whose life was shattered by the Chinese government's crackdown on his family. In 2017, while Abdulatif was in Istanbul, his wife Maryam and their children were violently separated from him in Xinjiang.
Key Moments:
December 2017: Abdulatif recounts the night Maryam was taken. (02:22)
“She was so scared, but she told me she had to open the door.” – Abdulatif Kuchar
Aftermath: The chaos left their children, Lutfula and Aissou, traumatized and ultimately separated as Abdulatif’s extended family members were also arrested for attempting to care for them. By 2016, both Abdulatif and his children had their passports confiscated, trapping the family in a dire situation.
Migration to Istanbul: Seeking safety, Abdulatif relocated to Istanbul, hoping to reunite with his family. However, upon his return to Istanbul, Maryam and the children remained missing, pushing Abdulatif to embark on a perilous quest to find them.
The episode provides a comprehensive history of the Uyghur struggle against Chinese rule:
1949 Onwards: Chinese troops annexed Xinjiang, promising autonomy to ethnic minorities like the Uyghurs and Tibetans. However, promises were broken as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) imposed strict control.
Family History: Abdulatif’s grandfather was an active figure in the Uyghur independence movement, aligning with leaders like Niaz Hoxa Niaz. Post-occupation, the family faced persecution; Abdulatif’s father was coerced into joining the CCP and renouncing his Islamic faith, leading to familial strife and eventual divorce. (07:23-08:04)
Diaspora and Business Ventures: In 1986, Abdulatif’s mother moved the family to Turkey, granting Abdulatif and his brother Turkish citizenship. Despite relocating, the brothers maintained business ties in Xinjiang, believing in a hopeful economic future under Chinese rule until the early 2000s.
The global events of September 11, 2001, significantly influenced China's policies in Xinjiang:
War on Terror: China leveraged the global anti-terrorism sentiment to justify stringent measures against Uyghurs, labeling cultural and religious expressions as potential threats. (12:01)
Cultural Suppression: Uyghur cultural renaissance in the late 1990s and early 2000s, marked by the restoration of mosques and revitalization of Islamic practices, was met with severe crackdowns. Authorities attributed these cultural expressions to extremism. (09:47-10:41)
Violence and Retaliation: The 2009 Urumqi riots, sparked by ethnic tensions and violent clashes between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, resulted in over 150 deaths and heightened state repression.
"The Black Gate" refers to the expansive network of detention centers established by the Chinese government to incarcerate Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities.
Key Insights:
Scale of Detentions: Between 2017 and 2021, over one million Uyghurs were detained. (22:50)
Purpose and Justification: Officially labeled as "vocational education and training centers," these facilities aim to "eradicate terrorism and religious extremism" by indoctrinating detainees with CCP ideology and Mandarin language skills. (22:50-23:00)
Arbitrary Detentions: Leaked documents reveal that detentions were often based on trivial indicators such as men having long beards or women wearing veils. (22:50)
Human Rights Abuses: Detainees are subjected to forced labor, political indoctrination, and severe human rights violations, making it one of the largest and most systematic internments of an ethnic minority since the Holocaust.
Notable Quote:
The episode amplifies the voices of those directly impacted by the crackdown:
Kalbennor: A young Uyghur mother from Kashgar describes the pervasive fear and constant harassment by authorities. (13:09-13:51)
“People began disappearing... my life became very isolated.” – Kalbennor
Abdoulaye Ayup: A Uyghur language teacher and activist, Abdoulaye sought to preserve Uyghur culture through education. His efforts led to his arrest in 2013, exemplifying the targeting of cultural leaders. (18:05-19:12)
“We will not compromise... We shouldn't lose our language.” – Abdoulaye Ayup
Abdulatif’s unwavering hope to reunite with his family amidst oppressive circumstances highlights the personal toll of geopolitical conflicts. His family’s resilience and determination to maintain their cultural identity in the face of systematic eradication underscore the broader struggle of the Uyghur people.
Key Moments:
Road Trip Revelation: In 2016, Abdulatif took his family on a road trip across Xinjiang, only to witness a massive military presence, signaling the intensifying crackdown. (20:21-20:36)
Deportation and Separation: Despite efforts to secure his Turkish passport, Abdulatif was deported, leaving Maryam and their children behind—a move that ultimately led to their disappearance within the Chinese detention system. (25:11-26:38)
"The Black Gate" paints a grim picture of the systematic oppression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Through personal stories, historical context, and firsthand accounts, the episode underscores the urgent need for global awareness and intervention. Abdulatif Kuchar’s relentless search for his family symbolizes the broader quest for justice and human rights for the Uyghur people.
Final Quote:
To delve deeper into the Uyghur history, listeners are encouraged to check out "Five Fingers Crushed the Land" from the Throughline podcast, available via the episode description.
Subscribe to Throughline+: Support the creation of in-depth historical stories and gain access to bonus episodes and sponsor-free listening by subscribing at plus.npr.org/throughline.