Charlie Sykes (27:01)
You know, to say that it's important is putting it mildly. All right, back to your questions. When Biden, When Biden was in office. Feels like a long time ago now, right? Doesn't it? All I heard about was the Biden crime family, but now we have the biggest grifter ever in office. And crickets. Why do we hear more about the corruption in plain sight from the Trump family? Excellent question. Because I think in part, this is one of those consequences of flooding the zone. It's just hard to keep up. And I also think that there's kind of a lag time. It's like, it is so brazen. It is so obvious. It is on such a massive scale. They are not making any pretense that they are not doing this, that I think, you know, the normal watchdogs are either gone or just kind of shocked into silence. But also, this is one of those things where I think that, you know, another indication is Republicans are better at messaging these very simple concepts. The Biden crime family. The Biden crime family. Okay, so Hunter was a bit sleazy, but it pales in comparison to the Jared Kushner's of the world, the Donald Trumps of the world, the Donald Juniors of the world, the deals they're cutting, the open bribery of the president, which is not a secret anymore. I mean, everyone has figured out, hey, you know what the smart move is? The smart move is to bribe Donald Trump. Give him whatever he wants, bring him gold baubles, give him airplanes, give him all kinds of stuff. Because you know, if you want to, you know, stay on his good side, you have to pay him off. Now, I know that there will be some of you that will say, well, Charlie, you know, corruption's been a problem in American politics forever. So, you know, is this different? That's true. This is different. We have never seen anything on the scale of what we're seeing now. But you want some good news? I did promise I would get to some good news. And I have mentioned. I have mentioned this a couple of times. The Jamie Dimon story. Do you know, are people familiar with this? Okay, well, just give me. Just give me a second on this one. Jamie Dimon is the CEO of J.P. morgan, one of the, you know, big Wall street guys. And he gave an interview recently where he said, you know, we're not gonna be contributing to that massive new Trump Ballroom, the $300 million ballroom, you know, the one they tore down the east wing of the White House for, because it might look like we're trying to buy influence and we have a lot of business with government. I'm paraphrasing this, but there may come a time when there is a Democratic Department of Justice that will look very different. In other words, Jamie Dimon is now starting to think post Trump, and the message he's sending is you all think that the smart move is to bribe Donald Trump. Well, it's smart until it's not. And this is one of the things that I think we need to keep our eye on. These guys are acting as if. And I'm talking about the Trump people, but a lot of the people who are sucking up to him, they're acting as if there will never be a change in power, that they will never be a Justice Department that says, hey, you know what? Bribery is illegal, and we're going to hold you accountable. The fact that JP Dimon. I'm sorry, that Jamie Dimon from JP Morgan recognizes that I think is significant. I mean, it's not determinative, but it is significant. And it sends a signal to every other corporation. Okay? Remember, there is a risk unless you assume that this is a, you know, the thousand year Trumpian Reich and you will never be held accountable. It might not be the smart thing. Okay, back to your questions. Ooh, this is cosmic one. Since we're getting to the end of the year, I'd like to know whether you thought that we as a country, whether you thought that we as a country weathered this first year of Trump 2.0 better or worse than you thought we would back in February when it seemed like they were off to the races doing Project 2025 as fast as they could. Okay, well, this is a complicated question, because there were those of us that were warning about Trump 2.0 for a very, very long time in a very, very graphic term. So we can't say that we were surprised by what they were doing. They said they told us what they were going to do. Every indication was that they had a plan, that the Velociraptors had figured out how to open the doors. And this time around, I wrote about it, I talked about it. You know, my friend Tom Nichols has written about it, David Frum wrote about, like, look, look, Trump 2.0 is going to be worse than, you know, exponentially worse than Trump 1.0. And yet it did feel in some ways worse than predicted. Not necessarily because Trump did anything we weren't expecting, because he did signal that he was going to do all of those things. And this is the thing about Donald Trump. I mean, there's that whole school of thought, he's not gonna do that. He's not gonna. So failure of imagination. The shock was the serial surrender of civil society. The number of people that we thought might be guardrails against Trumpian overreach, who decided very early on that they were gonna bend the knee. And it started with the law firm, started with the universities, when all of the tech oligarchs came in, you know, sucking up, you know, pulling on the Ford a lot to Donald Trump. And, you know, you know, pardon the language here, but one of the surprises was that you thought that if you were, you know, a multi billionaire, that if you had fuck you money, that you could say fuck you instead. It turns out, and Donald Trump perhaps had this insight, is that if you have fuck you money, you can't say fuck you to the President because you have more to lose. And so Donald Trump realized that if he could play upon their fears, let them know how much they had to lose by getting on his side and how much they had to gain by paying him off, well, they would follow the incentives. So, I mean, you just look at one after another, and it was not just Elon Musk, obviously. I mean, you're talking about Jeff Bezos and you're talking about Zuckerberg, and I mean, just go down that whole, sorry, sorry, listen. But it was that surrender, it was that that sort of shocked desire to appease that I think made things somewhat worse. So that the resistance did feel like it took a while for it to get off its, you know, off its back foot. That's a very nice way of, of saying what was going on. So in some ways, I feel that it was worse. I think that the damage was more extensive because we were not prepared. And I know that there are some of you who get all bristled and any criticism of Joe Biden, but Joe Biden had one job. The one job was to keep Donald Trump from coming back into power, and number two, to somehow fireproof the federal government to his return to power. And they failed. And the more I think about that, the more frustrating it is to realize that, you know, knowing what was coming, that we did not take the threat seriously enough to put in place those protections that would have prevented it and some of the damage that's being done. And I agree with Judge Ludig. In fact, I was, I chatted with Judge Kay. This is, I'm from Wisconsin, so I'm not one of the Washington guys. But. So this is going to sound like one of those Washington schmooze things. I was talking with Judge Ludig at Dick Cheney's funeral. This is actually what. And we were talking about the Justice Department. And my wife asked him, said, you know, how long will it take to fix this? And I remember his answer, shook his head, and he said, it's going to take decades or generations. These things are not easily fixed. So it's not as if, when Donald Trump leaves and the Republicans lose power, that we're going to flip a switch and go back to anything like normality, anything like the norms that we used to have because the China has been broken and it's going to be very, very, very difficult to putting it back. Okay, let's go back to some of these questions.