Tom Holland (41:08)
You know, obviously it varies. I mean, the, the Conquistadors are unbelievably brutal in the main, and if they hadn't been brutal, then they wouldn't have done what they did. You know, they wouldn't have conquered what they, what they ended up conquering. They. The, the, the lust for gold becomes notorious. It is absolutely about wanting material goods. But to imagine that the, the desire to win souls for Christ is simply cynical. Window dressing is very, you know, that's a very anachronistic take. There are absolutely people who are going out there who, who feel that this is a, you know, this is absolutely part of God's plan. And. There are, there are friars of, of whom the most famous is a guy called Bartolome de Las Casas, who condemns the oppression and the greed of the conquistadors as an offense against God. And there is a great kind of scholarly debate in Spain between those who are drawing on Greek philosophers, particularly Aristotle, to essentially, you know, the, the strong do what they will, the weak must suck it up kind of argument that there are those who are destined for, to be slaves and there are those who are destined to be masters. And they're drawing on, on, on Greek philosophy for that. And then there is Las Casas, who's saying no, he's drawing on the Gospels. He's saying, no, slavery is an evil. These are people who are as worthy of respect as anyone else who has been one for Christ. They must be one for Christ. And you can see there the beginnings of kind of ideas that will feed ultimately into notions of international law. And that's a Catholic perspective. The British obviously are Protestant. And therefore they bring a slightly different perspective. One perspective is that the Spanish are evil. So what they call the black legend, the idea that the Spanish are uniquely appalling, which is often they're drawing on Las Casas and other Spanish writers like him to kind of condemn the Spanish. I mean, it's very much kind of Protestant black propaganda, I think. But the British have their own route to deciding that slavery is wrong. It's as Christian as the Spanish one, but it's distinctively Protestant. And what you have with the kind of radical form of Protestantism that develops in England in the Civil War and then the Commonwealth and its aftermath is this notion that the Spirit descends on you and enables you to read Scripture in the way that it's meant to be properly understood. So the simple words on the page, you know, this is inadequate to properly understand it. You have to have the Spirit. You have to have been granted grace by the Spirit, by, by, by God. And when you do that, then you can see what it properly means. And this revolution in England is trans. Is transported to the Caribbean and it's transported to the American colonies. And so Quakers are the most obvious example, but Baptists and people like that, and this coincides with the development of plantation slavery in the Caribbean and in the American colonies. And this Britain is starting to industrialize by this point. And industrialization is about utilizing resources in a way that is more intensive than has ever been done before. And what that means for slaves is obviously horrendous because you industrialize the process of transporting slaves, of exploiting them, of working them. So you have the conjunction of that industrialization of slavery and this radical notion that you can only understand God's purpose by reading the. The Scriptures with a sense of the Spirit. And it combines to inspiring Quakers and evangelical Anglicans, a sense that slavery is wrong, even though famously, notoriously, even nowhere in the Bible does it say that slavery is wrong. Slavery is taken for granted in the Bible because it's seen as in the way the fact that hunger is, or poverty or homelessness or whatever, it's just part of the human condition. But radical Protestants in the 18th century and then into the early 19th century are saying, no, actually, it may not say this, but. But I. I feel the Spirit is telling me slavery is wrong and it spreads like a wildfire. And the Spirit is conceptualized by Christians as fire, Pentecostal fire. So it's literally Pentecostal fire blazing across the Atlantic in Britain, in the Caribbean, in the North American colonies, particularly in the northern colonies. And it Inspires the first great activist movement in Britain. You have people writing to their mps, you have demonstrations going through the streets of London demanding the abolition of slavery. And it becomes so unignorable for the government that in 1814 Napoleon has been defeated and sent off to Elba. This is Congress in Vienna to draw redraw the map of the Europe. And Lord Castlereagh, the Foreign Secretary has to go to Vienna and basically says, guys, I'm really sorry, but I've got all these, all these guys who are, you know, people in London who are holding street demonstrations and things. We've got to sort this out. We've got to abolish the slave trade. And this carries on even, you know, through Waterloo and, and the second defeat of Napoleon. And the Protestant tradition that Castlereagh is representing is obviously means nothing to the Catholic powers, to the French, to the Spanish, to the Portuguese. So they, they draw on those traditions that Las Casas had been articulating, so Catholic traditions. And it gets blended with the Protestant traditions. And so also do the radical traditions of the, of the Revolution, the French Revolution, kind of the radicalism of that because, because the, the French Revolution had abolished slavery in, in the Caribbean and then Napoleon had brought it back in. So there are the, so essentially it's a pooling of these three traditions, all of which are bread of the marrow of, of Christian Europe, the, the Protestant, the Catholic and the kind of the Enlightenment tradition, if you want to call it that. And this is what gives birth essentially to international, the concept of international law, the idea that there are principles that transcend religious doctrine. So that a Protestant and a Catholic can equally accept the dictates of international law. And this is what enables British ships when they are patrolling the Atlantic, that gives them the legal right to stop Portuguese or Spanish slave ships and arrest those who are doing it and say, put them on coast of Cuba and try them under international law. And it also provides a rubric for what then happens in the 19th century when the British start to go on the attack against the Muslim slave trade. Because of course Muslims have very different sanctions for slavery. And so the process by which Muslim powers come to accept that slavery is an evil kind of requires them to accept the primacy of international law, which is a massive, massive deal for Muslims because they have a framework of law that derives supposedly from God. So it's much trickier for them than it is for Christians because Christians don't have that notion of a God given corpus of laws that have come from God. But essentially that is the framework of international law that governs, you know, upholds the notions of human rights and so on to this day.