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You're listening to an Airwave Media podcast. There's a new book sponsoring our podcast this week. It's called the Banker who Made America by Richard Vague. It's not about Alexander Hamilton, not about Robert Morris. This is a new biography of Thomas Willing, a man who played a key role in financing the American Revolution, founding the US Government, who you've probably never heard of Robert Morris and later Alexander Hamilton. Both learned banking and commerce from this man. Willing came from a wealthy and established Philadelphia family and even served as mayor during the colonial era. Willing worked in the background and is not well remembered today. Richard Vague, who was Pennsylvania's security secretary a few years ago, helps us follow the money that made the revolution possible and helped establish the foundation for the US Government under the Constitution. Willing is the key to all of it. Go to bookshop.org and use the code ARP15 for for 15% off at checkout. That's www. Bookshop.org to get 15% off the book with promo code ARP15. Hello and thank you for joining the American Revolution this this week. Episode 386 Confronting Rebellion we left off last week with hundreds of militia banding together to exact revenge on John Neville, the Federal Inspector of Revenue in Western Pennsylvania. At first, a company of militia had ridden to his house, resulting in Neville killing at least one and wounding four others. This caused hundreds to return the next day, July 17, 1794, and burn his home to the ground, despite the property being defended by about a dozen federal soldiers. The defending soldiers were released, as were Federal Marshal David Lennox and Neville's son Presley, who had been held prisoner during the fighting. When Lennox and Neville tried to return to Pittsburgh, they faced drunken militiamen trying to attack them. When they finally got to the city, they found General Neville. The General had left his home before the battle, knowing that if captured, he could be tortured or killed. He had wisely stayed in Pittsburgh at the home of a friend. The militia had succeeded in taking some revenge, but many were even angrier because their commander, Major McFarland, had been killed in the attack on Neville's home. The Rebels descended on Pittsburgh and threatened to burn the town unless Neville finally resigned his commission and Marshal Lennox turned over any outstanding warrants. The rebel militia camped outside of Pittsburgh was estimated at over a thousand men. Negotiations went on for days as they attempted to satisfy the angry militiamen. Local lawyer named Hugh Henry Brackenridge tried to negotiate a settlement with the Rebels. He attended hearings before the Rebel Committee. The main point of contention was that the marshal had already served Several summonses to people around the Pittsburgh area, and they did not want those summonses returned to the court in Philadelphia. During this debate, the rebels brought in Robert Johnson, the same revenue agent who had been tarred and feathered a few years earlier. Johnson accepted the gravity of the situation and wholeheartedly agreed to resigning his position as a revenue agent. That night, during a brutal thunderstorm, Marshal Lennox and general Neville escaped out of Pittsburgh and rode east, headed as fast as they could for Philadelphia. Brackenridge remained in discussions with the rebels, who had set up headquarters at a nearby church. Brackenridge's goal was to convince the rebels that this was not going to end well. The federal government would have a response to this rebellion Rather than back down. However, the rebellion only seemed to be growing in strength and size. It seemed that those who lived in Pittsburgh itself opposed the rebellion, while all the communities surrounding them were in support of it. Several weeks after the battle at Neville's home, Bower hill rebels seized the federal mail and found a number of Pittsburgh residents condemning the rebellion. In a reaction, the rebel leaders called for a militia assembly at Braddock's Field. On August 1st. An estimated 7,000 armed militia turned out with the intention of burning the town of Pittsburgh. They began marching toward the town, but were eventually dissuaded by moderate voices that told them that Pittsburgh had agreed to banish the letter writers who had condemned the rebellion. While things seemed to be spinning out of control, there were moderates who were attempting to tamp down the growing violence. One important voice was that of Albert Gallatin. He will become more important in the history of the United States, so perhaps now is a good time to introduce him. Gallatin was born in Switzerland in 1761. He spoke French as his primary language, came from a wealthy merchant family. But his father died when he was only four years old, and his mother died when he was nine. A family friend stepped in to raise him. When he was 12, he went to the academy of Geneva and became a great fan of the enlightenment. When the American revolution began, he, Gallatin, wanted to be a part of it. He and a fellow student Left School in 1780 at age 19. They traveled to France, where they met Benjamin Franklin. He gave them letters of introduction before they sailed for Boston. The town of Boston was not terribly interesting for two young men who were excited about the American frontier. Gallatin ended up moving to Machias in the Maine wilderness. He lived there for about a year, where he ran a trading post. He then returned to Boston, where he worked briefly as a French tutor at Harvard College. By this time, the Revolution had ended. Becoming bored again with Boston, Gallatin got involved in the post war land boom out west. He teamed up with a French land speculator who wanted to sell western lands to Europeans. In 1785, Gallatin moved to Virginia and became a naturalized citizen of that state. He also married a local Richmond girl who was the daughter of the boarding house owner where he was staying. Gallatin hoped to become rich with the western land boom. Instead, though he made his fortune the old fashioned way. He inherited it. A year after moving to Virginia, he received a small fortune left to him by a relative in Europe. He used that money to buy 400 acres of land in Fayette County, Pennsylvania and built a large stone house which he dubbed Friendship Hill. Gallatin became active in Pennsylvania politics, favoring the more radical factions in the state. In 1788, Gallatin served as a delegate to the state convention, the one that the anti Federalist faction called to recommend amendments to the proposed U.S. constitution. Over the years, Galatin gained a reputation as a strong supporter of the anti Federalist and later the Democratic Republican factions in government. In 1790, the people of Fayette county sent him to serve as their representative in the U.S. house. He quickly fell into the faction controlled by James Madison and also became a leading opponent of many of Alexander Hamilton's proposals, including the excise bill. Gallatin also became a leading voice at many gatherings in Western Pennsylvania opposed to the tax. Gallatin's views against the tax were in sync with those of the people that he represented at the Pittsburgh Convention. In 1792, Gallatin served as secretary and signed the resolution calling for the refusal to have any dealings with anyone who took a position to collect the whiskey tax. These positions, of course, put Gallatin in direct contention with President Washington. In response to the Pittsburgh Convention, Hamilton got the President to issue a proclamation admonishing anyone who was organizing to obstruct the operation of the excise law. The people of Pennsylvania, however, were quite happy with Gallatin's positions. In 1793, the state legislature appointed him to the U.S. senate. That same year he married Hannah Nicholson, the daughter of Commodore James Nicholson, who had been a hero of the Continental Navy. Gallatin's first wife had died a few years earlier, shortly after they moved to Pennsylvania. Gallatin took his seat in the senate in late 1793. But almost immediately the Senate received a petition from several Federalists in Pennsylvania who objected to his seating based on the fact that Gallatin had not been a US Citizen for nine years as required by the Constitution. He had Taken his oath of citizenship in Virginia eight years earlier. The issue was not cut and dry because supporters argued that he had expressed his desire to become a citizen in 1783, which was 10 years earlier and that was the date that should count. The Senate sent the matter to committee to review the facts, then called for a vote. The senators ruled that Gallatin's election was void by a vote of 14 to 12. Gallatin had to leave the senate and return home. He arrived only a month before the battle of Bower Hill that caused the region to explode. In mid August of 1794, about a month after the militia had burned Neville's home. Gallatin served as secretary for a conference at Parkinson's Ferry, arguing with the radicals that there was no possibility of military success against the federal government and that they should really be looking for a political solution. While Gallatin opposed the tax, he asserted that it was constitutional and the people could not simply use violence to oppose laws that they did not like. A couple of weeks later, Gallatin gave an hours long speech to a hostile crowd trying to explain why the rebellion was different from the American Revolution and why they needed to support the rule of law. Gallatin was pushing the idea of submission because he knew what was coming and hoped to avert it. As early as 1792, following the first attacks on revenue officers in the region, Alexander Hamilton had been pushing for, quote, unquote, vigorous and decisive measures. Otherwise, he said, quote, the spirit of disobedience will naturally extend and the authority of the government will be prostrate. He called on president Washington to issue a stern warning and then send federal troops if the people did not comply. President Washington issued his public proclamation in September of that year, but left out Hamilton's proposed threats of military force, something that Attorney General Edmund Randolph recommended deleting. Hamilton viewed this ongoing confrontation as a test of the new federal government. The government had to show it was willing to use force to enforce its laws. He saw this rebellion as an opportunity to demonstrate the federal government's power and resolve. He characterized the protesters as committing treason, that they were a disease that threatened to destroy the Union. Hamilton had agreed to a few changes, such as a reduction in the amount of tax and the change that allowed local courts to hear tax cases. But he adamantly opposed further appeasement, such as removing Neville as a revenue agent. This would be interpreted as weakness and would only encourage more defiance of federal laws. Normally, Secretary of state Thomas Jefferson would be expected to balance Hamilton's more extreme views. But by this time, Jefferson was gone. He had resigned as Secretary of State at the end of 1793. He was sick of the constant political battles with Hamilton and believed that the President was increasingly supporting much of Hamilton's agenda. Attorney General Edmund Randolph had become Secretary of State by this time. He expressed deep concerns over the use of military force, at least before any diplomatic or judicial options were exhausted. Even if it was hard, the government had to be based on the affection of the people, not military force. If there were crimes committed, they should be handled by the judiciary with due process, not through the use of armed soldiers just going around crushing entire communities. The new Attorney General, William Bradford and Secretary of War Henry Knox, both generally sided with Hamilton's view. Bradford viewed the insurrection as treason and a threat to the existence of the government itself. Knox stressed that government needed to deploy an overwhelming force in order to convince the people of the new government's authority. Knox very much pushed the idea of overwhelming force so that the matter did not drag out or give the rebels any hope of an eventual compromise to end the dispute. He wanted the Whiskey Rebellion to be in great contrast to, say, Shays Rebellion, where the government really didn't have the power to force an end to the dispute. President Washington seemed more reluctant than most of his cabinet to use military force. He'd never been a big fan of this sort of violent and destructive protest, even when he was on the other side. Two decades earlier, Washington had condemned the destruction of British tea in Boston. Unlike many of the founders, Washington had never been a fan of violent political protests. In this case, Washington believed the excise law was a legitimate one and that he had a duty to make sure it was enforced. He accepted that military action was always a last resort, but his fear of appearing as a military tyrant gave him pause. After learning about the destruction of Bower Hill in July, Washington met with Pennsylvania Governor Mifflin. The Governor believed that the lawlessness could be handled by the judiciary and that calling out the army was not necessary. Unsatisfied with Mifflin's assurances, Washington met with James Wilson, who was at the time a justice on the US Supreme Court, but was also a resident of Pennsylvania. Wilson advised the President that the rebellion was too powerful to handle with judicial proceedings alone. These comments gave Washington the political cover at least to issue an order mobilizing the militia. He authorized the mobilization of 13,000 militiamen from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia. It would take time to assemble this army, so he also gave the rebels until September 1st to disperse and submit to the law. The following week, Washington also dispatched a peace Commission to meet with the Rebels. The commission was made up of Attorney General Bradford, Senator James Ross, a Federalist who had replaced Gallatin in the Senate after the removal of him over the citizenship controversy, and Judge Jasper Yates, who sat on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and was also an ardent Federalist. None of the three men were very sympathetic to the Rebel cause. So also joining the commission on the trip were two men appointed by Governor Mifflin, Pennsylvania Chief Justice Thomas McKean and Congressman William Irvine. These two men were more sympathetic to the cause of the rebels, but they still agreed that there had to be a submission. The commission traveled west and met up with the leaders of the rebellion on April 28. This was the same meeting where Gallatin gave his speech calling for the people to submit to federal law. The commissioners demanded complete submission and that all Rebels stand down. After a contentious debate, the committee of rebels voted 34 to 23 in favor of submission. The commissioners, however, expressed concern that the vote was not unanimous and had been conducted by secret ballot. It seemed clear that none of the Rebels were inclined to make themselves a target for federal retribution, but that the resistance and violence would only continue. So the commissioners insisted that Every male age 18 or older sign an oath of submission on September 11th. Turnout for this ordered vote was dismally low and in some cases because people believed that they would actually face retribution from their neighbors if they did sign the oath. The commission reported back to President Washington that they did not believe the region would submit and that order could not be restored without military coercion. This seemed to be the expected result since the militia army was already gathering and preparing. During this time, Bradford used his time as a commissioner to gather intelligence on the leadership, numbers and locations of rebels which he could provide to the Federal Army. By September 25, the army was ready to march. Washington personally led the militia army. He appointed as military commander of the army the Governor of Virginia and Washington's old cavalry commander, Light Horse Harry Lee. The right wing of the army was made up of militia from Pennsylvania and New Jersey and commanded by their respective governors. Pennsylvania Governor Mifflin had been a Continental general. Governor Richard Howe of New Jersey had only risen to the rank of captain during the war. The left wing of the militia was came from Maryland and Virginia and was under the command of Maryland Congressman Richard Smith, a former Continental colonel, and General Daniel Morgan of Virginia. Alexander Hamilton also traveled with the Army. Secretary of War Henry Knox missed the expedition, choosing instead to attend to personal business in Maine. The Pennsylvania and New Jersey militia used Carlisle as a staging area The Maryland militia camped at Williamsport, Maryland. The Virginia militia made camp at Cumberland, Maryland. Washington reviewed the troops in early October before leaving the army at Bedford to return to Philadelphia. He turned over military command to General Lee. As the armies reached western Pennsylvania, they found nothing. All the rebels went home and simply said, what rebellion? Nothing to see here. No one wanted to take on the federal militia army. This left the soldiers without a war to fight. The leaders believed that violence would only reappear after they left, so they opted to make some arrests. Coordinated squads of cavalry were deployed on the night of November 13th to arrest the alleged leaders of the rebellion. The army rounded up about 300 men who were held in various places, but many simply herded together into open pens. Complaints began almost immediately that the arrests were done without warrants, that the army had disregarded amnesty promises that they had already given, that many of the arrests seem arbitrary and included people who had actually supported the government's efforts to restore order. Because there was no army to fight, General Lee dismissed most of the militia. By November 17, just four days after the mass arrests, only 1500 volunteers under General Morgan remained to ensure that no problems flared up again over the winter. The next problem was that armies just don't do a very good job of law enforcement. Officers were interrogating prisoners, but unable to do much with them. No one was willing to confess to anything or provide witness testimony against anyone else. In the end, the army ended up releasing almost all of their prisoners. They took about 20 men back to Philadelphia for trial. These men were marched through the streets of Philadelphia with the sign labeled insurgent hung around their necks. But actually convicting any of these people for treason or sedition proved nearly impossible. In the end, only two men were ever convicted. Neither of them were really considered leaders of the movement. They were described as simpletons or insane, probably not bright enough to refuse giving incriminating testimony against themselves. In the end, President Washington pardoned both of the men. The government faced criticism as there was some looting by the militia army and destruction of property. Most of the complaints came from the Democratic Republicans. The militia army, however, had its intended effect. Farmers still effectively evaded the excise tax by hiding their distilleries. Several thousand rebels moved further west into the Ohio territory to avoid further interactions with the government. But the open, violent attacks on government officials doing their jobs came to an end. Next week, President Washington steps into even deeper political hot water when he forces the unpopular Jay treaty on an unwilling American population. This episode is brought to you by Ethos. Life insurance has always been important to me. When my grandfather died young and without insurance, it was a disaster. My father and his two brothers nearly ended up in an orphanage because my grandmother had no way to support them. If not for the charitable generosity of some other family members, my family would have been ripped apart. I was sure to get my own policy as soon as I had children. It's simply part of being a responsible parent. Ethos makes getting life insurance fast and easy. It's completely online, there's no medical exam, and you can get your coverage in minutes. Ethos gives you the best rate for from a network of trusted carriers. 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How Revolution that's S C R I B E H O W Revolution hey, thanks for joining the American Revolution podcast after show part of the Airwave Media Network. Thanks to my Patreon supporters in the Alexander Hamilton Club, George Davis and Gordon Kemp, thanks to Robert Morris Circle supporter Jason Googens, and also thanks to Paul McGill for a one time gift via Venmo. I spent a fair amount of time talking about the background of Albert Gallatin in today's episode, even though I didn't get much of a chance to discuss his role in the rebellion itself. Gallatin is one of those people who tried to negotiate a peaceful resolution. Despite clearly being on the side of the rebels opposing the attacks, Gallatin never advocated or participated in any of the violence. In fact, he actively tried to stop the violence. Alexander Hamilton, however, considered Gallatin responsible for and spent a fair amount of time interrogating witnesses in Pittsburgh trying to build a case against him. He was unable to do so. Hamilton and others publicly attacked Gallatin as a fomenter of the rebellion, but never managed to charge him with anything. In 1795, the people of Western Pennsylvania would elect Gallatin to the House of Representatives, where he became a leading political opponent of Hamilton. When James Madison retired from the house in 1796, Gallatin became the effective leader of the Democratic Republicans in the House. After Jefferson's election as president in 1800, Gallatin ended up taking over Hamilton's old post. As Secretary of Treasury in 1802, Gallatin oversaw the repeal of the excise tax. He would also go on to serve as Secretary of State in the Madison administration. In addition to that, he briefly ran for vice president in 1824 despite not being a native born American. He would go on to serve as Ambassador to Russia under John Quincy Adams and later in life he helped found New York University and became a prominent opponent of the Mexican American War. Another key public figure I didn't get as much a chance to discuss as I would have liked was Hugh Henry Brackenridge, the Pittsburgh lawyer who tried to negotiate an end to the rebellion. At one point, a man named Samuel Jackson derisively referred to the assembly of Rebels as a scrub Congress. The rebel leaders took offense to this and they actually wanted to execute him over his comments. Brackenridge was the one who talked him out of it, saying that name calling should be met more with an eye for an eye punishment. He proposed that the man's punishment should be that he would be called Scrub Samuel for the rest of his life. This grew laughter from the crowd and ended all talk of execution. Hamilton and others considered Breckinridge to be a ringleader of the rebellion. He spoke at several rebel meetings after the attack on Bower Hill. But all of his speeches were trying to diffuse the situation. He was one of the 12 rebel leaders who negotiated the terms of submission with the federal army. At one point, federal troops actually tried to murder him because of his alleged involvement, but. But their attempt was unsuccessful. Hamilton interrogated Brackenridge for two days. He finally thought he had a smoking gun when someone handed him a letter that was allegedly written by Breckinridge to David Bradford, one of the radical leaders who ended up fleeing to Spanish territory to avoid arrest. Bradford had called for the erection of guillotines to deal with the revenue officers. Brackenridge's letter to Bradford included detailed intelligence about the rebellion, which would have made him part of the conspiracy. Then, however, Hamilton noticed that the letter was not addressed to David Bradford at all. It was addressed to William Bradford, the Attorney General who was part of the Federal Peace Commission. Rather than sink Brackenridge, this letter, sharing information with a federal official, is what saved him from further prosecution. Brackenridge would go on to write one of the first accounts of the Whiskey Rebellion, which I recommended last week as my online recommendation. He would also go on to be appointed as a justice to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. I mentioned in passing that General Daniel Morgan came out of retirement to participate in the federal army that suppressed this rebellion. What I didn't get a chance to say was that one reason for doing so may have been very personal. Remember, the man at the center of this controversy was Revenue Inspector General John Neville, Neville's son, Presley. Neville had, during the war, served as the Marquis de Lafayette's aide de camp. Both Presley and his father were captured at the siege of Charlton in 1780. And following his release in 1782, Presley decided to get married. His wife was Nancy Morgan, the daughter of General Daniel Morgan. So Daniel Morgan was related by marriage to the victim of the burning that started this whole rebellion. The use of the militia army to crush the rebellion became one of President Washington's most controversial actions. The Democratic Republicans roundly condemned him as an abuse of an executive power. James Madison called for a condemnation of Washington, referring to the army as the greatest mistake of his political life. This and the Jay Treaty, which we're going to discuss next week, are really what caused the final break between Madison and Washington. One other thing that I didn't get to bring up was that the militia army raised by Washington was called the Watermelon Army. And you'll see this if you read a lot of the more detailed discussions about these events. The term came from a satirical essay characterizing the federal militia as being soft and squishy, like a watermelon, and in no shape to fight a real battle. The army itself contributed to the public criticism based on some of the looting that the soldiers engaged in during their march and during the occupation. Around Pittsburgh, soldiers abused prisoners and innocent civilians. One soldier actually killed a boy in Carlisle after he refused to stand respectfully as the army passed by. Another soldier bayoneted a drunken civilian after taking prisoners. Soldiers tortured some of the prisoners, including just dragging them behind horses. They threatened to murder some of the prisoners unless they confessed. Soldiers who remained in Pittsburgh over the winter were accused of regularly looting homes and stealing food from the locals. Ironically, though, the soldiers who were stationed in Pittsburgh got regular pay and ended up spending that money locally. This introduced more cash into the Western economy, something that helped the locals to be able to pay the whiskey tax going forward Since I did two episodes on the Whiskey Rebellion, I get to recommend a second book on the topic. This week I'm recommending the Whiskey Rebellion by William Hoagland. Like last week's recommendation, I think this book gives a great coverage of events. The book I recommended last week focused more on the events themselves. I think this book focuses more on the people who participated in those events. It's a little bit newer than last week's recommendation. This one was published in 2006. The author has written several books on the era. If this sounds like something that would interest you, get the Whiskey Rebellion by William Hoagland. I also mentioned that last week's online recommendation was the book written the year after the rebellion by one of the participants, Hugh Henry Breckenridge. This week I'm recommending another old book, this one written by his son, Henry Marie Breckenridge. Henry was a small child during the events of the rebellion, but he became well versed in all the events in the story as he grew up. He published his own book decades after the events in 1859 entitled History of the Western Insurrection in Western Pennsylvania, commonly called the Whiskey Insurrection, 1794. Initially, Breckinridge had only planned to republish his father's book, but in the end he ended up writing his own based on his father's book. I think this book is a great read on its own, even if the author hadn't been tied to the events themselves, which he was. The book, of course, is in the public domain and is available as a free download on archive.org as always, I've included direct links on my blog and in the show Notes My question this week comes from Matthew Thiessen, who asks, I was curious who and how you'd rank the worst American generals. Well, Matthew, I've answered similar questions to this before, but it seems to be a personal favorite and opinions probably change over time, so I'm happy to give it another answer. The worst Continental general, in my view, was General Matthias de Fermoy. This was the guy who came from the French West Indies claiming to be a French colonel. No good evidence that he actually was a colonel. Congress gave him a commission as a general in late 1776. His battlefield experience was nothing of note. He literally ran away from a battle at Trenton, leaving his men to fight without him. At Fort Ticonderoga, he managed to set his cabin on fire at night, revealing the entire nighttime escape of the Continental Army. Fermoy thankfully resigned and went away in early 1778 after Congress refused to promote him. But his pathetic performance in the army almost caused Congress to reject all future French volunteer officers, including Lafayette. For the worst American born general, I'd probably go with David Wooster. He refused to let Benedict Arnold have access to the armory at Lexington and Concord. Later, his efforts at Quebec alienated the local population against Americans and may have played a big role in Quebec's failure to join the cause. Worcester's one saving grace, I guess, is that he did die heroically in battle during the British attack on Ridgefield, Connecticut in 1777. I've heard before some folks would argue Horatio Gates should be on my list. I have said that I think he's the most overrated general, but Gates being the worst general I won't go with because I have to give Gates some credit for good logistical skills and at least for not screwing things up at Saratoga. If you have a question you'd like me to answer, please reach out to me either via email or on X, Facebook, Quora, or Reddit. Well, that's all for this week. I hope you will join me again next week for another American Revolution podcast. 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