Socialist mobility: a telling Michigan vote

Summary

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Economist Podcasts: "Socialist Mobility: A Telling Michigan Vote"

Date: August 6, 2026
Host: Jason Palmer
Guests: John Prudhoe (Executive Editor, The Economist), Abdul El Said (Senate Candidate), Gabriel Crossley (China Correspondent), Catherine Nixey (Britain Correspondent)

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Episode Overview

This episode of The Intelligence explores three broad themes:

1. The dramatic victory of a left-wing candidate, Abdul El Said, in Michigan’s Democratic Senate primary and what it signals for party politics and the general election.
2. The remarkable environmental turnaround of China’s Yangtze River after years of degradation.
3. A reflection on the cultural and historical significance of postcards as the world enters a “post-postcard” era.

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Michigan Primary: A Progressive Upset in the Heartland

Key Discussion Points

• Abdul El Said’s Primary Victory (01:57–05:41)

  • El Said, a former public health official, academic, and podcaster, defeated the establishment-favored Haley Stevens to become Michigan’s Democratic Senate nominee.
  • His platform is “particularly lefty,” including strong opposition to military aid for Israel and calls to get corporate money out of politics.
  • While not a Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) member, El Said is closely aligned with them—prompting the Senate Republican Campaign Committee to label him “dangerous” and “the most radical Democrat Senate nominee ever.”

• Campaign Positions and Appeal (03:31–05:39)

  • El Said’s background: Son of Egyptian immigrants, Rhodes Scholar, holds an MD from Columbia.
  • Policies range from standard progressive (Medicare for All, taxing billionaires, abolishing the filibuster, term limits for Supreme Court justices) to positions that are more controversial (past openness to defunding the police, sharp criticism of Israel).
  • His support base: Younger, highly educated, progressive voters with significant Arab American representation.

Notable Quote:

“They want us to think that the reason some of us ain't got is because other people got. But it turns out that the reason so many of us ain't got is because of the system that has corrupted our politics to take it away from us.”
—Abdul El Said, Victory Speech (02:20)

The Significance of the Win

• A Telling Upset in a Swing State (05:41–06:50)
  • Michigan is a genuine battleground, with African American and working-class voters, a strong union presence, and a history of going to both Democrats and Republicans.
  • John Prudhoe notes:

    “The fact that El Said was able to convince enough primary voters to elect him here either tells you something about how the Democratic primary electorate is changing… or it tells you something about how the left wing of the Democratic Party is becoming mainstream.”
    —John Prudhoe (06:34)

Political Stakes for November

• Democratic Hurdles (06:50–08:00)
  • The seat is crucial for any hope of a Senate majority; Michigan is currently Democratic-held, so this is about defense, not offense.
  • Betting markets reflected increased risk to holding the seat after El Said’s victory; Donald Trump called it “great news for the GOP” and branded El Said a “communist loser who hates Jews and Israel.”

Notable Quote:

“My commitment to Jewish safety is the same commitment that I have to the safety of my own daughters.”
—Abdul El Said, addressing attacks on his Israel stance (08:30)

• Republican Opponent: Mike Rogers (09:00–09:42)
  • Traditional candidate: military background, former FBI agent, chaired the House Intelligence Committee, ran uncontested in the GOP primary.
  • The race is essentially a “coin toss” according to The Economist’s midterm model.

What El Said’s Win Says About the Democratic Party

• Shift Toward the Left and Ongoing Intra-Party Battle (09:51–11:55)

  • The rise of the left, drawing support from educated progressives, is changing the face of the party but not dominating everywhere (notably, failures in places like Maine).
  • Upcoming battleground: Wisconsin, another key swing state, where a DSA-affiliated candidate, Francesca Hong, is a gubernatorial frontrunner.

• The Limits of Progressive Popularity (11:46–12:51)

  • Positions such as "defund the police" are viewed as unelectable in general but popular with primary voters.
  • The pattern echoes past Republican internal battles, notably the Tea Party, suggesting a search for change over safety within the party base.

Notable Quote:

“There is such a desire for change that, that voters within the Democratic primary… they want somebody who's going to come in and shake it up. And that is one reason why they went for Abdul El Said over Haley Stevens.”
—John Prudhoe (12:45)

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The Yangtze River: A Massive Environmental Turnaround

Key Discussion Points

• Transformation After Decades of Decline (14:01–15:11)
  • The “Mother River” of China saw ecological disaster throughout the 20th century, with pollution and overfishing.
  • President Xi Jinping’s government launched sweeping protection measures in 2021: a 10-year ban on all commercial fishing, enhanced environmental oversight, and relocation of polluting factories.
  • Results: Fish biomass up 200% since 2021; the river shows early signs of recovery.

Social and Political Costs

• Impact on Fishermen (16:48–17:41)

  • Over 230,000 fishers lost their livelihoods, with reported compensation falling short.
  • Many communities emptied out, with former fishers forced to seek work elsewhere or pivot unsuccessfully to aquaculture.

• The Power and Limits of State Intervention (17:50–18:26)

  • The Chinese government’s capacity for sweeping action enabled the recovery, but at a heavy cost to local livelihoods.
  • “If we could do this without causing all of the social damage, then that would be a lesson… It was under Communist Party rule that the AXI got as bad as it did.” —Gabriel Crossley

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Postcards: The Rise and Fall of a Social Network

Historical Deep Dive

• Origins and Peak Usage (18:47–21:13)

  • Postcards revolutionized communication for over a century, making correspondence cheaper and more mass-market.
  • They played crucial roles in history, including intelligence gathering for the D-Day landings in WWII.

• Cultural and Social Dimensions (21:13–23:16)

  • Postcards served as both emblems of place for tourists and vehicles of parody and social commentary.
  • Their heyday saw billions in circulation, described as the “first worldwide social network.”

Contemporary Decline

• The Post-Postcard Era (19:00–21:13)
  • Usage has plummeted: only 8% of British adults now send postcards.
  • The episode reflects on nostalgia for a faded era, noting that comic and “saucy” postcards long offered both cheer and a sense of shared, if tacky, humor.

Notable Quote:

“Postcards were the first worldwide social network.”
—Catherine Nixey (21:43)

• A Nostalgic Note (23:16)
  • “It’s hard to look at the era of the postcard and not feel a bit nostalgic. I’ll write my final one. As the old phrase goes, ‘Wish you were here.’”
    —Catherine Nixey (23:14)

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Key Timestamps

• [01:57] Michigan primary focus begins – Abdul El Said’s win.
• [03:31] John Prudhoe on El Said's background and platform.
• [05:41] The political meaning of the Michigan result.
• [06:50] Implications for Senate control and general election dynamics.
• [08:30] El Said addresses accusations of antisemitism.
• [09:00] Profile of Republican nominee Mike Rogers.
• [09:51] Broader trends in the Democratic Party; implications for Wisconsin.
• [14:01] Yangtze River segment kicks off.
• [14:46] Gabriel Crossley explains the river’s ecological recovery.
• [16:48] Social consequences for Chinese fishermen.
• [18:47] Postcard history and its impact.
• [19:31] Postcards’ role in D-Day intelligence efforts.
• [21:13] Declining role of letters and postcards in the modern age.
• [23:16] Reflecting on the nostalgia and meaning of postcards.

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The episode blends sharp political analysis, environmental reporting, and cultural reflection, using clear, accessible language and the characteristic dry wit of The Economist. For listeners, it's a broad-ranging journey from electoral upsets in Michigan to the muddy banks of the Yangtze and the lost art of holiday correspondence.

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Transcript

[CBOE Market Analyst]

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[Jason Palmer]

The economist. Hello and welcome to the Intelligence from the Economist. I'm Jason Palmer. Today on the show, the vast cleanup of China's Yangtze river and the world enters a post postcard era. But first, It's primary season in America as the two parties choose their contenders for the midterm elections in November. On Tuesday, voters in five states cast their ballots. Today we're going to focus on one of them, Michigan.

[Abdul El Said]

We took on a machine.

[Jason Palmer]

Democratic voters picked Abdul El Said, a former public health official turned podcaster, as their party's Senate nominee. He beat the establishment pick, Haley Stevens, a four term member of the House of Representatives on a particularly lefty platform opposing aid to Israel and getting corporate cash out of politics.

[Abdul El Said]

They want us to think that the reason some of us ain't got is because of other people got. But it turns out that the reason so many of us ain't got is because of the system that has corrupted our politics to take it away from us. And that is the thing that we are taking on now. That movement to get money out of politics, put money in your pocket, pass Medicare for all. It is a big movement.

[Jason Palmer]

This stuff is good fodder for the Republicans. Dr. El Said is not a member of the Democratic Socialists of America, the leftiest of the Democratic left, but he is aligned with them. So the Senate Republican Campaign Committee called him dangerous. The most radical Democrat Senate nominee ever, Dr. El Said won. But what does that primary win say about the next ballot he'll be on?

[John Prudhoe]

Party primaries sometimes throw up results that underline that there's a really big change going on within the party. If you think of Dave Bratt beating Eric Cantor back in Virginia in 2014 or AOC beating Joe Crowley in New York in 2018. This is a result like that.

[Jason Palmer]

John Prudhoe is an executive editor at the Economist and hosts Checks and Balance, our show on American politics.

[John Prudhoe]

We've seen fights between the so called establishment wing and the progressive left of the Democratic Party for the whole season and I think this is the biggest win for the left wing of the party so far.

[Jason Palmer]

So tell us about the race that preceded the win. Who is Abdul Al Said and how did he get over the line?

[John Prudhoe]

Well, James Bennett talked to Abdul El Said last week for Checks and Balance. I strongly recommend folks go and listen to that. El Said is a former public health official. He has an impressive academic background. He was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford. He has a medical degree from Columbia, and he also is a podcaster. So that's an important underrepresented demographic in American political life. Jason, America needs more podcasters in Washington. As a political candidate, he doesn't have a great record. He lost a race to be governor a couple of years ago. If you go further back in his life, he's the son of Egyptian immigrant parents. There's a decent number of Arab Americans in Michigan. And as for his policies, I think that's where he really stands out. There are some policies aimed at changing American politics, getting money out of politics, which is pretty standard Democratic stuff, abolishing filibuster, which has become a cause on the left, and term limits for Supreme Court justices. And on economics, there are also some standard far left policies, big taxes on billionaires, Medicare for all and so forth. But then if you get away from the policy platform on his website and look at the positions that he's taken previously, which he's now having to defend, some of them include, you know, some openness to defunding the police, some more out there criticism of Israel than is standard within the Democratic Party or has been until recently, recently. And quite a lot of these policies, though popular among Democratic primary voters, are not popular in the country at large. And actually, even among Democratic primary voters, he didn't quite get to 50% in this primary in Michigan. So that wasn't quite a ringing endorsement of his program. But nevertheless, he's won.

[Jason Palmer]

Not quite a ringing endorsement yet you say it is a telling, a significant win. Why?

[John Prudhoe]

For a few reasons, Jason. One of them is where it is, where this has taken place. This is Michigan. This is not New York City. Michigan is a swing state. Donald Trump won it in 2016. Joe Biden won it in 2020, Donald Trump again in 2024. So this is truly competitive political territory. And it's one thing for a candidate on the far left of the party to win in a very blue place in California or, or New York or in Chicago. But this is Michigan, and it's a statewide election. It's a state where the traditional base of the Democratic Party, African American voters, working class voters, are well represented. It's home to the car industry, so there's a big union presence through the uaw. So the fact that Elside was able to convince enough primary voters to elect him here either tells you something about how the Democratic primary electorate is changing, which I think is true, or it tells you something about how the left wing of the Democratic Party is becoming mainstream. And I think there's some truth to that as well.

[Jason Palmer]

Before we talk about the changing nature of the electorate, let's talk about the political stakes here. Democrats need this if they want to win control of the Senate. Is that now harder or easier?

[John Prudhoe]

I think it's a bit harder to back up here. In order to win a majority in the Senate, which Republicans currently have, Democrats would need a net gain of 4 in, in November for Senate seats. They already hold Michigan. So this is not about expanding their territory. This is about keeping what they have. And they absolutely have to do that if they're even to think about getting a majority in November. And if you look at betting markets, at least the odds of Democrats. A Democratic candidate holding Michigan dipped a little bit after El Said won. So that's useful information for President Trump called his victory great news for the gop. No surprise there. He wrote on social media that El Said is a communist loser who hates Jews and Israel. And so that gives you a flavor of what the Republican attacks on him will be. It's also true that debate about Israel and the war in Gaza and the role of aipac, the pro Israel lobby, in American politics, were big part of this race. Abdul Al Said has called for an end to military aid to Israel and other what he describes as authoritarian countries in the Middle east that's led to attacks on him that he's anti Israel, that perhaps he's even anti Semitic, which I think he's not. And he addressed those criticisms head on in his victory speech on Wednesday.

[Abdul El Said]

And to all of my sisters and brothers of the Jewish faith, or any faith at all, or no faith at all, I want you to know that my commitment to your safety, my commitment to Jewish safety is the same commitment that I have to the safety of my own daughters.

[John Prudhoe]

And so, Jason, you can be sure that Mike Rogers, who's the Republican nominee, will hammer El Said on his opposition to Israel. It's going to be really interesting to see whether that attack line works as well as it used to.

[Jason Palmer]

Well, tell me about Mike Rogers. Who's he?

[John Prudhoe]

Rogers, I think it's fair to say is a less exciting candidate than El Said. He ran uncontested in the Republican primary. He's a former member of the U.S. house from Michigan. He chaired the Intelligence Committee and served on the Armed Services Committee. He has a pretty traditional sort of pre Trump blue chip cv. You know, he's a veteran, a former FBI agent. He left Congress a decade ago and moved to Florida, which is the ambition of all good Michiganders. And he's tried to find his way back into the Trump Republican Party now. But just to underline, this race is not done yet. You know, Rogers could beat El Said. Our midterm model says it's about a coin toss at the moment.

[Jason Palmer]

And let's come to what you hinted at before, the sort of changes in the left wing or feeling about the left wing of the party. Given Mr. El Said's victory, the standard

[John Prudhoe]

bearer for the left wing of the Democratic Party nationally these days is Zoram Hamdani, the mayor of New York who's affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America. But as I said before, it's perhaps not surprising that somebody with that platform could win A, as a mayor where he doesn't actually have control over national taxation or Medicare, but B, in a place that is stuffed with highly educated Democratic voters and where Republicans don't have a hope in hell of winning. There's a similar Dynamic in Washington, D.C. very liberal cities likely to select a Democratic socialist as mayor. Democratic socialists haven't had it all their own way. The left wing of the party hasn't had it all its own way in the primary season. Graham Platner imploded in Maine, but Abdel Al Said gives this faction of the party, which draws its support largely from highly educated progressives, a real shot in the arm. The next race to look out for in this long going battle between the left and the centre of the party is in nearby Wisconsin, where the DSA is on a tear as well.

[Jason Palmer]

Why is that the one to watch?

[John Prudhoe]

Well, Wisconsin, like Michigan, is a true swing state on the presidential level, so it's a fairer test of whether these sorts of candidates can win in primaries in competitive places. And in Wisconsin, a state representative, Francesca Hong looks likely to win. The Democratic nomination for governor. And, and she is a very vocal liberal. She's called, like El Said has in the past, to defund the police, something that she's reversed recently as he has as well. That's the next test in this battleground. I think it's important just to underline again that though El Said won in Michigan, he got less than 50% of the vote. So this isn't a knockout blow for one faction in the Democratic Party. So this conflict is going to run throughout the remainder of primary season.

[Jason Palmer]

But I thought the party had kind of learned already that these kinds of positions, the extreme ones that you're talking about, like defund the police, ultimately they're unelectable policies.

[John Prudhoe]

You would have thought so, right? There's enough evidence from the Trump era that the Democratic Party heading farther to the left is not a great political strategy, I would submit. And there's also a lot of polling evidence that some of the positions that Abdel Al Said and his colleagues have taken are just not popular nationally. This is an area where the primary electorate really distorts behavior. People get a sense from primaries about what's popular in the country that is misleading. It's awfully reminiscent of the Tea Party movement within the Republican Party pre Donald Trump. But I think what it does tell you is that there is such a desire for change that, that voters within the Democratic primary, you know, they're responding. They don't want the same old same old. They want somebody who's going to come in and shake it up. And that is one reason why they went for Abdul El Said over Haley Stevens.

[Jason Palmer]

John, as ever, great to talk to you. Thanks.

[John Prudhoe]

Thanks Jason.

[Narrator]

Foreign.

[CBOE Market Analyst]

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[Jason Palmer]

The Yangtze is known by many as China's Mother River. By most measures, it's the world's third longest running from the Tibetan Plateau to Shanghai. It hasn't always been well looked after. Sewage and industrial waste pouring in and millions of tons of fish being hauled out in its waters. The Chinese paddlefish, a massive sword nosed beast, went extinct. The baiji, a nearly blind white bellied dolphin, probably has too. Happily though, things are clearing up at last.

[Gabriel Crossley]

After decades of overfishing and pollution, the Yangtze, China's longest river, is making a remarkable comeback.

[Jason Palmer]

Gabriel Crossley is a China correspondent for the Economist.

[Gabriel Crossley]

Fish biomass, which is total mass of all the fish in the river, is up by over 200% since 2021. There are cleaner waters, so more hospitable to wildlife. And all this seems to be down to sweeping protection measures that China's government put in place in 2021.

[Jason Palmer]

So tell me about the protection measures.

[Gabriel Crossley]

The center was a 10 year ban on all commercial fishing, which used to be a huge industry on the river, that have resulted in the number of fish in the river plummeting since the 50s. Some fishermen were resorting to using electroshocks to catch the remaining fish or dynamite fishing, really devastating methods. So in 2021, all of that was banned. It was enforced with river patrols, drones, surveillance cameras and so on. And at the same time, China moved a lot of chemical factories to reduce pollution. It reshaped some cities in the river basin to make sure that less polluting storm orders ran into it. And most important of all, Xi Jinping, China's president, has been championing this ban. So he makes sure that everything gets put in place.

[Jason Palmer]

And from what you're saying, it sounds like everything has in fact been put into place.

[Gabriel Crossley]

The numbers show a pretty remarkable recovery so far at least. Of course, this is an initial recovery. The Yangtze is not a pristine waterway, but it's on the way back there. And it worked much better than many were expecting. That being said, the government is still doing things to the river which are not good for it. Most important of these is building giant dams. China's built huge dams for hydropower and to control floods for decades, including the Three Gorges Dam, the world's biggest hydroelectric facility. And these are really bad fish. So they stop fish moving up and down the river to spawn and such. China's still building lots of those. So that's a big blind spot in all of these protection measures.

[Jason Palmer]

And it seems clear that losers from this plan must be all the fishermen who were suddenly completely made unable to fish.

[Gabriel Crossley]

Yeah, exactly. I mean, we're talking about 230,000 people, according to the government, possibly more than that. China's state media says that large numbers of these people retrained and found other jobs. I went to check out some fishing communities along the river in southern China in Xinxiang County. It seems like the picture is a little more negative from their point of view. Some locals said that only one in five fishermen were compensated for the loss of their livelihoods. These places are pretty empty these days. Many people have just left to work as migrant laborers elsewhere. Some were encouraged to go into aquaculture to raise eels in ponds. But that's a tough business to make money in. So, yeah, these communities suffered a lot of damage.

[Jason Palmer]

And that's another lesson in the way sort of complete state control can just grab an industry like that in China. What do you think we learn from it?

[Gabriel Crossley]

From a scientist's point of view, the AXI was in such a terrible state that it probably needed some very sweeping measures to turn it back. And China's government is so powerful that it's very well placed to carry out these kinds of measures against local resistance. And that might be a lesson for other very polluted rivers, too. But if we could do this without causing all of the social damage, then that would be a lesson two here. And it's also worth mentioning that ideally, you don't want to let rivers reach this kind of state. And of course, it was under Communist Party rule that the AXI got as bad as it did.

[Jason Palmer]

Gabriel, thanks very much for joining us.

[Gabriel Crossley]

Thanks for having me.

[Catherine Nixey]

Postcards are cheap, smutty and sometimes saucy, and they are therefore often assumed to be silly. But their effects have been very serious indeed. They have changed the world.

[Jason Palmer]

Catherine Nixie is a Britain correspondent for the Economist.

[Narrator]

Through the endless English months of war

[Catherine Nixey]

games and manoeuvres, it was March 1942. Britain was readying itself to fight the Nazis in Europe. Britons knew that they would have to fight them on the beaches and on the landing grounds. The only problem was that they had very little idea what those beaches and landing grounds actually looked like. And so that spring, the head of British Naval Intelligence, Admiral John Godfrey, took to the BBC airwaves with a public plea.

[Narrator]

This is the national program from London.

[Catherine Nixey]

Send your photos and postcards, he said. These might look like holiday frivolity to you, but experts may see a lot more. People sent them in in droves. 10,000 had been expected. 10 million were received. Then British intelligence started to sort them. Under the names Omaha and Sword and Juno. The preparations for what would become known as D Day had begun.

[Narrator]

All along the coasts of Great Britain that spring, the training went on Navy and Coast Guard landing barges, practiced landing operations day and night.

[Catherine Nixey]

Letters of all kinds are in trouble. Twenty years ago, the Royal Mail, Britain's postal service, sent 20 billion letters a year. By 2025, that number was 6.6 billion. And they expect it to fall still further. Postcards are doing worse again. Only 8% of British adults now send postcards. According to the charity English Heritage. The first postcard was sent in 1840. A British novelist called Theodore Hook sent a card through the post to himself in London. This card featured a picture and a lame joke. This card set the standard for what would become a great holiday industry. The advantages of these postcards was clear. They lifted a physical burden from postal services. A single leaf of card was far lighter and cheaper to transport than the threefold thickness of a letter in an envelope.

[Narrator]

In a Manchester side street, a boy is writing a postcard.

[Catherine Nixey]

And they lifted a literary burden from the writer. Like teenagers turning to text, Victorians relished the limits imposed on their prose.

[Narrator]

Dear Auntie, thank you very much for your letter. It must be nice to be in the country.

[Catherine Nixey]

Soon hundreds of billions were in circulation. Britons, with their empire were particularly keen. As one historian puts it, postcards were the first worldwide social network.

[Narrator]

The boy gets to the post box just in time for the quarter to three. Collection.

[Catherine Nixey]

Postcards changed the way the world was seen. Their visual style, those palm trees, sunset, saturated color, is as recognizable as a Greek vase. And like a Greek vase, they were parodied well.

[Narrator]

How do these cards sell?

[Catherine Nixey]

Well, they sell very well, actually.

[Narrator]

Which types go better?

[Jason Palmer]

The dirty ones.

[Catherine Nixey]

Better than the clean ones.

[Narrator]

Do people ever complain to you about the dirty ones?

[Catherine Nixey]

Oh, no, never.

[Jason Palmer]

They don't mind them.

[Catherine Nixey]

If they don't want them, they buy a view. Cheap and cheerful postcards gave tourists an invaluable sense of place and gave intellectuals an even more invaluable sense of superiority.

[Narrator]

What do you like then?

[John Prudhoe]

Don't really have a very funny sense of humor so far, really. I think it's all according to the

[Catherine Nixey]

person you send it to. The author, George Orwell, noted comic postcard's appearance of overpowering vulgarity and their general hideousness. But then, Orwell didn't have to live in a world with Instagram influencers. It's hard to look at the era of the postcard and not feel a bit nostalgic. I'll write my final one. As the old phrase goes, wish you were here.

[Jason Palmer]

That's all for this episode of the Intelligence. We'll see you back here tomorrow.

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